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.lOURNAI, 

■ .'OF  THK 

ROYAL  ASIATIC  SOCIETY 


GREAT  ERITAIR 


ARD  IrislaNR 


Foil 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  SOCIETY 


22  ALBEMARLE  STREET,  LOND:oN,  W. 


H RCCCC  Xtl 


HHi  NTKRS,  IIRHTFOR I> 


CONTENTS  FOE  1912 


ARTICLES 

1.  Desciiption  of  the  Province  of  Pars,  in  Persia,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Twelfth  Centuiy  A. 1).  Translated 
from  the  MS.  of  Ibn-al-Eallchi  in  the  British 
Mnsenm  by  G.  Le  Steange 

11.  The  TarikloBaghdad  (Yol.  XXYII)  of  the  Khatib 
Abu  Bakr  Ahmad  b/'xili  b.  Thabit  al -Baghdadi. 
Short  Account  of  the  Biographies.  By  Feitz 
Krenkow  . , . . ■ . ... 

III.  Yasna  XXX  as  the  Document  of  Dualism.  By 
Professor  Lawrence  Mills  . . . . . 

lY.  A Xew  Yannic  Inscription.  By  the  B.ev.  Professor 
A.  H.  Sayce  . . . . . . 

Y.  Archmological  Exploration  in  India,  1910-11.  By 
J.  Ph.  YoCtEl  . . . . . . . 

YL  The  Pictorial  Aspects  of  Ancient  Arabian  Poetry. 

, By  Sir  Charles  J.  Lyall,  K.C.S.I.,  LL.D.  . . 

fIL\  On  some  Brahmi  Inscriptions  in  the  Lucknow 
Provincial  Museum.  By  Professor  H.  Luders 
YIIl.  Dr.  M.  A.  Stein’s  Manuscripts  in  Turkish  ‘vRunic” 
Script  from  Miran  and  Tundiuang.  Translated 
by  ALlhelm  Thomsen  . 

L.  Description  of  the  Province  of  Flirs,  in  Persia,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Twelfth  Century  a.T).  Translated 
from  the  MS.  of  Ibn-al-Balkhi  in  the  British 
Aliiseuin  by  G.  Le  Strange.  {Oontimied.')  . 

X.  - A propos  do  la  Datation  en  Sogdien.  Par  R.  Gauthiot. 

XI.  Documents  Sanscrits  de  la  Seconde  Collection  M.  A. 
Stein.  By  L.  BE  LA  Yallee  PoTTSsiN.  {Contimiecl.) 

XI L Goths  ill  Ancient  India.  B}"  Sten  Xonow 
XIII.  Iranian  Manuscripts  in  the  Library  of  the  India 
Office.  By  Dr.  M.  X,  Dealla  . . 

XIY.  Jatakas  at  Bharaut.  By  E.  Hultzsch 

XY.  The  Origin  of  Tragedy  and  the  Akhvana.  By  A. 
Berriedale  Keith,  D.C.L.  . . . . 


1 

31 

81 

107 

113 

133 

153 

181 

311 

341 

355: 

379 

387 

399 

411 


X?  I . The  Chinese  Bronze  known  as  the  ‘ -J hisliell  Bowl  ” 

and  its  Inscription.  By  L.  C.  IlorKriss,  I.S.O.  ioO 
Xotes  on  some  Sufi  Lives,  liy  H.  F.  Ajinnnoz  . 551 

^Catalogue  of  the  Stein  Collection  of  Sanskrit 
MSS.  from  TCashrnir.  Compiled  hy  fjEiiAKB 
L.  M.  Clattson;  with  Introductory  Xote  by 


Professor  .V.  A.  Macdonell  . . . .587 

Xt  X.  F ragment  iinal  do  la  XTlakanthadhriraui  on  hrahml 
et  cn  transcription  sogdienne.  By  L.  de  la. 
Vallee  Poussin  and  B.  G-authiot  . . (129 

XX.  The  use  of  the  lioman  Character  for  Oriental 

Languages.  By  R.  Grant  BrowXj  I.C.S.  . 647 

XXI.  The  Secret  of  Kanishka.  . iiy  J.  Kennedy  . . 665 

XXII.  Some  Talaing  Inscriptions  on  Glazed  Tiles.  By 

C.  0.  Blagden  . . . ...  689 


XXII Description  of  the  Province  of  Furs,  in  Persia,  at 
the  heginning  of  the  Twelftli  Century  A.n. 
Translated  from'  the  .MS,  of  Ihn-al-Balkhi 
in  the  British  Museum  hy  G,  Le  Strange. 


(^Concluded.)  . . . . . . . 865 

XX LV.  Xotes  on  a Kurdish  Dialect,  Sulaimania.  (Southern 

Turkish  Kurdistan).  By  E.  B.  Soane  . . 891 

XXV.  The  Delta  in  the  Middle  Ages:  a note  on  the 
branches  of  the  Nile  aiid  the  Kurahs  of  Lower 
Egypt,  with  Map.  By  A.  R.  Guest  . .941 

XXVI,  The^^Secret  of  Kanishka.  By  J.  Kennedy. 

{Condxtded.)  . . . . . . .981 

XXVII.  A Funeral  Elegy  and  a Family  Tree  inscribed 

on  bone.  By  L.  C.  IIopicins,  I.S.O.  . .1021 

XXVIIL  A Cuneiform  Tablet  from  Bogliaz  Keui  with. 

Docket  in  Hittite  Hieroglypliics,  By  the 
Rev.  Professor  A.  H,  Sayok  . . . , , 1 029 


MISCELL ANEODS  001\r MDXI C A TIOX B 


imaginative  Yojanas.  Bj  J.  F.  Fleet  ....  229 

The  Date  of  the  Death  of  Buddha.  By  J.  F.-Eleet  . . . 239 

Mahishamimdala.  By  L.  Rice 241 

Remarks  on  Mr.  Rice’s  Xote.  By  J.  F.  Fleet  . . . 245 


I'Aiii; 


V'ersejs  roliitiiip,'  tr»  of  Lain!  eit^Ofl  in  Indian  Land  (jlrants. 

. Ily  ¥..E.  : ...  . / ■.  ■. 

]S"oto  on  the  Ag'e  of  tin*  I.hirana,^.  .By  F.  E.  PAaniTKu  , . 2o4 

llic  Ivtunbojas.  By.Cj.  A.U.  T' 2d5 

By  (},  Jv.  Narlmax  .......  250 

Ol'igin  of  Abhiinivag'uptahs  Parainrirthasara..  By  V.  V. 

SoA^vxi  . . ...  . . . . . 257 

]]ao  “ A^ihara.  By  C.  u.  Blagden  . . . . .201 

The  Fthiopic  Senlcessur.  fL’  I.  Gujdi  ....  261 

Coronation  Chronogram.  By  (Jeokge  Ranking  . , . 2f32 

La  Fondation  Do  Goejo  .......  262 

The  Iiatapayadi  Notation  of  the  Second  Ai'ya-Siddhanta.  JJy 

J.  F.  Fleet  . . . . . . . .459 

The  Yojana  and  the  Piirasang.  By  J.  F.  Fleet  . . . 462 

Some  Hindu  Yalues  of  the  J)imensions  of  the  Earth.  ]>y 

'■  J.  F.  Fleet  ........  46*' 

Cremation  and  Burial  in  the  llgveda.  Ey  A.  BEitmEOALE 

Keith  . . . . . . . . . 470 

Tlio  Paramartha-sara.  By  L.  E.  Raunett  . . .474 

Ginger.  .By  E.  Hultzscu  .......  475 

AAu'ses  relating  to  Gifts  of  Land.  By  E.  Multzsch  . . 476 

IHipnath  .Edict  of  Asoka.  By  F.  W.  Thomas  . . . 477 

The  Birthplace  of  Bhakti.  By  A.  Govind.acauya  SvImin  . 481 

xAiiothor  Note  on  the  word  Hhagavan.  By  A.  GoviNDACAiir.A 

SaAmin  .........  483 

Two  CoiTected  Bcadings  in  the  Myazedi  (Talaiiig)  Insciiption. 

By  C.  0.  Blagden  .......  486 

Bhans  and  Buddhism  of  the  Northern  Canon,  By  W.  W. 

Cochhane  .........  487 

Shan  Buddhism.  By  C.  0.  Blagden  . ' . . . 495 

Slian  Buddliism.  By  J.  Geouge  Scott  ....  496 

The  Pearl-diver  of  al-Atshd.  By  C.  L Lyall  . . . 499 

The  Appearance  of  the  Propliet  in  Dreams.  By  I.  Goldziher  503 
The  Aleaning  of  the  AAmrds  IIojT  Ta^.  By  H.  Beveridge  . 507 

A History  of  Fine  Art  in  India  and  CeylonP’  By  ALncent 

V A.  Smith  508 

International  Congress  of  Prehistoric  Anthropology^  and 

Archgeology  . . . . . . . .508 

Inteimational  Congress  of  the  History  of  Religions  . . 508 

Seals  from  Harappa.  By  J.  F.  PTeet  .....  699 


CONTENTS 


viii 

'^otG  Oil  tlio  Bariuith  Inscription  of  Asvaglioslia.  By  AuTnuR 

Yenis 

Eomarks  on  Professor  Yeiiis’  Note,  P>y  J.  F.  Fleet  . 
Ancient  Territorial  Divisions  of  India.  By  J.  F.  Fleet 
A CoppGi--])la,te  Grant  from  EavSt  Bengal  alleged,  to  he 
Spurious.  By  F.  E.  Pargtter  . . . . . 

Crdilvapiiisacika  Prakrit.  By  F.  PI.  Pargitkr 
Tkmgalui  and  Yadagalai.  By  A.  Govixdaceiarva  Svamik 
Note  by  Di*.  Grierson  on  the  ahove.  By  G.  A . G. 

'^^Krismlri  Almanacs.  By  G.  A.  Giueeson  . . . 

Notes  on  Vedic  SAUitax,  By  A.  Berkiedale  Keith  . 

Agc^  Criteria  in  tlic  Bigveda.  By  A . Berriedale  Keith 
The  Suffix  By  A.  Berriedale  Keith  . 
jSuppleine  ’^'^etes  .on  the  Meghaduta.  By  F.  FIultzsch  . 
x/The  Buu  • ^'^^‘‘lAlonastic  terms  samatittika,  sapadana,  mid 
uitah-hhanga.  By  A,  F.  Rudole  Hoernle  . 

Note  on  the  Subha gabhikshukanyaya.  By  G.  A,  Jacob 
Anotlier  misunderstood  Simile.  By  G.  A.  Jacob  . 

Another  Version  of  the  Dalai  Lama’s  Seal.  By  A.  H. 

Francke  . . . . . . 

Arabian  Poetry.  By  D.  B.  AIacdoxVald  . . . . 

Sibawaihi  or  Sibiiyah.  By  C.  J.  Lyall  .... 
llornanic  Letters  for  Indian  Languages.  By  J.  Knowles 
The  Biishell  Bowl.  By  L.  C.  Horkins  .... 
The  Use  of  the  Planetary  Names  of  the  Days  of  the  Week  in 
India,  ByJ.  F.  Fleet  . . A . 

JA  Note  on  the  Puranas.  By  J.  P\  P'leet  .... 
The  llfipnath  and  Sarnath  Edicts  of  Asoka.  By  E.  Hultzscii 
Tiic  Inscription  on  the  AYardak  A^ase.  By  E.  E.  Pargiter  . 
Nllakanthadharani.  By  vSylvain  Levi  .... 
The  xVuthenticity  of  the  Rtusumhara.  By  A.  Berriedale 

Keith 

The  Stanzas  of  Bharata.,  By  Berthold  Laueer  . 
A'isisLadvaitarn.  By  P.  T.  Srinivas  Iyengar 
Some  Notes  on  Bengali.  By  J.  D.  A. 

Note  on  the  Barnayana  of  Tulasi  Das.  By  11.  P.  Dewhdrst  , 
Progress  Report  of  the  Linguistic  Survey  of  India  up  to  the 
end  of  the  Year  1911.  By  George  A.  Grierson  . 

An  Arch  geological  Collection  for  Alunich  .... 
Notes  on  some  Bnfi  Lives,  By  H.  E,  A. 


pa(;k 


711 

714 

717 

719 

721 

726 

729 

734 

736 
742'  : 
744 

746 
748' 
749'  'i 
7o  1 
752  'i 

1039 
1046 
1053 
1060 
] 063 

1066 
1070  , 
1073 
107^^  I 

107f)  ' 

1085 

1087 


, COKTENTS  ■ A ' ix 

S‘AUK 

T1h3  Maiiiiscripts , of  the  Kitab.  al-Liimah  .By  ' EEyNOLD 

A. -I^iCHOLsoN  ...  A . ■ . . 1090 

The  Biisliell  Bowl.  By  11.  Gippeeich  . . - a B')9I 

l^ote  on  the  above.  By  L.  C.  Hopkins  . . . . 1090 

Ginger,  etc.  By  F,  'W.  Thomas  . ' ■ . ■ " ' . . . 1090 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 

Gaston  WiET.  Alaqrlzl : ‘El-Mawalz  wa’l-I‘tibar  fi  dhikr 

el-Khitat  Ava’l-Athar.  Beviewed  by  H.  F.  A . . . 263 

Arabic  Chrestomathy.  By  IL  Hxrschfeu)  . . . . 267 

Stephen  LangdoNj  Ph.D.  A Sumerian  Grammar  with. 

Chrestomathy.  By  T.  G.  Pinches  . ..  ..  . . 269 

F.  11.  Weissbace.  Die  Keiliiischriften  der  AcliaiG" . 'Oi.  By 

T.  G.  Pinches  . , . ...  . .271 

A.  T.  Olmstead,  B.  B.  Chahles,  and  J.  E.  Weench.  Travels 
and  Studies  in  the  Hearer  East.  Yol.  J,  Part  II: 
Hittite  Inscriptions.  By  T.  G.  Pinches  . . . 272 

Stephen  Langdon.  Tablets  from  tlie  Archives  of  Dreliem. 

By  T.  G.  Pinches  273 

J.  H.  Gdbbins,  C.M.G.  The  Progress  of  Japan,  1853-71. 

By  F.  Yictoe  Dickins  . . . . . . 276 

A.  Seidel.  Doits’ - Bunten  - Kyokwasho.  By  F.  Victor 

Dickins  . . . ...  . . . 277 

A.  Seidel.  Worterbuch  der  deutscli-japanisclieii  Umgang- 

sprache.  By  F.  Victor  Dickins  .....  277 

William  H.  Poetee.  A Year  of  Japanesti  Epigrams.  By 

F.  Victor  Dickins  . . . . . . . 278 

Dinksii  Chandea  Sen.  The  History  of  the  Bengali  Language 

and  Literature.  By  II.  Beveeidge  . . . .279 

Alj'Xandra  David.  Le  Modernisme  bouddlii.ste  et  le 

Bouddlihme  du  Bouddha,  By  C.  A.  P\  Bhys  Davids  285 
M.  T.  Haeasimiiiengae.  The  Brahmanaic  Systems  of  Religion 

and  Philosophy.  By  L.  D.  B.  , . . . . 287 

PuicHARi)  Geeenteee  and  Edward  Williams  Byeon  Nicholson. 
Catalogue  of  Malay  Manuscripts  and  Manuscripts  relating 
to  the  Alalay  Language  in  the  Bodleian  Library.  By 

C.  0,  Blagden 287 

Dr.  A,  Baumstaek.  Orieiis  Christianus  , . . . 290 


X: 


CONTEXTS 


(I)  1").  Mniojv^oFi^  Eibliotlieca  Eiiddhica,  XHI:  Ishdm- 

yyulp:itti;  by  J.  P.  Minayef.  2nd  ed.,  witli  index. 
(2)  E.  Denusox  Ptoss,  Ph.l).,  F.A.B.ib,  and  Maha- 
MAUOrADHrAYA  SaTIS  ChAXDRA  YnJYABinjSAXA,  F.A.S.B. 
Memoirs  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal.  Yol.  IV, 
No.  l,pp.  1-127:  Sauskrit-Tihetan-Englisli  Yocabnlai-y, 
being  an  edition  and  translation  of  tlie  Mahavyutpafti,  b}^ 


Alexander  Csoina  de  Kurds.  Part  I.  By  E.  Muller  . 509 

Don  Martino  de  Eilva  WrcKRJatAsrNGUE.  Epigrapliia 
Zeyliuiica,  being Lithic  and  other  Inscriptions  of  Ceylon. 

Yoi.  I,  Part  Y.  By  E.  Muller 514 

(j.  SoiiULEMANX.  Die  (lescliiclite  der  Dalailamas.  By  L.  A,. 

Waddell  . , . . . . . .517 

(i.  S,  BANKiNcBdra^l.mmar  of  tlje  Persian  Language.  Part  I : 
Accidence,  by  1.  T.  Platts;  revised  and  enlarged. 

Part  1 1. : Syntax.  By  , I.  S.  Haig  . . . .519 

Rev.  J.  Maooowan.  Beauty  : A Ciiiiiese  Drama.  By  J.  Dyer 

Ball  . ...  . , . . . 525 


Corpus  [iiscriptionuiii  Semiticaruin  ab  Acad,  [nscriptionum 
et  literaniin  huTnanioriuu  conditnm  atf^ue  digestum. 

Ihirs  I : insoriptiones  pluniiicias  continens  tom.  ii, 
fasciculus  quartus.  By  II.  IlrusciiEELD  . . . 520 

J.  Dyer  Ball,  LS.O.  Tlie  Chinese  at  Home.  By  Hardy 

JowETr  . . . . ...  . . 529 

Yincent  A.  Smith,  LC.S.  ret.  A History  of  Fine  Art  in 

India  and  Ceylon,  l^y  M.  Longavortu  Dames  . . 531 

Ceuuge  ilELViLLE  BoLLiNG  and  Julius  yon  Niogelein.  The 
Parisistas  of  the  Atbarvaveda.  Yol.  I.  By  A.  Berriedale 

Keith 755 

Dewan  Baiiaddr  L.  I).  Swamikannu  Pillat,  M.A.,  B.L., 

LL.B.  Indian  Chronology  (Solur^  Lunar,  and  Planetarvb 
By  Hermann  Jacori  . . . . . . .770 

Robert  Sewell.  Indian  Ciironography.  By  J.  F.  Fleet  . 780 

Wilfred  H.  Schopf.  The  Periplus  of  the  Erytlu'iean  Sea. 

By  J.  F.  Fleet 783 

L.  P-  Tessitori.  II  Ramacaritamanasa’’  e ii  ^VRamayana’b 

By  George  A.  Grierson  ......  794 

L.  D.  Barnett.  Catalogues  of  books  in  Dravidiau  languages 
in  the  Library  of  the  Britisli  Museum.  By  George  A. 

Grierson  798  - 


■ .CONTENTS  0:  ; : 'i,  , xi 

^ ■ PAG.E 

Nage^\T)Il\xath.  Vasij.  The  Arcliseological  Surrey  of 

Mayurabhanja.  By  L.  I).  Baenett  . . . . 802 

Ha.e  Bilas  Sajlda.  Ajmer:  Historical  and  Descriptive. 

By  0.  C,  . . . . . . . . . 80-1 

K.  P.  Dk.  Bengali — lAterary  and  Colloqiiial.  By  F.  E.  P.  806 
Hen  ward  Brands  tetters  Monograpbien  zur  Indonesischen 
Sprachforscluing.  YIII.  GemeinindonesiscliimdTJrindo- 
nesiscli.  By  C.  PJ.  Bl^vgden  . . . . . 808 

I).  S.  HAEGnLioiJTji.  The  Irsliad  al-Arib  ila  Ma'rifat  al-Adib, 
j or  Dictionary  ol  Learned  Men  of  A^aqut.  Yol.  Y.  By 

; (jOLT)ZinKR  . . ...  . . . 812 

; Eduaed  Saciiau.  A ranniiscbe  Papyrus  nud  Ostraka  aus  eiiior 
I judischen  Militar-Kolonie  zn  Elepbantine.  Bj^  H. 

I IIlKSCHFELD  . . . . . . . . 817 

I W.  J.  Hinkk,  Pii.D.  Selected  Babylonian  Kudnrni 
f Inscriptions.  By  1\  G,  PxismHES  . . . . 826 

* Commandant  Gaston  Ckos.  HGiivelles  Eouilles  de  Tello. 

Deuximne  livraison.  By  T.  G.  Pinches  . . . 829 

Haeei  Holma.  Hamen  der  Kbrperteile  iru  Assyriscli- 
i Babyloniscben.  By  T.  G.  Pinches  . . . . 831 

''  H.  DE  Genoeillac.  Tablettes  de  Drehem.  By  T.  G.  Pinciiics  834 
;>  Kathaka  Samhita,  Book  III.  Edited  by  Leopold  von 
i ScHHOEBKii.  By  A.  BEnuiiKDAim  Keith  . . . . 1095 

I MAiiAMAHoPADnyAYA  SuDHAKAR  BviVEDi.  Gunit  ka  Itihus, 
i a History  of  lilathematics.  First  part,  Aritlimetic. 

By  F,  e/p.  . . IIOS 

1;  George  A.  Grierson.  A Manual  of  tiie  Kashmiri  Language, 

1 comprising  Grammar,  Phr;ise-book,  and  Yocabularies. 

I Yol.  I:  Grammar  and  Phrase-book.  Yol.  II:  KasbmirT- 

i Englisli  Yocabnlary.  By  Stkn  Konoav  . . , .1105 

I P.  T.  SiuiiNivAs  Iyengar.  The  Sbiva-sutra-vimarsini  of 
( Ksemaiaja.  By  L.  D.  Barnett  .....  1107 

i Trivandrum  Sanskrit  Series  . . . . . .1109 

\YiLiiELM  Geiger,  Ph.D.,  and  Habel  Baynes  Bobe,  Ph.D. 
f;  The  Mahavamsa  or  The  Great  Clironicle  of  Ceylon. 

By  J.  E.  Fleet ' . 1110 

: Friedrich  lIiRTfi  and  W.  W.  Hooiceill.  Chau  Ju-kua : liis 
' Work  on  the  Chinese  and  Arab  Trade  in  the  Twelfth 
and  Thirteenth.  Centuries,  entitled  Chu  Fan  Chi.  By 
L.  C.  Hopkins  . . . . . . . . 1114 


CONTENTS 


xii 

.■PAGr.; 

C.  Spat.  Maleisclie  Taal.  By  II.  0.  Winstodt  . . .1117 

WiLLiA.'^i  PorPEii.  A.})iVl  Maliasin  ibn  Taghri  Birdi’s  Annals. 

Vol.  n,  Bait  II.  By  A,  Bv.  O IriO 

Leone  Oaktant,  Tlio  Tajiirib  al-TTmani,  or  Ili.storY  ot‘  Ibii 

Aliskawaili.  Abjl.  I,  to  a.h.  37,  By  B.  Blociiet  . . 1 IibS 

DuncaxY  Black  Macooxald,  D.D.  Aspects  of  Islam. — 

Major  Arthcu  Gi.yx  Leonard.  Islam,  In-r  Aloral  aTul 
Spiritual  Value, — Claud  Field.  Mystics  and  Saints  of 

Islam.  By  H.  Kiusciifeld  1132 

F.  II.  AVkissjjach.  Die  Keilinscbriften  am  Grabe  des  Dtirius 

Ilystaspis.  By  T.  G.  Pinches 1137 

Arthur  Unonad.  Aramaische  Papyrus  aus  Elepliantine. 

By  T.  G.  Pinches 1138 

Percy  S.  P.  Hand<?ock.  Mesopotamian  Arcliteology.  By 

T.  G.  Pinches  . . . . . . . . IHd 

Ch.  A^rROLLEAirn.  L’ xAstrologie  Chaldeenne.  By  T.  G.  Pinch ks  1 1 1 2 

NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 
General  AIeetings  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 

293,  541,  837,  1145 

Triennial  Gold  Medal  Presentation  . . , . .837 

x\imiversary  Meeting  . . . . . . ,810 

Presentation  of  Public  School  Medal  . . .1145 

Principal  Contents  of  Oriental  Journals  . 291,  542,  851 

Triennial  Gold  Medal  of  the  Royal  xAsiatic  Society  . 545 

Death  of  Sir  Rathond  AVest 1154 


OBITUARY  NOTICE 

William  Iryine.  By  J.  IIennedy 299 

ADDITIONS  TO  THE  LIBRARY  . 305,  547,  859,  1155 


Index  FOR  1912  . . . . . . . , .1157 

Iransliteration  of  the  Sanskrit,  Arabic,  and  Allied  ALriiABETs. 
List  of  Members, 

Title-page  and  Contents  for  First  Half-year. 

Title-page  and  Coxntents  for  Second  Half-Year. 

xVLPHABETrCAL  LiST  OF  AUTHORS  FOR  THE  YeAR. 

Title-page  and  Contents  for ! the  Year. 


JOURNAL 

OF  THK 

ROYAL  ASIATIC  SOCIETY 

1912 


I 

DESCEIPTI02i[  OF  THE  PEOYIHCE  OF  FAES,  IH 
PEESIA,  AT  THE  BEOIOTIHG  OF  THE  TWELFTH 
CEHTHEY  A.B. 

Tra>’slatkd  from  the  ms.  op  Ibn-al-Balkhi  in  the  British  AIuseum 
BY  G.  LE  STRANGE 

Introduction 

T’N  the  Journal  for  the  year  1902  a Bummary  was  given 
of  the  description  of  Persia  and  Mesopotamia  found 
in  the  Nu^hcd-cil-Qultthy  geographical  and  cosmo- 
graphical  work -written  by  Ham d- Allah  Mustawfi  in  740 
(1340).^  In  the  course  of  next  year  I hope  to  publish 
(in  the  series  of  the  E.  J;  W.  Gibb  Memorial  Fund)  the 
Persian  text  of  the  geographical  chapters  of  this  "work^ 
and  this  will  be  followed  by  a full  translation,  with  notes 
to  elucidate  geographical  questions.  Hamd-Allah,  who 
is  our  eaidiest  systematic  geographer  writing  in  Persian, 
collected  his  materials  from  the  works  of  the  earlier  Arab 
geographers,  and  from  various , Persian  monogiTrphs  which 
had  been  written  each  to  describe  a single  province  of 
the  Moslem  Empire ; and  it  is  found  that  the  texts  of 

^ Published  also  separately  in  the  Asiatic  Society  Monographs,  voL  v. 
The  map  drawn  to  accompany  this  paper  will  serve  to  illustrate  Ibn 
al-Balkhl. 


^2' 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


some  ol  these  inonooTaphs,  thereto  adding  somewhat  of 
ids  own  knowledge,  after  much  curtailment  and  a re- 
arrangement of  tlie  order  in  the  articles,  he  has  transcribed 
almost  verbatim,  to  form  the  various  cliapters  of  tlie 
N-wzlatt,  A good  instance  of  this  method  of  writing  a 
new  book  is  tlie  chapter  describing  the  provinces  of  Fars 
and  Shabankarah,  which  in  truth  is  little  but  a shortened 
transcript  of  the  Fars  Ncimah,  a work  written  two 
centuries  before  the  time  of  Hamd- Allah,  and  of  whicli 
the  British  iluseum  possesses  an  excellent  MS. 

The  name  of  the  author  of  this  Fars  Ndmah,  is  as  yet 
unknown,  but  he  states  in  his  preface  that  his  ancestor 
was  a native  of  Balkh,  and  Ibn-al-Ball^i  will  serve  as 
a convenient  title  by  which  to  refer  to  him  until  his 
identity  be  better  established.  From  the  MS.  all  that 
appears  is  that  the  grandfather  of  Ibn-al-Ball^i  (twice 
mentioned,  fols.  26  and  63a)  was  Mustawfi,  or  Accountant 
for  the  Taxes,  of  Fars  about  the  year  (4)92  under  the 
Atabeg  Rukn-ad-Dawlah  Khumartagm,  who  had  been  sent 
to  govern  that  province  in  the  name  of  the  Saljuq  Sultan 
Bargiytoiq  — 487-98  (1094-1104)  — tlie  son  of  Malik 
Shah.  Ibn-al-Balkhi,  who  accompanied  his  grandfather, 
was  educated  in  Fars,  and  becoming  well  acquainted  with 
the  physical  and  political  condition  of  the  country,  was 
in  due  course  of  time  commissioned  by  the  brother  and 
successor  of  Bargiyaruq,  namely,  Sultan  Ghiyath-ad-Din 
Muhammad,  498-511  (1104-17),  to  compose  the  present 
work.  No  exact  date  for  its  completion  is  given,  but 
since  the  book  was  dedicated  to  this  Sultan,  who  died  in 
511,  and  further  that  the  Atabeg  Chauli  is  frequently 
mentioned  in  the  text  as  still  living,  who  we  know  died 
in  510  (1116),  it  follows  that  this  Fars  Ndmah  must 
have  been  completed  during  the  first  decade  of  the  sixth 
century  A.H.,  equivalent  to  the  twelfth  A.B. 

Two  MSS.  only  of  the  wox'k  appear  to  exist  in  Europe. 
One  a very  old  copy  in  the  British  Museum  (Or.  5983), 


THE  PEOVINCE  OF  FARS 


3 


apparently  undated,^  but  by:  tlie  writing  and  archaic 
spelling  judged  to  be  not  later  than  the  early  .fourteenth 
century  (eighth  A.H.).  The  other  clearly  made  of 

tliis  MS.,  which  belongs  to  the  Bibliotheque  Rationale  in 
Paris,  and  came  tliere  from  the  Schefer  Collection  (Blocliet, 
Cat.  AIBH.  Persa/ns,  i,  p.  309,  No.  503,  and  Supplement, 
1052),  and  wliicli  was  written  in.  1273  (1856).  The  Paris 
copy  is  indeed  of  little  use  except  to  show  how  a Persian 
of  the  present  day  read  the  older  MS.,  and  as  occasionally 
giving  us  a word  that  has  disappeared,  partially  or  wholly, 
in  the  mending  process  to  which  the  B.M.  MS.  was 
subjected  when  it  came  a few  years  ago,  after  presentation 
in  loose  leaves,  to  be  bound  for  the  Museum  use.  In  some 
outstanding  cases  where  lacunsc  occur  I have  been  able 
to  hll  tliese  in  by  a reference  to  the  Geography  of  Hafiz 
Abru,  the  vSecretary  of  Timur — of  which  the  India  Office 
and  tlie  Museum  (Or.  1577)  both  possess  good  copies — 

' who  has  copied  most  of  the  Fd7\s  JSfdinaJi  into  the  work 
he  composed  in  820  (1417).  Further,  of  course,  the  MSS. 
of  the  Niidiat  very  often  serve  to  emend  a reading. 

The  Museum  MS.  is  written  for  the  most  part  in 
double  columns,  a complicated  system,  which  has  led  to 
the  modern  (Paris)  copy  having  the  articles  very  often 
transcribed  out  of  order,  through  the  carelessness  of  the 
copyist,  who  thus  has , given  many  towns  (under  their 
separate  headings)  to  the  wrong  District  (KuraJi).  In  the 
longer  articles,  however,  the  scribe  of  the  Museum  MS. 
has  written  across  the  page  (i.e.  in  single  column),  and  the 
order  of  this  copy  will  be  best  understood  by  a reference 
to  the  following  footnote.^  The  Persian  text  is  in  the 

^ Faintly  written,  and  much  disfigured  by  the  mending,  there  is  a 
colophon  on  fol.  90^  which  may  possibly  read:  ‘‘and  the  transcription 
thereof  was  completed  in  the  year  671  ” (a.I).  1271). 

If  R.  and  L.  be  taken  to  indicate  the  right  and  left  hand  columns 
respectively,  a.  and  b standing  for  recto  and  'rerso  of  the  folios,  the 
Is^Wir  District  begins  with  the  R.  column  fol.  65a,  following  on  with 
the  R.  columns  of  fols.  65^>,  66a  and  b,  then  back  to  L.  column  of 
fol.  65a,  followed  by  fols.  656  L.,  66a  L.  and  6 L.  Next,  on  666 


4 


IBN-AL-BALIvHI 


B.M.  MS*  somewliat  archaic,.- and  ■ in  the  spelling  retains 
the  older  forms  of  kl  iov  kih.  cmk,  Biid.  clumanlt,  loir  ih% 
rnoderii  dnklk  and  chtmanldh,  Fnrthei^  we  nieet 
a sinall  niiinberof  words,  mostly  technical  terms  of  revenue 
assessment,  tliat  are  often  wanting  in  the  dictionaries,  but 
the  general  meaning  of  wliich  it  is  not  difficult  to  come  to 
from  the  context. 

The  Museum  MS.  at  present  consists  of  ninety  folios. 
Fob  la  begins  with  a short  preface,  followed  by  the 
dedication,  fob  2a,  to  “the  Sultan^ — King  of  kings — ^ whose 
glory  shall  never  cease  to  increase,  Ghiyath-ad-Dunj^a 
wa-d-Din  Abu  Shuja‘  Muhammad  son  of  Malik  Shah 
who  further  is  given  the  title  of  Qasim-i-Amir-al-Muminin, 
“ the  Associate  (in  the  government)  of  the  Caliph.”  The 
author  then  relates  how  his  august  master  commissioned 
him  to  write  the  present  work,  “ seeing  that  I had  been 
brought  up  in  Fars,  although  by  lineage  descended  from 
a native  of  Baiyi  . . . and  knowing  that  I was  well 
acquainted  with  the  present  condition  of  the  people  of 
Fai's  . . , being  well  versed  also  in  the  events  of  their 
history,  and  exactly  acquainted  with  the  story  of  their 
kings  and  rulers,  even  from  the  days  of  Kaynraarth  down 
to  this  present  time.”  Then  on  fob  3a,  after  a summary 
description  of  the  province,  and  citing  a few  of  the  chief 
Traditions  about  Fars  ascribed  to  the  Prophet  Muhammad, 
we  start  with  the  long  line  of  the  early  Persian  kings, 
whose  liistory,  much  in  epitome,  closes  with  the  last  of 
the  Sassanians  and  the  rise  of  Islam,  on  fob  60a.  This 
part  of  the  work  is  merely  a Persian  version  of  Hamzah 
Isfahan]",  and  contains,  apparently,  nothing  new.  Next 
very  briefly  the  story  of  the'  Arab  conquest  of  Fars  is 

below,  the  MS,  reads  across  for  Istakhr  City,  fols.  67a  and  h and  the  top 
of  being  ail  in  one  column.  After  this,  again,  68a  below  goes  back' 
to  the  double  column,  the  next  article  beginning  68a  R.,  followed  by 
685  R.,  then  back  to  68a  L.  and  685  L,,  which,  gives  the  last  town  of  the 
district. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  EARS 


0 


narrated,  ending  with  the  reign  of  tlie  Calipli  'Ml.  Here 
follows  an  interesting  account,  foL  62a,  of  the  Qadis-^ — 
chief  ^justices — of  F?m*s,  to  wliich  we  shall  return  later,  and 
tlien,  foL  636,  tlie  Geogra|)ljical  Part  (translated  below) 
begins,  concluding  with  the  Itineraries,  fob  836.  The 
author  afterwards  returns,  fol.  87a,  to  the  history  of  Fars, 
giving  an  account  of  the  Shabankarah  tribes  and  tlie 
Kurds,  and  tliis  narrating  details  of  almost  contemporaiy 
histoiy  is  of  importance,  as  facts  and  personages  are 
mentioned  not  noted,  apparently,  elsewhere.  A siiniinary 
follows  of  the  revenues  of  Filrs  down  to  the  time  of 
the  writer,  and  some  of  this  too  is  new  matter,  for  the 
autlior,  as  already  said,  was  of  a family  of  accountants, 
and  wrote  from  first  - hand  knowledge.  And,  finally, 
fob  906,  the  MvS.  closes  with  a short  note  describing  the 
days  of  the  last  Buyid  rulers  of  Fars,  and  the  advent  of 
the  Saljtiq  Sultans. 

In  the  following  pages  a complete  translation  will  be 
given  of  the  Geographical  Part,  but  before  coming  to  this 
it  will  be  useful  to  summarize  what  our  author  has 
narrated  about  personages  and  events  immediately  pre- 
ceding his  own  time,  and  more  especially  the  account  he 
gives  of  the  Kurdish  tribes  and  of  the  Shabankarah,  who, 
at  a later  date,  gave  their  name  to  the  eastern  j)art  of  the 
Fars  province  round  Darabjird.  The  reader  will  recall  to 
mind  how  about  the  middle  of  the  fourtli  (tenth.)  century, 
namely,  a century  and  a half  before  the  time  of  our  author, 
tlie  Buyids,  under  ^Adud-ad-Dawlah,  from  338-72  (949-82) 
had  been  at  the  height  of  greatness : by  the  middle  of  the 
following  century,  however,  this  dynasty  had  collapsed 
before  the  rising  power  of  the  Saljiiqs.  Tuglirul  Beg,  the 
founder  of  the  new  dynasty,  on  his  death  in  455  (1063), 
had  left  as  heir  his  nephew  Alp  Arslan,  whose  brother, 
Qavurd,  had  already,  during  the  lifetime  of  Tughrul  Beg, 
been  put  in  possession  of  the  government  of  some  of  the 
Eastern  provinces,  he  thus  ruling  the  most  part  of  Persia 


6 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


under  his  iiiiele  and  brother  from  433  (1041)  down  to 
the  date  of  his  death  in  465  (1072).  Alp  Arslan  was 
siieceoded  as  Great  Saljuq  by  his  son,  Malik  Shah,  465-85 
(1072-92),  whose  Wazir  was  the  famous  Nizam-al-Miilk. 
Four  of  the  sons  of  Malik  Shah  in  succession  came  to  the 
throne,  of  whom,  however,  two  only  concern  us  here, 
and  these  have  both  been  mentioned  before,  namely,  the 
eldest,  Bargiyaruq,  487  -98  (1094-1104),  in  whose 
reimi  the  o^randfatlier  of  our  author  served  as  Revenue 
Accountant  in  Fars  ; and  Sultan  Ghi^^atli  - ad  - Din 
Muhammad,  his  brother,  498-511  (1104-17),  the  patron 
of  Ibn-al-Balld^b  and  the  prince  to  whom  he  dedicates 
his  book.  After  the  overthrow  of  the  Buyids  these  Saljuq 
Sultans  who  ruled  in  their  stead  were  wont  to  send  their 
Atabegs,  originally  the  Governors  of  their  sons,  to  govern 
the  outlying  provinces,  and  the  first  of  tliese,  in  Fars, 
was  the  Atabeg  Rukn-ad-Dawlah  Khumartagin,  under 
whom  the  grandfather  of  Ibn-al-Bal  Idii,  as  already  stated, 
had  served.  The  next  Atabeg  was  Fal^r-ad-Din  Chauli 
(or  Jauli  in  the  Arab  chronicles),  who  Avas  still  living 
when  our  author  wroted  This  Chauli  was  famous  for  his 
many  great  buildings,  and  further,  he  liad  after  much 
fighting  succeeded  in  restoring  order  throughout  Fars  by 
curbing  the  power  of  the  Shabankarah  and  subduing  the 
various  affiliated  Kurdish  tribes. 

^ The  exact  dates  of  appointment  of  these  two  Atabegs,  who  are 
specifically  noticed  by  Hafiz  Abru,  are  not  given  by  our  authorities. 
Ibn-al-Athir,  however,  states  that  ChiUili  died  in  510  (1116),  and  be 
reports  him  in  Fars  as  early  as  the  year  493  (1099).  This  must  have  been 
the  year  of,  or  the  year  following,  his  appointment,  for  Ibu-al-Balldii 
mentions  Khumartagin  as  in  Fars  in  492  (1098),  and  this  ]3robably 
was  the  year  of  his  death.  Ibn-al-Athir  names  lOiumartagin  more  than 
once  in  his  chronicle  from  the  years  450  (1058)  to  485  (1092),  but  never 
with  the  title  of  Rukn-ad-Dawlah.  He  is  called  Najm-ad-Dawlab, 
surnamed  AvTugbrayi,  and  Ash-Sharabi  (the  Cupbearer) ; then  be  is 
referred  to  under  the  name  of  !&umartagin  an-Naib  (the  Lieutenant),  who 
was  Police  Magistrate  (Shahnah)  of  Bagdad  in  482  (1089).  Further, 
at  about  the  same  time  there  is  mentioned  Khumartagin-at-Tutushi, 
but  possibly  this  is  a different  person. 


THE  PKOYINCE  OF  FABS 


This  much  of  the  general  history  of  the  fifth  century 
(eleventh  a.d.)  being  premised,  we  come  to  wliat  Ibn-al- 
BalkhI  himself  relates,  -which  is  the  more  valuable  as 
Ijeing  the  almost  contemporary  history  of  the  authors 
own  time.  The  last  of  the  Buyids  to  exercise  any  real 
sovereignty  in  Ears  was  (he  says)  Bakalijar  or  Bakaliiijar 
(for  the  name  is  given  nnder  both  forms  in  the  B.M.  MS. 
of  the  Fdvs  Ndinalh),  otherwise  Abu  Kalijar  or  Abii 
Kfllinjar.  In  regard  to  the  proper  spelling  of  his  name,  it 
is  to  be  remarked  that  in  the  Arab  chronicle  of  Ibn-al- 
Athfr  it  is  given  as  Abu  Kalijar,  while  in  the  MS.  of  the 
Z'lj<ts-Samjari  in  tlie  British  Museum  ^ (likewise  in 
Arabic)  tlie  name  is  clearly  written  as  Abu  Kalizar. 
On  the  other  hand,  Hafiz  Abrh  always  Avrites  Ba  or 
Abii  Kalinjar,  and  this  is  the  modern  spelling  (e.g.  in 
the  Furs  Mdmah  Ndsiri).  The  original  meaning  of  the 
name  is  apparently  unknown,  but  from  its  form  it  would 
seem  to  have  been  a nickname.  The  Fdrs  Ffdmah, 
unfortunately,  does  not  state  who  was  the  father  of 
Bakalijar.  The  Persian  historians  and  Ibn-al-Athir,  how- 
ever, agree  in  the  statement  that  he  was  the  son  of  Sul-fcan- 
ad-Dawlah,  son  of  Baha-ad-Dawlah,  and  lienee  tlie  great 
grandson  of  'Adud-ad-Dawlah.‘^  The  Gumdah  (p.  432) 

^ Or.  G609,  coosistingof  astronomical  and  chronological  babies,  written 
by  Abu  Mansur  al-lOiazini  for  Sultan  Sanjar  (son  of  Malik  Shah),  who 
died  552  (1157).  The  B.M.  MS.  appears  to  be  a copy  of  the  Autograxdi, 
and  was  written  in  620  (1223).  The  folios  are  loose,  and  have  nob  yet 
been  set  in  order  or  numbered,  but  the  one  giving  a table  of  the  Buyid 
dynasty  will  easily  be  recognized,  for  it  bears  the  heading  Jadwaln  Miduhi 
dli  Bmvaylii  min  ad-Dayalamati  Iraqi.  Abu  Kfilirijar  is  the 
spelling  in  the  Gnzldah  (Gibb,  Facsimile,  p.  416)  and  in  the  Hdbtb-as- 
Siydr  (Bombay  Lithograph,  ii,  pt.  4,  p,  55),  both  these  histories  being 
written  in  Persian.  Among  previous  Buyid  princes  Samsam-ad-Bawlali 
(son  of  LMlud)  had  also  borne  the  name  of  Abu  Kalizar,  and  this  spelling 
with  the  long  I in  the  second  syllable  is  probably  the  one  we  should 
adopt.  See  also  the  note  by  Mr.  Amedroz  in  JRAS.,  1911,  p.  672. 

- On  the  other  hand  the  Zij,  which  it  will  be  remembered  was  written 
only  a century  after  the  death  of  Bakaiizar  (Abu  Kalizar),  gives  a 
different  account  from  that  found  in  these  later  authorities.  It  is  here 
stated  that  Abu  KMizar  al-Marzuban,  surnamed  Tzz-al-Muluk,  was  the 


s 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


followed  by  tlie  JlaMb-as-Siyar  (ii,  pt.  4,  p.  55)  gives 
Bakalijar  tlie  titles  of  ‘Izz-al-Mulfik  and  Imad-li-Din  Allah, 
the  latter  authority  also  adding  tlie  third  title  of  Hisarn- 
ad-Dawlali.  Iliii-abBalkhi,  however,  makes  no  mention 
of  these  lionorary  names  (fob  906),  and  gives  no  dates. 
(3ur  otlier  a,ut]iorities  say  this  prince  reigned  from  415 
to  440  (1024  to  1048),  and  at  his  deatli  he  left  five 
sons.  The  eldest,  to  whom  our  author  gives  the  name 
of  Abu  IS^asr,  died  soon  after  his  father,  being  succeeded 
by  his  brother,  called  Abu  Mansixr,  whose  government 
was  tliroAvn  into  disorder  hy  the  meddling  of  his  mother 
lOxurastiyali,  a political  busybody,  who  in  the  Zij  is 
referred  to  under  the  title  of  As-Sayyidah — the  Lady 
Abfi  Mansur  at  first  had  governed  according  to  the  advice 
of  his  Wazir,  called  the  Sahib  'Adil  (he  had  served 
Bakalijar,  according  to  the  Ilabib,  in  the  same  capacity), 
a man  of  mark  who,  Ibn-al-BalHii  writes,  had  given 
a fine  library  to  the  town  of  FiruzabM ; but  instigated 
by  his  mother,  Abu  Mansur  put  this  Wazir  and  his  son  to 
death,  after  which  confusion  became  worse  confounded 
throughout  Fars,  Matters  finally  reached  a crisis  by  the 
revolt  of  Fadluyah,  the  Shahankarah  chief,  who  managed 
to  get  the  Lady  Khurasuyah  into  his  power,  and  then 
shutting  her  up  in  a waterless  hot-hath,  sufibcated  her. 
Next  Abu  Mansur  was  taken  prisoner,  and  brought  to  the 
Castle  of  Pahan  Diz  (near  Shiraz),  where  before  long  he 
too  met  his  death,  and  Fars  passed  to  the  government  of 
Fadluyah,  and  under  the  overlordship  of  the  Saljuqs.^ 

son  o6  Saltari-ad-T3awlaU,  and  that  he  left  no  descendants.  It  was  his 
uncle,  Jalal-ad-Dawlah  Abu  Tahir  Shir  Zayd  (brother  of  Sultan -ad- 
Bawlah  and  son  of  Baha-ad-DawIah),  who  was  the  father  of  the  five  last 
Buyid  princes. 

^ Of  Bakalljar’s  five  sons  Ibn-al-Balldil  (foL  90/^)  only  gives  the  names 
of  two,  Abu  Nasr,  the  eldest,  and  Malik  Abu  Mansur,  the  last  of  the 
Buyids.  The  Zlj,  however,  gives  their  names  as  follows.  The  eldest, 
Abu  Nasr  of  Ibn-al-BalkhT,  is  presumably  the  one  the  ^fj  calls  Amir- 
al-Umra  Abu  Shiija*,  and  the  last  Buyid  prince  is  named  in  the 
Al“Malik-al“*Aziz,  Al-Malik-ar-Rahimj  Afoh  Mansur  Khusruh  Firuz.  The 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  PARS 


9 


The  Guzldali,  however,  adds  that  after  the  death  of  this 
Abu  Maiisilr  in  448  (1056)  his  brother,  AI-Malik  Abu  'AJi, 
was  given,  during  nearly  forty  j^ears,  nominal  rank  ])y 
the  Saljiiq  Sultans,  being  allowed  the  privileges  of  the 
Kettledrum  and  Banner  {Tahl  %va-Alaon)  until  the  date 
of  Iiis  death  in  487  (1094)  in  tlie  reign  of  Sultan 
Bargi^uTruq. 

Ibii-al-Balkhi  gives  at  some  length  (fols.  87a  to  88&)  the 
history  of  Fadluyah  and  his  Shabtokarah  tribesmen,  with 
details  of  their  descent  and  doings  tliat  ap|)arently  are  not 
to  be  found  in  the  accounts  of  other  historians.  The  men 
of  the  Shabankarah  tribe  (he  writes)  had  originally  been 
herdsmen  in  Fars, until, with  the  progressive  disorganization 
of  the  Buyid  rule  in  the  latter  days,  the  Kurds  had  become 
a power  in  the  land.  At  this  time,  according  to  our  author, 
the  Shabankarah  were  divided  among  five  tribes,  namely, 
the  Ismadli,  the  Rtoiani,  the  Karzuvi,  the  Mas'udi,  and  the 
Shakani.  Of  these,  the  Ismadli  were  the  noblest  in  descent, 
but  the  most  important  tribe  was  that  of  the  Ramani  (or 
Rahtoi,  as  the  MS.  may  be  read),  of  which  Fadluyah  ^ was 
chief.  He  inherited  this  dignity  from  his  father  'Ali 
(ibn  al-Hasan  ibn  Ayytib),  and  had  in  early  youth,  when 
only  a neatherd,  taken  service  under  the  Sahib  'Adil,  the 
Wazir  of  the  last  Buyid  prince,  becoming  a great  warrior, 
and  rising  to  command  the  army  in  Fars,  The  fate  of 
this  Wazir,  and  the  subsequent  imprisonment  and  death  of 
this  Buyid  prince  and  his  mother,  have  been  narrated  above, 
the  outcome  of  which  events  being  that  Fadluyah  found 
himself  before  long  the  virtual  master  of  Fars.  The 
Saljtiqs,  however,  had  now  become  the  ruling  power  in  the 
'Caliphate,  and  Qavurd,  brother  of  the  reigning  Sultan 

three  remaining  sons  were  Al-Amir  Abu-l-Fawaris  I^urshah,  then  Al- 
Amir  Abu  Damah  Rustam,  and  lastly  Al-Amir  Abu-l-Hasan  ^Ali.  Hali? 
Abru  names  the  last  Buyid  Malik-ar-Ralum  Abu  Nasr,  instead  of  Abu 
Mansur,  as  given  by  Ibn-al-Balto, 

^ Abru  sometimes  writes  the  name  Padlun,  and  this  is  the 

■Spelling  given  in  Ibn-al-Athir. 


10 


1BN-AL-BALK.HI 


Alp  Arslan,  wa>s  sent  into  Fars  to  bring  that  province  to 
due  order.  Fadluyali,  finding  that  matters  ^Ye^e  going 
against  him,  sul^mitted,  presented  himself  at  the  Court  of 
Alp  Arslan,  and  was  thereupon  re-established  as  deputy- 
go\'ernor  of  tlie  province.  He,  however,  had  not  yet 
learnt  wisdom,  for  once  more  seeking  to  be  independent, 
he  revolted.  The  celebrated  Nizam-al-Mulk,  the  Wazir  of 
Alp  Arslan,  thereupon  besieged  him,  taking  him  prisoner 
in  the  Castle  of  Diz  Khursliah,  where  he  had  sought  refuge. 
From  here  lie  was  sent  to  the  castle  of  Istattr,  but 
managing  in  time  to  corrupt  his  guards,  got  this  strong- 
hold into  his  own  hands.  Sultan  Alp  Arslan  on  this  lost 
patience,  Fadluyah  was  hunted  down  and  caught,  and  to 
avoid  further  trouble,  after  being  put  to  death,  his  skin 
was  stufied  with  straw  as  a manifest  \varning  to  his 
neighbours.^  Fars,  after  the  death  of  Fadluyah,  was  put 
under  the  rule  of  the  Atabeg  Rukn-ad-Dawlah  Khumar- 
tagin,  the  patron  of  our  author  s grandfather,  as  already 
narrated,  but  Ibn-al-Balklii  adds  that  in  his  day  some  of 
the  Ramtoi  still  were  to  be  found  living  under  a chief 
called  Ibrahim  ibn  Razman,  also  under  a certain  Mahamat, 
son  of  Abu  Nasr  ibn  Malak,  whose  name  was  Shay  ban. 

According  to  Ibn-al-Ball^i,  the  noble  tribe  of  the 
Ismalli  Shabankarah  were  descended  from  Minuchahr, 
grandson  of  the  celebrated  Faridun,  an  ancient  and 
mythical  king  of  Persia,  and  the  chiefs  of  the  Isma'ili 
had  aforetime  been  Ispahbads,  or  sub-kings,  under  the 
Sassanians.  After  tlie  Arab  conquest  their  tribe  was 
settled  in  the  Dasht  Urd  meadowlands,  and  in  this 
neighbourhood  remained,  till  the  coming  into  those  parts 
of  Sultan  Mashld,  son  of  Maliinud  of  Ghaznah,  some  time 
between  421  and  432  (1030  and  1040).  His  general 
Nash.  Farrash,^  finding  the  Ismalli  tribe  in  possession  of 

^ See  also  Ibn-al-AtbIr,  x,  48.  These  events  apparently  took  place  in 
the  year  464  (1071). 

- Tash  Farrash  is  probably  the  true  reading  of  the  name;  see  Ibn-aB 
Athir,  ix,  267,  289. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  FARS 


1] 


Isfahan,  expelled  tliem,  causing  them  to  migrate  south  to 
the  lands  round  Kaniah  and  Fartiq.  The  Biiyids  liaving 
reason  to  object  to  their  presence  here,  they  next  wandered 
^Yest^Yard  and  ultimately  settled  round  Daral)jird,  Avliere, 
in  the  times  of  Bakalljar,  they  were. ruled  by  t^Y{.>  brothers, 
Muhammad  and  Namrad,  the  sons  of  Yah^'a.  Tlie 
descendants  of  these  two  brothers,  of  course,  cluarrclled 
a,s  to  who  should  be  chief  of  the  tribe.  Muhammad  had 
left  two  sons,  Bay  an  and  Salk,  the  latter  again  leaving 
a son  called  Hasuyah,  while  Narnrad  liad  a son  called 
Mama,  who  became  the  father  of  Ibrahim  ibn  Mamfi.  The 
first  chief  of  tlie  clan  had  been  Muhammad,  the  elder 
brother  of  Nam  rad  ; and  he,  our  author  states,  in  sign  of 
his  rank  ''  wnis  wont  to  strike  (the  IvettlediTim)  five  times, 
the  same  becoming  a custom  among  these  people  almost 
down  to  tlie  present  time,  but  wliich  has  now  been 
forbidden  by  the  Atabeg  Cliauli ''  (successor  in  Fars  of  the 
Atabeg  Kluimartagin).  On  the  death  of  this  Muhammad 
the  elder  son  Bayan  succeeded,  but  was  put  to  deatli  by 
Ids  uncle  Namrad,  wdio  seized  on  tlie  ehiefship  of  the 
tribe,  establishing  liimself  in  DMfrbjird.  Salk,  Bayan’s 
younger  brotlier,  thereupon  called  in  the  aid  of  Fadlfiyah, 
at  this  time  ruling  supreme  throughout  Fars,  as  described 
above.  FadlCiyah  re-established  Salk  in  the  cluefship, 
routed  (and  presumably  killed)  Namrad,  and  at  the  date 
when  our  author  wrote,  Hasuyah,  son  of  Sa..lk,  was  chief 
in  his  father  s room,  governing  the  towns  of  Ij,  Fustajan, 
Istahbanat,  and  Darakto,  with  other  places  of  the 
Darabjird  district.  But,  as  Ibn-al-Ball^i  adds,  between 
the  cousins  there  could  be  no  peace,  Salk  ibn  Muhammad, 
and  his  son  Hasuyah  after  him,  living  in  perpetual  war 
■with  Mama  ibn  Namrad  and  his  son  Ibrahim  ibn  Mama, 
and  this  state  of  things  still  obtained  at  the  time  when 
our  author  -wrote. 

The  three  remaining  Shabtokarah  tribes  were  of  less 
importance.  The  chief  of  the  Karzuvi  clan  was  a certain 


m: 


JBX-AL-BALKHl 


Abu  Sa'd,  who  i.s  mentioned  more  than  once  in  the 
geographical  part  of  tlie  work.  Abu  Sa'd  was  tlie  son 
of  a certain  Muhammad  ilm  Mama  ; he  took  service  under 
Fadluyali,  and  in  tlie  disorders  of  the  last  Bujn’d  days 
obtained  possession  of  Kazirun  with  its  districts.  All  this 
country  he  held  till  the  arrival  of  tlie  Atabeg  Cliauli  in 
Fars,  who  before  long  dispossessed  him  of  Kazirun.  Abfi 
SaV],  when  our  autlior  wrote,  was  apparentl}^  already 
dead,  having  left  a son  named,  after  his  early  patron, 
Fadluyah  (ibn  Abil.  Sa'd),  now  become  chief  of  the  remnant 
of  the  Karzuvi  clan. 

Of  the  Mash'xdi  tribe,  the  chief  had  been  a certain 
Amiruwayh,  who,  making  himself  powerful  in  the  time  of 
Fadluyah,  was  put  in  possession  of  the  castle  of  Saharah, 
near  Firuzabad,  together  with  some  neighbouring  fiefs. 
The  Atabeg  Khumartagin,  coming  to’  Fars,  allowed  him 
to  hold  all  these  under  the  Saljuq  overlordship,  and  then 
Amiruwayh  got  into  his  possession  the  city  of  Firuzabad. 
Next  the  Mas'udi,  now  become  a powerful  tribe,  seized 
most  of  the  district  of  Shapur  IQiurah,  round  Kazirun, 
in  addition  to  the  lands  of  Firuzabad.  The  rise  to  power 
of  Abu  Sa'd,  the  chief  of  the  Karzuvi  clan,  however, 
proved  the  ruin  of  Amiruwayh  and  his  people  : fighting 
took  place,  and  the  town  of  Kazirun,  held  by  Amiruwayh, 
having  been  taken  by  storm,  Abu  Sa‘d  fortliwith  put  that 
chief  to  death.  Amiruwayh  left  a son,  Vi^tasf  by  name, 
and  after  Abti  Sa'd  had  himself  come  to  his  end,  and 
when  the  Atabeg  Chauli  had  Fars  firmly  under  rule,  he 
confirmed  Vishtasf,  who  was  related  to  Hasuyah  of  the 
IsmaTli  clan  on  the  mother’s  .vSide,  in  possession  of 
Firuzabad,  where  he  governed  till  his  death.  When  our 
author  wrote,  the  MasTidi  were  ruled  by  a certain  Siyali 
Mil,  descended  from  this  Vi.^tasf.  In  the  geographical 
part  of  the  work  he  is  stated  to  have  held  the  castle 
of  Bu^kanat,  and  there  were  also  of  this  family  the  two 
sons  of  a certain  Abu-l-Habafi,  who  still  held  rank  in  our 


THE  PROVIXCE  OF  EARS 


13 


autlior’s  time.  Tlie  last  clan  of  the  Shaljaiikarah  to  ht^ 
mentioned  is  tlmt  of  the  Shakani,  ayIkj  in  the 

mountain -lands  of  the  coast  or  hot  region.  They  were 
for  the  most  part  robbers  and  higliAATxymen,  Ibn-al-Balklii 
states,  but  had  been  brought  to  order  in  recent  times  by 
tlie  Atabeg  Chauli. 

Our  author  next  speaks  of  the  Kurd  tribes,  wlio  in  Fars 
were  divided  among  the  Five  Ramms  (clans)  ^ named  the 
Jiluyah  (or  Jilawayh),  the  Ramm-adh-Dhiwan,  the  Lawa- 
lijan,  the  Kariyan,  and  the  Bazuyan,  and  these  five  elans 
liad  occupied,  he  says,  originally  one  hundred  thousand 
Jawmalis,  villages  or  households.  In  the  days  of  the 
Sassanians,  according  to  Ibn-al-Balkhi,  the  Kurdish  troops 
of  the  Great  King  had  been  the  flower  of  the  Persian 
armies;  hence,  at  the  time  of  the  Moslem  conquest,  of  the 
Kurd  warriors  all,  save  one  man  only,  had  fallen  in  the 
numerous  battles  against  the  Arab  iuAmders.  The  one 
survivor,  'Alak  by  name,  had  subsequently  become  a 
Moslem,  and  some  of  his  descendants  were  yet  living 
when  our  author  Avrote.  He  adds  that  the  Kurds  settled 
in  Fars  in  his  day  were  of  a tribe  that  had  been  brought 
down  there  by  ‘Adud-ad-Dawdah  the  Buyid  from  the 
neighbourhood  of  Isfahan. 

Ibn-al-Balkhi  closes  this  section  of  his  book  (fols.  886- 
896)  Avith  a short  discussion  as  to  ho  ay  the  Persians,  who 
are  a refractory  folk,  may  best  be  governed,  whether  by 
force  or  by  clemency.  In  regard  to  the  Shabankarah 
more  especiall^q  he  remarks  that  you  will  certainly  be 

^ In  the  B.M.  MS.  the  word  is  clearly  written,  and  with  the  vowel 
marked,  liam  or  Rainm.  Possibly,  but  by  no  meai:is  certainly,  in  error 
the  MSS.  give  it  at  times  with  initial  25,  written  Zamm.  See  I)e  Goeje 
in  Glossary  to  BGA,  iv,  p.  250.  Jawinah,  otherwise  Hawmah  (the 
word  is  now  pronounced  Humah),, means  “a  village”,  also  ‘‘the  chief 
town  of  a district  ” ; but  it  must  here  stand  for  “ a household  The 
above  list  of  the  Bamms  Ibn-al-BalMii  has  copied  verbatim  from  Istakhri 
(pp.  98  and  99),  For  Ram-adh-Dhiwan  our  MS.  may  read  Az-ZaWan  ; 
Yaqut  has  Az-Zizan,  and  Muqaddasi  Az-Ziraz.  For  other  variants  see  the 
notes  to  Istakhri,  pp.  98,  99. 


14 


iBN-AL-BALKHr 

renpected  hy  any  one  of  these  turbulent  tribesmen  if  by 
force  you  take  his  turban  and  then  restore  it,  and  this 
much  more  than  if  in  the  first  instance  you  had  generously 
given  him  a now  turban  of  your  own  as  a jmesent,  for 
doing  wliicli  iialeed  lie  would  only  despise  you. 

Immediately  following  after  the  very  meagre  notice  of 
the  Moslem  conquest  of  Persia  Ibn-al-Balidii  has  inserted 
a short  account  of  tlie  family  of  the  Chief  Justice  of  Pars 
(fols.  62a-636) ; a summary  of  these  paragraphs  will  be 
of  use,  before  passing  to  the  translation  of  the  Geographical 
Section  of  Iiis  work,  where  an  allusion  to  the  family  of 
the  Shiraz  judge  occurs.  As  is  patent  throughout  his 
work,  our  aiitlior  was  an  orthodox  Sunni,  and  he  held 
in  horror  the  Shikdi  tendencies  of  the  Buyids,  whose 
heterodox  beliefs  (he  further  avers)  had  always  when 
possible  been  combated  by  the  Qadis  of  Shiraz.  These 
judges  were  of  a family  come  down  in  direct  descent 
from  Abu  Burdah  of  the  Arab  tribe  of  Fazarah/  and 
during  the  reign  of  the  Caliph  Radi,  that  is  to  sa,y 
between  322  and  329  (934-40),  the  grandson  of  the 
grandson  of  this  Abu  Burdah,  by  name  Abu  Muhammad 
'Abd- Allah,  was  promoted  from  being  Judge  in  Baghdad 
to  be  Qadi-al-Qudat,  or  Chief  Justice  of  Pars,  his  juris- 
diction being  afterwards  extended  to  include  the  outlying 
provinces  of  Kirman  and  'Oman,  with  the  city  of  Tiz  in 
Makran.  Ibn-al-Balkhi  adds  that  the  Qadi  Abu  Muhammad, 
who  had  composed  no  less  than  eighteen  works  on  juris- 
prudence, "had  every  care  to  order  well,  with  good  intent, 
both  the  (orthodox)  Faith  and  the  (Sunni)  Tradition,  thus 
firmly  laying  the  foundations  in  the  matter  of  the  Law/’ 
'Adud-ad"Dawlah,  the  Buyid  prince  of  that  day,  in  spite 
of  his  own  strong  inclination  towards  the  Shi'ah  doctrines, 
had  honoured  the  Qadi  with  his  trust  and  esteem,  for, 

^ He  is  usually  known  as  Abu  Burdah  son  of  Abu  Musa-al-Ash’ari ; 
and  he  was  Qadi  of  Kufah,  and  died  in  103  (721).  His  father  was  a well- 
known  Companion  of  the  Proi:)het,  and  had  been  Governor  of  Basrah. 


THE  PKOVIKOE  OF  FARS 


15 


putting  him  to  the  proof,  he  had  ever  found  him  to  be 
incorruptible.  This  Abu  Muliammad  left  five  sons  : Abu 
‘Nasr,  tlie  voongest/  succeeded  him  in  tlie  judgeship,  of 
wlioin  hxter  ; next  Abu  Dharr  and  Abu  Ziihayr,  who 
settled  down  as  Dihqans,  or  provincial  nobles,  in  Kirman  ; 
Abu  Tahir,  who  acted  as  his  father’s  deputy  in  the  Kirman 
judgeship,  and  was  called  to  the  Sublime  Court  (Dargdh-i- 
A'ld,  Baghdad  presumably)  for  consultations  on  the  affairs 
of  that  province  ; and  lastly  Abu-l -Hasan,  who,  after 
having  been  associated  with  his  younger  brother  (Abu 
Nasr)  in  the  Bars  judgeship,  was  sent  for  by  Sultan 
Mahmud,  some  time  between  388  and  421  (998  and  1030), 
who  appointed  him  Qadi  at  Ghaznah,  and  his  descendants 
still  held  the  office  of  judge  there  at  the  time  when 
Ibn-al-Ball^i  wrote.  Abu  Nasr,  the  youngest  of  the 
Qadi  Abu  Muhammad’s  five  sons,  as  already  said  succeeded 
him  as  Judge  of  Bars.  He  was  a man  of  great  learning 
and  influence  throughout  the  province,  his  power  coming 
to  be  increased  upon  his  marriage  with  the  only 
daughter  of  the  Mirdasi  chief,  a family  of  local  nobility. 
His  son  was  named  ‘Abd- Allah,  and  wlien  in  due  course 
he  succeeded  to  the  office  of  Chief  Justice  he  became  also, 
in  his  mother’s  right,  the  hereditary  chief  noble  of  the 
Bars  district.  This  power,  judicial  and  tribal,  Ibn-al-Balkhi 
adds,  had  afterwards  passed  to  both  his  son  and  grandson, 
whose  names  our  author  does  not  specify,  and  the  grandson 
was  Judge  of  Shiraz  when  our  author  wrote.  The  Judge 
‘'Abd- Allah  had  flourished  in  the  reign  of  Bfikalijar,  the 
penultimate  Buy  id  prince,  whose  heterodox  Shi'ah  pro- 
clivities the  orthodox  *Abd-Allah  had  always  valiantly 
striven  to  combat ; and  further,  to  his  exceeding  honour, 
a brother  of  the  Qadi  "Abd-Allah  had  through  scruples  of 
conscience  always  refused  to  be  made  judge  in  Isfahan. 
But,  as  our  author  writes,  “ in  the  days  of  Bakalijar,  the 
sect  of  the  Seven  Imams  had  become  very  rampant,”  and 
to  the  grief  of  QMi  Abd-Allah  the  Buyid  prince  now 


16 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 

appeared  to  be  paying  great  attention  to  the  preaching  of 
a certain  Sbi'ah  missioner  named  Abu  Nasr  ibn  'Amifin, 
whom  the  people  also  were  beginning  to  look  upon  as  a 
prophet.  The  pious  zeal  of  the  judge  becoming  inflamed 
by  the  disastrous  influence  which  the  missioner  was  getting 
to  exercise  over  Bakalijar,  with  much  astuteness  demanded 
a private  audience,  and  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Buyid 
priiice  that  the  missioner,  having  succeeded  in  corrupting 
the  fidelity  of  the  troops,  was  now  inciting  them  to  revolt 
against  tlie  Government.  Bakalijar  thereupon,  without 
pausing  to  inquire,  ordered  out  a hundred  men  of  his 
Persian  horse-guards  and  a hundred  of  his  Turk  pages, 
putting  them  under  the  orders  of  a trustworthy  person 
supplied  by  the  Qadi  'Abd- Allah.  This  officer  managed 
matters  promptly  and  cleverly.  The  missioner  was  seized 
and  carried  many  days  on  horseback  without  rest  or 
delay,  being  at  length  set  free  on  the  further  side  of  the 
Euphrates,  where  a decree  was  forthwith  published  that 
it  were  lawful  to  slay  him  if  he  repassed  that  stream 
eastward. 

With  this  anecdote  our  author  concludes  his  notice  of 
the  Chief  Justices,  and  next  comes  the  description  of  the 
province  of  Ears  (fols.  636-866),  which  will  be  found 
translated  in  the  pages  which  follow.  For  a general 
description  of  the  province  and  its  towns,  I may  refer  the 
reader  to  the  chapter  on  Ears  in  The  Lands  of  the  Eastern 
Caliphate.  References  to  the  earlier  Arab  geographers 
are  to  the  texts  printed  in  the  volumes  of  the  Biblioteca 
Geographonmn  Arabicorum  (BGA.)  of  De  Goeje.  For  the 
present  condition  of  the  province  I have  consulted  the 
(modern)  Fctrs  Ndmah  Ndsirl  (referred  to  as  FNN.), 
written  by  Haji  Mirza  Hasan  Tabxb  of  Shiraz  (folio 
lithograph,  Tihran,  A.H.  1313,  A.D.  1896),  of  which  the 
great  map,  in  Persian,  on  the  scale  of  about  ten  miles  to 
the  inch,  gives  us  the  position  of  every  village  and  stream 
throughout  the  province.  This  work  has  enabled  me  to 


THE  PEOVIiVCE  OF  FARS  17 

identify  many  names  written  defectively  in  tlie  manuscript, 
and  also  to  verify  the  fact  in  regard  to  tlie  names  which, 
in  the  lapse  of  eight  centuries  since  Ibn-al-Balkhi  wrote, 
have  disappeared  leaving  no  trace.^-  And  it  may  he  remarked 
that  in  many  cases  the  name  of  an  ancient  town,  or  village, 
that  has  disappeared,  is  preserved  in  the  modern  district  : 
and  sometimes  vice  versa. 


THE  PEOVINCE  OP  PAES 
Section  giving  the  description  of  Fans, — This  land, 
after  the  corning  of  Islam,  became  the  first  camping- 
ground  of  the  Arab  armies,  but  in  the  days  of  the  old 
Persian  kings  Pars  was  the  centre  of  their  government 
and  the  original  seat  of  their  power.  For  at  that  time 
all  the  countries  from  the  banks  of  the  Oxus  to  the 
borders  of  the  Euphrates  went  by  the  name  of  the  Land 
of  the  Persians ; all  here  were  the  cities  of  the  Persians, 
and  all  the  world  paid  them  taxes  and  tribute.  When, 
however,  Islam  arose  and  Pars  came  to  be  conquered, 
this  province  became  the  camping-ground  of  [one  of  the 
armies  of]  'Iraq,  for  no  sooner  had  the  Moslems  come  hither 
than  they  took  up  their  quarters  permanently  in  the  land, 
on  the  one  part  the  troops  from  Kufah,  on  the  other  those 
from  Basrah,  and  from  this  base  they  went  forth  to  the 
conquest  of  all  lands  and  to  subjugate  the  [eastern]  world. 
Afterwards  they  gave  the  names  of  these  two  townships, 
whence  originally  the  armies  of  Islam  had  been  recruited, 
to  the  conquered  provinces.  Now,  the  army  from  Ktifah 
had  taken  possession  of  Quhistan  and  Jibal,  [with  all  the 
country  from]  Isfahan  to  Eay  and  Damghan  [going  north] 
to  Tabaristan ; these  provinces,  therefore,  were  given  the 
name  of  Mali  Kufah,  and  in  the  [registers  of]  taxes  this 
name  still  occurs.  The  army  from  Basrah,  on  the  other 

^ This  map,  which  is  difficult  to  procure,  I have  had  on  loan  from 
Mr.  A.  G.  Ellis,  to  whom  I am  also  indebted  for  having  in  the  first 
instance  brought  the  Fdrs  Nmiah-i-Ndsirl  to  my  notice. 


2 


18 


IIW-AL-BALKHI 


hand,  had  coiirjuered  Balirayn  and  'Oman,  witli  Tiz  in 
Itakran,  also  Kirmaii,  Fars,  and  Khuzistan,  with  the 
adjacent  lands  and  the  Arab  districts  that  lie  on  the 
frontier ; and  so  all  this  region  came  to  be  known  as 
Alrdi  Basrali,  and  in  the  registers  this  name  too  occurs. 
Ffirs,  therefore,  is  one  of  the  Basrali  camping-grounds, 
for  it  was  conquered  by  the  army  from  Basrah,  and  it 
came  to  be  called  Mah-al-Basrah,  and  the  iicime  is  so 
written  in  the  registers. 

The  extent  of  Fars,  with  its  districts,  is  150  leagues 
in  length  by  150  leagues  in  breadth.  In  regard  to  the 
positions  of  the  angles  [of  its  frontier  line],  these,  as 
shown  in  the  figure  on  the  margin  of  the  manuscript^ 
•lie  at  the  four  cardinal  points,  east,  west,  north,  and 
south,  and  not  at  the  corners  [to  the  N.E,,  N.W.,  S.E., 
and  S.W.].  Thus,  the  shape  of  the  province  is  a square 
[or  lozenge],  of  which  the  angles  are  to  the  four 
main  points  of  the  compass,  while  the  four  sides  lie 
cross-wise  facing  the  intervening  compass-points,  all  of 
which  wdll  be  clearlj?'  understood  if  the  accompanying 
figure  drawn  [on  the  margin  of  the  manuscript],  and 
which  represents  tlie  outline  of  the  province,  be  carefully 
considered.  The  frontier  lands  at  these  four  angles  of 
Fars  are  as  follo\vs : To  the  north  the  [province  here] 
adjoins  Isfahan,  the  frontier  between  Isfahan  and  Fars 
being  at  Yazdikhwast,  and  then  come  Yazd,  Abar- 
quyah,  and  [on  the  other  side]  Sumayram.  The  eastern 
angle  of  Fars  is  towards  Kirman,  in  tlie  direction  of 
Sirjto,  the  frontier  being  at  Rtidan.  This  place  Rudan 
was  originally  in  the  Fto  province,  but  in  the  reign  of 
the  late  Sultan  Alp  Arslan,  when  tlie  frontier  came  to 
be  re-established  between  Fars  and  Kirman,  at  the  time 
that  Qaviird  [his  brother  was  made  governor  of  Fars], 
Rudan  was  then  counted  as  of  Kirman.  The  anrfe  to 

■ ■■ . O ■ ■ ■■■ 

the  south  lies  on  the  seashore  at  the  frontier  of  Kirman, 

^ This  figure  of  a lo2;enge  is  wanting  in  both  manuscripts. 


THE  PBOYINCE  OF  FABS 


10 


and  tlie  districts  of  Huzti  are  at  this  place ; and  next 
comes  the  Sit*  [or  Coast  District]  lying  along  the  sea. 
Tiie  western  angle  of  Fars  is  towards  Khuzistan,  in  the 
direction  of  the  Sea  of  'Oman,  the  frontier  being  near 
Arrajan  [wliicli  should  of  riglit  be  counted]  as  of  the 
province  of  Fars.  However,  at  the  time  when  [the  Biiyid 
prince]  Bakalijar^  was  driven  from  Ids  kingdom,  the 
governor  of  that  district  was  a certain  Wazir,  Abii-h'Ala 
by  name,  and  he,  making  common  cause  with  Hazar  Asj)  - 
[the  chief  of  that  frontier],  delivered  over  Arrajto  into  his 
liands.  Hence  it  has  come  about  that  since  the  time  when 
Khuzistan  [about  443  (1051)]  on  the  tirst  establishment 
of  the  present  [Saljiiq]  dynasty,  was  placed  under  the 
governorship  of  Hazar  Asp,  Arrajan  has  been  included  in 
the  Khuzistan  province. 

Descri'ption  of  the  Ivurahs  [Districts]  of  Fars. — The 
province  of  Fars  contains  five  [Districts  or]  Kiirahs,  and 
each  Kurah  is  called  after  the  name  of  the  king  who 
first  established  it ; these  districts  therefore  stand  thus  : 
the  IstaWir  Kurah,  that  of  Daifibjird,  tliat  of  Arda.^ir 
Khtirah,^  of  Shapur  Khtirah.  and  of  Qubad  Khiirah ; and 
each  one  of  these  five  Kurahs  contains  various  cities  and 
sub-districts,  as  will  be  fully  detailed  in  what  follows. 

The  IsTAiiHR  District 

The  name  of  this  district  is  from  [the  capital,  Pei*sepolis] 
which  same  was  the  first  city  to  be  built  in  Fars, 
and  it  was  founded  by  [the  mythical  king]  Kayumar^. 
The  Kurah  extends  over  a total  area  of  50  leagues  in  the 

^ In  tlie  maruiscripfc,  as  already  said,  spelt  thus  and  alternatively 
Bakalinjar.  See  Introduction,  p.  7. 

Hazar  Asp  ibn  Bankir  ibn  Hyad  Taj-al-Mulfc  (Ibn-al-Athlr,  ix,  392). 

® Always  written  in  the  MS.  '^Hrah,  the  Arabic  form  being  hhiirrali, 
meaning  the  Glory  ” of  Ardashir,  Shapur,  and  Qubad.  As  a matter  of 
fact  only  these  three  last  Kurahs  bear  the  names  of  kings.  The  five 
Kurahs  are  those  given  by  Ista^ri  (p.  97)  except  that  he  calls  Qubad 
j^urrah  the  Kurah  of  Arrajan. 


20 


IBK-AL-BALKHI 


breadtli  by  50  in  length.  Its  frontiers  in  tlie  length,  are 
at  Yazd  [on  the  east]  and  at  Hazar  Dirakht  [“the 
Tiionsand  Trees/’  on  the  west],^  and  in  tlie  breadth  extend 
from  Qiiliistan  ^ to  Nayriz.  The  chief  cities  of  the  Kurah 
are  tlie  following. 

Yazd, — This  city,  with  its  dependent  towns  Maybud, 
Nayin,  Kathah  [Old  Y’azd],  and  Fahraj,  with  some  otliers, 
l}elongs  to  Fars,  and  it  lies  on  the  frontier  of  the  Istaklir 
Kurah.  Yazd  has  its  water  from  underground  channels 
[kd'Hs] ; its  climate  is  temperate,  but  by  reason  that  the 
city  stands  on  the  border  of  the  [Great]  Desert,  it  is  at 
times  hot.  Fruits  of  all  kinds  grow  well,  and  pome- 
granates are  in  greater  abundance  here  than  anywhere 
else,  those  of  Maybud  being  the  best  in  quality.  In  Fahraj 
the  water-melons  arc  excellent,  sweet,  and  so  large  that 
two  of  them  are  a load  for  any  beast.^  In  the  districts 
round  silk  is  produced,  for  the  mulberry-tree  here  is 
abundant.  Further,  they  manufacture  excellent  cloths  in 
brocade,  also  of  the  kind  named  mudif/l,  and  the 

like,  for  in  [Yazd]  they  rear  goats  only,  no  sheep,  and  the 
hair  from  these  is  very  strong.  The  people  [of  Yazd]  are 
all  of  the  Sunni  sect,  orthodox,  pious,  and  strict  [in 
religious  observance].  The  coin  in  use  here  is  known  as 

^ The  MSS.  have,  probably  in  error,  Hazar  va  Birayit,  “ Thousand  and 
a Tree.”  The  place  named  is  possibly  connected  with  Hazar,  chief 
town  of  the  Hazar  District,  with  a mosque  {miiihar)  mentioned  l.>y 
I^takhri,  p.  102  {also  p.  123,  1,  1,  where  Hardt  in  the  text  is  in  error  for 
Hazar),  and  IH.  182,  194.  Muqaddasi  (p.  458)  writes  the  name  Azar 
Sahur,  in  Qudamah  (p.  396)  it  is  given  as  Hay  Sabfir.  Tlie  present 
village  of  Hazar  lies  2|  leagues  south-east  of  Baydii  (FNN.  185),  which 
agrees  with  the  Itineraries  (1st.  132,  IH.  201,  Muq.  458),  where  it  is 
placed  half-way  between  Mayin  and  ^iraz. 

- The  village  near  Isfidan,  see  next  page. 

^ The  MS.  here  has  a hole  in  the  paper : text  completed  from  .Hafiz 
Abril  (India  Office  MS.,  fob  76a,  B.M.  86a). 

^ Mic-lhfi  is  mentioned  in  Muqaddasi  (p.  323)  as  the  name  of  a stuff 
made  in  Hislmpur.  De  Goeje  [Glossary y BGA.  iv,  355)  explains  that  the 
name  came  from  the  instrument  used  in  its  manufacture.  What 

the  fara^i  stuff  was  is  uncertain  ; possibly  we  should  read  farajl,  given 
in  the  dictionaries  as  the  name  of  a garment  w'orn  by  Shayldis. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  FABS 


21 


Aialrl  gold  piece,  and  three  of  these  diiuTrs  go  to  the 
red  diriar.’^- 

Grenter  and  Lesser  Urd. — A meadow-land,  30  leagues 
in.  length  by  3 in  breadth.  In  this  meadow-land  there  are 
districts  tdiat  are  .full  of  villages  with  fiefs  paying  the  state 
and  tb.e  land  taxes.-  The  chief  town  of  those  districts  is 
Bajjah.’"  Tlie  climate  here  is  extremely  cold,  hence  there 
are  neither  trees  nor  gardens.  Botli  in  the  plain  and  in 
the  hills  around  are  many  springs.  In  this  district  also 
is  a village  [called  Kushk-i-Zard'^'j,  of  the  state-domains, 
and  this  is  tlie  frontier  village  of  the  district.  All  these 
places  are  most  populous,  and  to  tliis  district  also  belong 
the  villages  of  Dili  Gawz,  Abadah,  and  Shuristto.^ 

Kfirad  and  Kallar.^ — KiTirad  is  a small  town,  Kallar 
a large  village ; and  a wide  district  lies  round  them, 
producing  corn  crops,  for  the  climate  here  is  very  cold. 
There  are  running  streams,  and  the  source  of  the  Eiver 
Kur  is  in  tliis  district.  It  is  most  populous. 

Isfldan  and  Qaltistand — Both  these  places  are  much 

^ Namely,  the  Abbasid  dinar  ” of  the  Caliphate,  worth  about  half 
a sovereign. 

- IIullcl  wa  inianljl. 

^ The  name  Urd  is  no  longer  known.  Bajjah,  the  chief  town  (or 
Jaiomah)^  is  possibly  Bazliachah,  leagues  north  of  Aspas  (FNN.  220, 
1st.  103,  Muq.  424).  The  word  Jawmah^  already*'  referred  to  (p.  13),  often 
written  in  the  MSS.,  whether  in  error  or  not,  Haimnah^  is  used  in 
Ibn-al-Balkhi  for  “the  chief  town”  of  a district.  In  modern  Persian 
Jmmah  is  the  district  round  a town,  e.g.  the  Mtmah  of  Shiraz  (FNN.  190). 

MS.  blank  restored  conjecturally  from  Hamd- Allah  Mustawfi. 

Dill  Gawz  is  modern  Dih  Girdu,  “Nut  Village”  (FNN.  220).  This 
Abadah  is  now  known  as  “of  Iqlid  ”,  to  distinguish  it  from  the  village 
of  the  same  name  near  Lake  BaMitigan  (FNN.  108),  Shuristan  is  modern 
Shulgistan  (FNN.  168),  which  IstaMiri  (p,  103)  gives  as  Sarvistan, 
“ Cypress  Village.” 

® Kurad,  according  to  the  Itineraries,  lay  5 leagues  north  of  Kallar. 
Neither  place  now  exists. 

Isfidan,  which  is  not  mentioned  by  the  Arab  geographers,  is  probably 
the  modern  Isfadran  (FNN.  221).  QuhivStan,  which  generally  means 
“a  mountain  district”  or  “the  hill  country”,  is  here  the  name  of 
a village,  probal>ly  near  Isfadran,  but  no  longer  to  be  found  on  the  map. 
It  is  given  above  as  on  the  western  frontier. 


22 


IBN-AL-BALEHI 

like  Ktiracl.  The  climate  here  is  extremely  cold ; and  in 
the  neighbourhood  there  is  a cavern  in  the  mountain  that 
can  be  used  as  a place  of  refuge. 

Yazdil^vMst — Tliis  place,  with  Dili  Gawz,  Shuristan, 
Abadali  [above  nientioiied],  and  other  villages  of  these 
parts  are  all  of  the  cold  district,  growing  corn  but  no  fruit. 
There  are  running  streams  and  springs  liere,  but  at 
Shuristan  the  Salt  Village  the  water  is  brackish. 

Khahraz  cmd  Scmdt. — [Both  these  are]  small  towns, 
having  many  districts  round  them,  of  which  they  are  the 
chief  places.  The  climate  here  is  cold  but  temperate  ; 
there  are  running  streams  and  springs,  and  fruit  of  all 
kinds  is  grown  plentifully.  Tlie  district  is  populous,  and 
in  the  chief  town  there  is  a mosque  for  the  Friday 
prayersd 

Kliabralx:  and  Qdln — Khabrak  is  a large  village  and 
Qali  a meadow-land,  some  [5  or  6]  - leagues  in  length. 
The  climate  here  is  cold  but  healthy:  also  there  are  hunting- 
grounds.  Their  water  is  from  the  river  [Purvab],  which 
is  very  wholesome.  The  district  is  populous,  and  near  by 
is  the  village  of  Khuvar,  the  climate  and  water  of  wdiich 

^ There  is  some  confusion  about  these  two  places  and  the  next  two 
mentioned.  Khabraz  appears  to  be  modern  Khabriz,  bang  3 leagues 
south-west  of  Arsinjan  (FNN.  173).  No  village  of  Sarvat  now  exists, 
and  the  name  is  given  by  Istakhri  (p.  103,  also  IH.  182)  as  Sarvab,  and 
in  the  present  MS.  it  is  often  written  so  that  it  might  be  read  Purvab, 
the  name  of  the  river.  Sarvat,  however,  is  given  below  as  near  Kamali, 
modern  Kamin,  hence  it  probably  stood  to  the  southward  of  modern 
Kalilak.  The  district  round  this,  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Purvab 
River,  was  apparently  the  meadow  land  of  Qali,  a name  that  has  dis- 
appeared from  the  map.  This  also  is  the  case  with  Khabrak,  but  Khuvar 
near  which  it  stood  exists,  as  QaPah  ®ar  (1  league  to  the  south-east  of 
Arsinjan),  and  Khabrak,  given  later  in  the  MS.  under  the  form  Siafrak, 
must  have  been  one  of  the  chief  villages  of  the  I^afrak  Districts,  Upper 
and  Lower,  which  are  well  known  (FNN.  174,  300).  The  mosque  for 
the  Friday  prayers  so  frequently  mentioned  [literally  “congregational 
mosque  and  pulpit”;  jdmV  ma  minhar}  is  a phrase  taken  from  Istakhri 
and  other  earlier  Arab  geographers  who  give  long  lists  of  towns  with 
or  without  a miiibar  or  “pulpit”,  to  indicate  their  approximate 
importance  and  size. 

Added  from  Hafiz  Abru,  and  see  the  previous  note. 


THE  PEOYINCE  OF  FAES 


23 


are  as  aforesaid,  and  here  too  there  is  a castle  called 
Qahah  Khii\'ar. 

21a j fin. — A small  town  in  the  hill  country,  laying  at  the 
foot  of  a pass,  at  a point  where  many  roads  meet.  The 
climate  is  cold,  and  the  water  from  running  streams 
excellent.  They  liave  corn  and  fruit,  but  in  no  great 
quantities.  Most  of  the  j^eople  here  are  thieves  and  robbers. 

Abarqtiyalt. — Abarquyah  is  a small  town,  witli  a broad 
district  round  it,  having  a temperate  climate,  somewhat 
cooler  than  tliat  of  Ysizd.  Its  water  is  from  running 
streams  partljq  and  in  part  from  underground  channels. 
There  are  corn-lands,  and  much  fruit  is  grown.  It  is 
a pleasant  place,  Yuth  an  invigorating  climate,  but  other 
crops  [beyond  tiiose  above  mentioned]  do  not  grow  here. 
The  town  is  populous,  and  there  is  a mosque  for  the 
Fridaj’  prayers. 

Iqlld. — A small  town,  with  a fortress : also  a mosque 
for  the  Friday  prayers.  The  climate  is  cool,  for  it  lies  in 
the  cold  country,  and  is  both  temperate  and  invigorating. 
The  water  is  good,  being  from  running  streams.  Fruits 
of  all  kinds  are  cultivated  here,  and  there  are  corn-lands, 
but  no  other  crops  are  grown.  The  place  is  very  populous.^ 

Siivmaq  and  Arjttindn.- — [Both  are]  small  towns,  with 
their  districts,  that  resemble  in  every  way  Iqlid.  They 
also  grow  here  apricots : the  equal  thereof  for  excellence 
and  sweetness  will  not  be  found  anywhere  else  in  all  the 
world,  and  the  dried  apricots  from  this  place  are  exported 
to  other  lands.  The  district  is  very  populous. 

Run  Greater  and  Lesser? — These  are  meadow-lands, 

^ Mayin,  Abarquyah,  now  called  Abarquh,  and  Iqlid  are  all  well-known 
[daces  j so  too  Surmaq  and  Arjuman,  now  written  Stirmaq  and  Arguman 
(FNIST.  169,  171,  291).  In  the  text  of  Istakhri  (p.  101)  Arjuman  is  wrongly 
given  as  Arkhuman  or  Uryiuman  (variant  here  right).  Our  Paris  MS. 
gives  Urjiln  or  Uzjan,  in  error,  which  must  not  be  mistaken  for  Uzjan  of 
Yaqut,  i,  197- 

^ Run  District  is  no  longer  found  on  the  map,  but  its  position  north  of 
Mayin  is  confirmed  by  the  Itinerary.  It  is  not  the  modern  Rivin  (spelt 
th<^  same)  of  FNIST.  272,  which  lay  in  Kuh  Giluyah. 


24 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


16  leagues  in  leiigtli  by  2 in  width.  There  are  many 
districts  among  these  meadows,  where  are  fiefs  and  crown 
lands  ^ ; and  the  chief  town  lies  among  gardens.  The 
climate  i>s  cold,  their  water  is  from  springs,  and  tliey  have 
liardly  any  fruit,  notliing  being  grown  except  corn.  You 
go  from  here  to  the  pass  above  Mayin,  a fearful  road,  by 
reason  of  the  footpads,  who  infest  all  the  villages  of  that 
district. 

KdmfwTiz? — A district  lying  on  the  banks  of  [the  River 
Kur].  Tliere  is  here  a great  forest  of  oak-trees,  with 
medlars  and  willows.  Lions  are  met  with  in  great 
numbers,  very  fierce  and  bold,  and  in  no  other  place  [in 
Fars]  are  they  so  numerous.  The  climate  is  cold,  but 
temperate,  and  the}?-  get  their  water  from  the  river  [Kur], 
which  is  excellent  and  digestible.  The  chief  town  of  the 
district  is  [Tir  Mayijan],*^  but  most  of  its  villages  are  now 
in  ruin. 

Kamah,  Fdruq,  and  Laslrd} — [Three]  small  towns, 
with  many  villages  and  their  districts.  The  climate 
here  is  cold  hut  temperate.  There  are  many  fine 
running  streams,  and  much  fruit  of  all  kinds  is  grown. 
Hunting-grounds  abound  near  by.  All  the  district  is 
populous,  and  in  the  chief  town  is  a mosque  for  the 
Friday  prayers. 

Sdhah  and  Ilardh,^ — Two  small  towns ; the  climate 
here  is  temperate,  but  running  streams  are  scarce.  In 
Sahah  they  get  iron,  and  of  the  steel  make  swords  and 
other  blades,  which  [after  the  name  of  the  town]  are 

^ IqWl  im  mnlkl, 

FKiST.  256.  The  chief  town  of  the  district,  now,  is  called  Palangari. 

® Blank  : see  Itinerary.  Istakhri  does  not  mention  its  chief  town, 

^ Kamah  town  is  probably  the  present  Kalilak,  the  capital  of  the 
Kamm  District : Paruq  exists,  in  the  Upper  Khafrak  District ; but 
Lasirfi,  or  Basira  (as  the  name  is  spelt  later),  is  no  longer  to  be  found 
on  the  map  (FNN.  260,  300). 

® Sahah  is  modern  Chahak,  as  further  shown  by  the  name  of  the 
Chahaki  .swords.  Harat,  as  the  name  is  written  in  the  Arab  geographers, 
also  exists  (FNJST.  181,  301). 


THE  PKOVINCE  OF  FARS 


25 


■called  Clialiaki.  Both  these  towns  are  populous,  each 
having  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayers. 

Bavviln  and  Marvast} — Bavvto  is  a small  town,  with, 
a mosque  for  Friday  prayers;  and  Marvast  is  like  it. 
There  are  fruit  orchards,  so  extensive  that  their  trees 
make  a forest.  Tliese  two  towns  lie  near  the  districts  of 
Kirman.  The  climate  is  temperate,  and  there  are  running 
streams  ; also,  both  places  are  very  populous. 

Ahraj? — A large  village  lying  at  the  foot  of  a hill. 
Tliis  hill  is  their  sure  refuge,  and  they  have  dug  their 
houses,  [building  tliem]  one  above  another  in  its  flank. 
An  abundant  stream  flows  down  from  its  summit,  and 
the  water  for  the  whole  district  is  taken  from  tin's. 

Istakhr^  and  Istakhr  in  the  da^^s  of  the 

ancient  Persian  kings  was  their  capital.  It  was,  in  fact, 
first  founded  by  Kayumarth,  and  after  him  each  king  on 
his  accession  added  something  to  the  city,  more  especiallj^ 
Tahmurath,  who  built  here  many  palaces.  When  Jamshid 
■came  to  be  king  of  [Persia  and]  the  whole  world,  he 
made  Istakhr  such  an  enormous  city  that  its  limits 
extended  from  Hafrak  or  Khafrak  [on  the  east]  to  the 
further  parts  of  Ramjird  [on  the  west],  its  area  measuring 
4 leagues  in  length  by  10  in  breadth.  Within  the 
circuit  of  the  city  there  were  three  castles,  one  QaPah 

^ Bavvan  (not  to  be  confused  with  the  valley  of  Bavvan,  mentioned 
below)  w^as  the  chief  town  of  the  district  still  known  as  the  Bavvanat. 
Of  this  the  capital  now  is  Suriyan,  but  Bavvan  town  is  more  probably 
to  be  identified  with  modern  Muzayjan,  which  in  the  Arab  geographers 
is  spelt  Murayzijan  (FN’N.  181,  1st.  101,  Muq.  424).  The  town  of 
iMarvast  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  Marvdaslit  district,  as  is  too 
often  the  case  in  the  MSS.  The  town  exists  (FNIST.  301);  and  it  is 
probably  the  place  mentioned  by  Istakhri  (p.  102),  where  for  Marusf 
in  the  text  we  should  read  the  variant  Marust  or  Marvast  given  in  the 
note.  (In  BGA.  iv,  390,  the  emendation  that  this  should  be  read 
Marvda^t  is  certainly  in  error.)  Neither  Marvdasht  district  nor 
Marvast  town  is  mentioned  by  any  of  the  other  Arab  geographers. 

Abraj  is  now  the  name  of  the  district  of  which  the  chief  town  is 
Dashtak  (FNN.  170). 

Persepolis  (FNN.  293). 


m 


IBK-AL-BALKHI 


Istakhr,  the  second  Qal^ah  Shikastah  [the  Castle], 

and  the  third  Qahah  Shakanvan.  These  were  known  as 
the  Three  Doinesd  Next  he  built  a palace  at  the  foot 
of  the  Iiill,  the  equal  of  which  was  not  to  be  found  in 
the  wliole  world;  and  the  clescidption  thereof  is  after 
tliis  wise.  At  the  foot  of  the  hill  [nortli  of  Istakhr] 
Jamsh id  laid  out  a platform  of  solid  stone  that  was  black 
in  colour,  the  platform  being  four-sided,  one  side  against 
the  hill  foot  and  the  other  three  sides  towards  the  plain, 
and  the  height  of  the  platform  was  on  all  sides  30  ells. 
In  the  fore-face  thereof  he  built  two  stairways,  so  easy 
of  ascent  that  horsemen  could  ride  up  without  difficulty. 
Then  upon  the  platform  he  erected  columns  of  solid  blocks 
in  white  stone,  so  finely  worked  that  even  in  wood  it 
might  be  impossible  to  make  the  like  by  turners  art 
or  by  carving ; and  these  columns  were  very  tall.  Some 
were  after  one  pattern,  while  others  were  differently 
carved ; and  among  the  rest  there  were  two  pillars  in 
particular  which  stood  before  the  threshold  [of  the  palace], 
these  being  square  in  shape,  and  formed  of  a white  stone 
that  resembled  marble.  Nowhere  else  in  all  the  province 
of  ¥avB  is  any  stone  like  this  found,  and  no  one  knows 
whence  these  blocks  were  brought.  This  stone  is 
[a  stiptic]  for  wounds,  hence  they  break  ofi‘  pieces  thereof, 
and  when  any  one  has  received  a hurt  they  file  some 
piece  of  the  stone  down,  and  laying  [the  powder]  on  the 
wound  it  forthwith  is  staunched.  The  wonder  is  how- 
ever these  great  stones  were  set  xip  here,  for  each  pillar 
measures  more  than  30  ells  round  and  about,  being  also 
more  than  40  ells  in  height ; and  each  is  built  up  of 
only  two  or  [at  most]  three  blocks.  Further,  there  is 

^ Sih  Gimhadan, — At  foL  15&  of  the  MS.  the  author  writes  that  in  the 
castle  of  IstaWir  Jamshid  kept  his  treasury  ll^azcmah\  in  the  castle 
of  Shikastah  his  storehouse  [farrd^~Md'iiah\  and  in  the  castle  of 
Shakanvan  he  established  his  armoury  {mrrdd’hhdnciTi].  This  last 
name  is  sometimes  written  Shankavan. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  FABH 


to  be  seen  here  the  figure  of  [tlxe  steed]  Buraqd  and 
the  figure  is  after  this  fashion  : the  face  is  as  tlie  face 
of  a man.  ^vitli  a beard  and  curly  hair,  with  a croNvn  set 
on  the  head,  hot  tlie  body,  with  the  fore  and  hind  legs, 
are  tliose  of  a bidl,  BXid  the  tail  is  a bull’s  tail.  Now 
all  these  columns  liad  borne  originally  upper  stories  erected 
on  their  summits,  but  of  these  buildings  no  trace  now 
remains.  Round  and  about  lie  mounds  of  chiAg  and  the 
people  going  up  tliere  dig  out  this  clay  and  wash  it ; and 
they  find  in  among  the  clay  Indian  tiittyf^  wliich  same  is 
a medicament  for  tlie  eyes  ; but  no  one  knows  how  tins 
has  liere  come  to  1)0  mixed  up  with  the  clay.  In  Istakhr 
every w]ier<‘  and  about  may  be  seen  tlie  sculptured  portrait 
of  Jams!) id,  [and  he  is  represented]  as  a powerful  man 
with  a well -grown  beard,  a handsome  face,  and  curly 
hair.  In  many  places  his  likeness  has  been  so  set  that 
he  faces  [south  to]  the  sun.  In  one  hand  lie  holds  a stafi* 
and  in  tlie  other  a censer,  in  which  incense  is  burning, 
and  he  is  worsliipping  the  sun.  In  other  places  lie  is 
represented  witli  liis  left  hand  grasping  the  neck  of 
a lion,  or  else  seizing  a wild  ass  by  the  head,  or  again 
he  is  taking  a unicorn  [or  rhinoceros]  by  the  horn,  while 
in  his  riglit  Iiand  he  holds  a liuntiiig-knife,  Avliieh  he 
lias  plunged  into  the  belly  of  the  lion  or  unicorn  aforesaid. 
In  the  hill  [above  Istakhr]  they  have  made  a liot-bath, 
cutting  tanks  in  the  solid  rock;  and  the  wTxter  which 
flows  into  tliese  tanks  from  the  sides  and  tlie  ceilings 
is  from  a natural  hot  spring,  which  goes  to  prove  that 
the  source  of  the  water  lies  in  a sulphur-bed.  On  the 
hill-summit  [beyond  Istakhr]  are  many  great  Daklimahs,^ 
to  which,  the  people  have  given  the  name  of  the  Prison 
of  the  Wind. 

On  wliicb  tlie  Prophet  Muhammad  made  his  Night  J ourney  to  Heaven. 
See  Quran,  eh.  xvii,  where,  however,  the  name  of  the  steed  is  not 
mentioned. 

- Tutty,  which  is  crude  zinc  oxide,  is  found  in  many  parts  of  Persia. 

So-called  Towers  of  Silence,  where  the  dead  were  exposed  by  the 
Guebres. 


28 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


The  Marvdasht  District^  in  part  was  built  over  by  the 
houses  of  tlie  city  [of  IstaWir],  but  the  greater  portion 
was  occupied  by  the  gardens  of  Jamshid’s  palaces.  The 
River  Piirvab  is  the  celebrated  stream  that  flows  past 
Istakhr  and  through  the  Marvdasht  district ; its  waters 
are  wliohisome  to  drink.  The  climate  of  Istakhr  is  cold 
but  temperate,  and  resembles  that  of  Isfahan.  In  the 
early  days  of  Islam  when  Istakhr  was  first  conquered 
[by  the  Arabs],  once  and  twice  even  the  people  revolted 
treaclierously,  wliich  led  to  a massacre  of  the  inhabitants, 
as  lias  been  already  mentioned  in  the  first  [historical]  part 
of  the  present  work,  and  the  city  was  laid  in  ruins.  Then 
long  after  this,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Bakalijar 
[the  Bii^fid],  tliere  was  a certain  Wazir  who,  being  at  enmity 
with  another  [noble],  set  out  to  contend  with  him.  Upon 
this  the  Amir  Qutulmish  - came  up  with,  a [third]  army,  and 
they  [fought],  demolishing  all  that  remained  of  [ancient] 
Istaklir,  and  pillaged  the  whole  township.  Wherefore  at 
the  present  time  Istakhr  is  become  a mere  village,  with 
only  a hundred  men  for  population.  The  River  Kur 
[as  already  said]  flows  through  [the  plain  of]  Marvdasht ; 
its  source  is  near  Kallar,  and  it  flows  out  into  Lake 
Balditigto,  the  description  of  which  will  come  in  its 
proper  place.  Near  IstaMir  is  seen  the  mountain  of 
Nafasht,  on  which  was  preserved  the  Book  of  Zand,^ 
which  [the  prophet]  Zoroaster  revealed. 

Ramjird.^ — A district  lying  on  the  banks  of  the  [Kur] 

^ FNN.  293,  but,  as  already  said  (note  to  p.  25),  not  mentioned  by 
the  Arab  geographers. 

The  Amir  Qutulmish,  surnamed  l^ahab-ad-Dawlah,  was  the  sou  of 
an  uncle  of  Tughrul  Beg.  He  was  the  contemporary  and  rival  of  Sultan 
Alp  Arslan,  and  died  in  456  (1064).  (Ibh-al-Atliir,  x,  23,  24.)  He  was 
the  ancestor  of  the  later  SaljGq  Sultans  who  ruled  in  Quniyah  (Iconium). 

^ Tills  mountain  and  its  connexion  with  the  revelation  of  the  Zand 
Avesta  does  not  appear  to  be  mentioned  by  any  other  authority.  ISTo 
Arab  geographer  seems  to  have  noticed  the  name,  and  nothing  about  it 
is  given  by  F.  Rosenberg  in  his  translation  of  the  Zarafusht  NCimali 
(Le  Livre  de  Zoroastre,  St,  Petersburg,  1904). 

FHH.  214. 


THE  PllOYIKCE  OF  FARS 


20 


Eiver.  In  tliis  part  of  the  stream  they  had  in  former 
days  erected  a dam  in  order  to  secure  a Ksufficiency  of 
Avater  to  irrigate  tlie  lands,  but  in  the  times  of  disorder 
[Avhen  the  Arabs  OA'Crran  Persia]  this  dam  fell  to  ruin, 
and  all  the  district  of  llamjird  AA^ent  out  of  cultivation* 
In  recent  yeai's  the  Atabeg  Chauli  has  rebuilt  this  dam, 
and  the  country  round  lias  again  been  brought  under 
cultivation.  This  dam  is  named  [after  the  Atabeg  Avliose 
surname  is  Fakhr  - ad  - PaAAdah]  the  Fakhri>stan.  The 
climate  of  the  district  is^cold  but  temperate,  and  there  arc 
corn-lands  giving  abundant  crops,  but  no  fruit  is  grown. 

QiLf/riili} — A small  toAAm  Avith  a temperate  climate. 
There  are  running  streams,  and  both  corn  and  fruit  are 
groAvn.  It  is  noAA^  under  the  rule  of  llasiiyah.'^  There 
are  iron-mines  here,  and  the  district  is  populous. 

Khayrah  a/nd  Nayrlz!^ — These  are  tAvo  small  towns, 
and  Nayriz  possesses  a castle.  Tliey  groAV  grapes  here 
abundantly,  and  most  of  the  grapes  they  dry  to  make 
raisins.  The  climate  is  temperate,  and  there  are  running 
streams.  In  each  toAvn  there  is  a mosque  for  the  Fiuday 
prayers,  for  they  are  A^ery  populous.  Near  by  is  the 
district  governed  by  Hasuyah,  and  in  Khayrah  there  is 
a very  strongly  fortified  castleA  on  a hill-top. 

Upper  and  Lower  Kirhal? — [In  tliese  districts]  they 
ha\m  built  three  dams  across  the  Kur  River,  AAdiose  waters 
serve  to  irrigate  their  lands.  Of  these  districts  parts  are  of 
the  hot  region,  parts  of  the  cold,  and  there  are  corn-lands. 

BaydaJ — A small  but  Avell-built  town,  and  the  soil  here 

^ FjVN.  30S.  Now  spelt  Qatru. 

^ Chief  of  the  IsmfVili  tribe  ; see  Introduction  (p,  11), 

Khayrah,  a stage  in  the  Itineraries,  must  have  been  the  chief  hamlet 
of  the  Khir  district,  which  lies  on  the  soiith  of  Lake  Bakhtigan  to  the 
north  of  Istahbanat  (FNN.  178  and  199).  Najnlz,  now  pronounced  Niriz, 
is  a town  and  district  to  the  east  of  the  lake  (FNN.  305). 

Tir-i-KIiuda  ; see  hclow'.  ® FNN.  256. 

^ Now  called  the  Hill  of  Bayda,  Tall  Baydd  in  Arabic  meaning  “the 
White  Hill”  (FNN.  183).  The  name  is  pronounced  Bayza  by  the 
Persians. 


30 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 

is  white,  and  it  is  from  this  fact  that  the  place  has  its 
name.  Before  the  gate  of  the  town  there  stretches  out 
a fine  meado\Y-land,  10  leagues  in  length  by  10  leagues 
in  widtli,  and  in  all  tlie  country  round  there  is  none  other 
to  equal  it.  There  are  many  dependent  districts,  and  the 
fruit  grown  liere  is  excellent,  being  of  all  kinds.  The 
climate  is  cold  but  temperate,  and  running  streams  of 
good  water  abound.  The  town  is  populous,  with  a mosque 
for  the  Friday  prayers.  In  the  neighbourhood  of  Bayda 
lie  the  two  [villages  of]  Ash  and  Tur.^ 

Abadakr — A small  town,  having  a strongly  fortified 
castle.  The  climate  is  temperate,  and  its  water  is  derived 
from  the  overflow  of  the  Kur  Kiver,  for  near  by  lies  the 
lake  [of  Baiditigan].  Grapes  in  abundance  grow  here. 
The  district  [governed  by]  Hasiiyah  is  near  here,  and  it  is 
very  populous. 

Khnrmmah!^  — A small  but  pleasant  town,  with  a 
temperate  climate  and  running  streams.  Fruit  and  corn 
grow  abundantly.  There  is  a castle  here,  on  the  hill-top, 
which  is  very  strongly  fortified  and  known  as  Qal'ah 
Khurramah ; in  the  town  is  a mosque  for  the  Friday 
prayers. 

Bih  Miml  and  RadCm.^ — Two  villages  lying  at  no  great 
distance  from  Bavvan,  The  climate  is  cold,  and  in  the 
first-named  village  myrtles  grow  abundantly. 

^ Neither  appears  to  exist  at  the  present  day ; cf.  Itinerary  for  their 
position. 

- The  southern  Abadah,  now  known  as  Abildah  Tashk  (FNN.  170). 

3 Now  called  lairamah  (FNN,  257). 

Bih  Murd,  which  still  exists  (FNN.  170),  is  called  in  Arabic  Qariyat- 
al”As,  both  names  signifying  “ Myrtle  Village  ” ; and  it  was  known  to 
the  earlier  geograpliers  also  as  Budanjan.  Kadan,  or  Ra^an,  is 
mentioned  by  Ista^irl  (p.  102)  as  a village  with  no  mosque  for  the 
Friday  prayer.  JMiiqaddasi  (p.  457)  gives  it  as  lying  between  Harat  and 
Shahr4-Babak,  one  stage  from  either  place  ; it  no  longer  appears  to  be 
marked  on  the  map.  RMiin  must  not  be  confounded  with  Rudan,  on 
the  eastern  frontier  of  Fars. 


II 


THE  TAEIEH-BIGHDAB  (¥0X.  XXYII)  Of  THE  KHATIB 
BAKE  AHMAB  B.  '‘ALI  B.  THABIT'  AL- 

■ BAGHBABIV 

ACCOUNT  OF  THE  BIOGBAPHIES 
By  fritz  KRENKOW 

MONG  the  recent  acquisitions  of  the  India  Office 
Library  is  a.  volume  of  the  Tarih  BaghdM  of  the 
Hatib-  eontaiiiing  biographies  of  men  with  the  names 
of  'Umar,  'Uthman,  and  'Ali.  The  MS.  is  acephalous,  the 
end  is  missing,  and  many  leaves  have  been  lost,  so  that  an 
edition  of  the  Avhole  text  is  out  of  the  question.  Paper  and 
writing  point  to  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century  of 
the  Higrah.  This  volume  of  the  extensive  biographical 
dictionary  of  the  Hatib  does  not  appear  to  exist  in  other 
European  libraries,  the  greater  portion  of  the  work  having 
been  lost.  Salmon  published  in  1904  the  geographical 
introduction  of  the  book  with  a French  translation  ; in 
liis  introduction  he  gives  an  account  of  the  known  MSS. 
and  a biography  of  the  author.  Witli  regard  to  the 
MSS.  enumerated  by  Salmon,  it  must  be  noted  that 
Amar  (JA.,  vol.  xi,  237,  1908)  has  showm  that  the  MSS. 
Bibl.  Nat.  2130  and  2131  are  not  the  original  work  of  the 
Hatib,  but  parts  of  an  amplification  of  his  work  by  Ibn 
an-Naggar  (d.  643  a.h.).  The  fact  that  No.  2131  is  called 
the  twenty-eighth  volume,  and  contains  biographies  of  men 
named  'Ali  following  later,  according  to  the  alphabetical 
arrangement  of  the  Hatib,  than  those  contained  in  the  India 
Office  MS.,  seems  to  prove  that  the  latter  is  a portion  of 
the  twenty-seventh  volume. 

^ For  biographies  of  the  author  I refer  readers  to  the  introduction 
of  the  work  of  Salmon,  mentioned  below,  and  the  long  account  found  in 
Yaqut,  Irsad,  i,  246-60. 

2 Arab.  1134. 


:32"' 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 

With  the  ntoiost  liberality  the  authorities  at  tlie  India 
OfBce  sent  me  the  codex  for  perusal  at  home,  for  which 
I express  here  my  sincerest  thanks  and  the  faint  hope 
that  otlier  public  libraries  in  this  country  may  some  day 
make  similar  arrangements,  which  would  greatly  assist 
Oriental  studies  and  place  English  students  on  a similar 
footing  to  that  enjoyed  by  scholars  on  the  Continent. 
This  enabled  me  to  make  a complete  copy  of  the  MS., 
which  I shall  be  pleased  to  place  at  the  disposal  of 
scholars  w^ho  cannot  consult  the  India  Office  MS. 

The  MS.  is  written  in  kurrasahs  of  ten  leaves  each,  and 
the  following  table  will  show  at  a glance  which  leaves  are 
lost  or  misplaced  : — 

I missing. 


II 

X 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

III 

10 

X 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

IV 

X 

19 

20 

X 

23 

24 

X 

[21 

22] 

X 

V 

X 

25 

26 

27 

28 

29 

30 

31 

32 

33 

VI 

X 

34 

35 

36 

37 

38 

39 

40 

41 

42 

VII 

43 

44 

45 

46 

47 

48 

49 

50 

51 

52 

VIII 

92 

63 

54 

55 

56 

57 

58 

59 

60 

61 

IX 

62 

63 

64 

65 

66 

67 

68 

69 

70 

71 

X 

72 

73 

74 

75 

76 

77 

78 

79 

80 

81 

XI 

82 

83 

84 

85 

86 

87 

88 

89 

X 

90 

XII 

91 

93 

94 

95 

96 

97 

98 

99 

100 

101 

XIII  to  XVII,  only  the  following  leaves  preserved  ; it  is 
doubtful  to  which  kurrasa  they  belong:  104, 
105,  102,  103;  106;  107,  108. 

XVIII  X X X X 109  X X X X X 

XIX  X 110  X 111  112  113  114  X 115  116 

XX  X 117  118  119  120  121  122  x 131  x 

XXI  123  124  125  126  127  128  129  130  132  x 

XXII  X 133  134  135  136  137  138  139  140  141 

XXIII  142  143  144  145  146  147  148  149  150  x ^ 

XXIV  X 151  152  153  154  155  156  157  158  159 

XXV  160  161  162  163  164  165  166  167  x x 


THE  TAlilKH-BAGHBAB  OF  THE  KHATIB 


33 


In  spite  of  so  many  defects  the  volume  contains  some 
interesting  details.  Far  from  being  a history,  the  aim  of 
the  Hatib  is  in  the  tinst  instance  to  give  the  names  of 
traditionists  as  fully  as  possible,  then  lie  quotes  the 
authorities  of  eaeli  person  and  liis  principal  pupils: 
after  this  lie  gives  opinions  of  his  own  teachers  with 
regard  to  the  trustworthiness  of  the  men  whose  biographies 
are  recorded,  and  not  seldom  a tradition,  or  traditions, 
which  are  recorded  on  their  authority,  pointing  out 
forgeries  and  errors,  always  giving  the  authority  of 
one  of  his  teachers  but  never  his  own  opinion.  Here 
lie  appears  strongly  opposed  to  'Alide  traditions.  I have 
omitted  this  portion  as  a rule  in  the  subsequent  pages 
as  it  would  have  made  my  article  too  long,  and  I have 
contented  myself  with  giving  such  details  which  I thought 
might  be  of  general  interest ; I have  given  dates  wherever 
they  are  recorded.  We  even  glean  some  additional  details 
about  the  author  himself,  as  e.g.  in  the  biography  of  his 
father  (No.  220).  Interesting  is  the  biography  of  Abu-l- 
Farag  al-Isbahani,  which  I have  added  in  the  Arabic 
text,  as  this  is  the  only  biography  in  which  anything 
like  a full  account  of  the  works  of  any  of  the  authors 
named  is  given.  A very  long  account  is  given  of  the 
grammarian  al-Kisah,  which  proves,  though  the  Hatib 
is  quite  unconscious  of  it,  that  he  was  a mixture  of 
a charlatan  and  a man  of  leaiming,  conceited,  and  never 
sure  of  his  own  knowledge.  Al-Kisa  i plays  the  often 
repeated  trick  of  claiming  to  have  received  the  authority 
for  his  statements,  which  were  disputed,  in  a dream  from 
the  prophet.^ 

The  MS.  frequently  lacks  the  diacritical  points  just 
in  names  of  persons  and  places  where  they  are  absolutely 
necessary,  and  vowels  are  put  occasionally  in  words  where 
they  are  generally  understood.  The  former  defect  entailed 

^ I refer  the  reader  to  the  Appendix,  in  which  I try  to  justify  my 
remarks  here. 


34 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


a wood  deal  of  research,  and  I have  been  able  to  hx  most, 
though  not  all,  of  the  names  by  the  aid  of  the  Kitab 
a]-An.sab  of  as-Sam'toi,  of  which  the  Trustees  of  the 
Gibb  Memorial  Fund  are  preparing  a facsimile  edition, 
and  wliich  it  is  to  be  hoped  will  soon  be  in  the  hands 
of  students.  In  the  footnotes  I have  indiccrted  where 
I have  found  biographies  of  the  men  named  in  other 
works  of  biography/  the  principal  of  which  are — 
al-Maqdisi,  Magma'  bain  ar-Rigal,  ed.  Haidarabad,  1323. 
ad-Dahabi,  Tabaqat  al-Huffaz,  ed.  Haidarabad,  no  date, 
Ibn  Hagar,  Taqrib  at-Talidib,  ed.  LucknoW',  1321. 

Ibn  Hagar,  Tahdib  at-Tahdib,  Haidarabad,  1326,  vol.  vii. 
Ibn  Hallikta,  ed.  Cairo,  1310. 

The  followung  list  of  biographies  in  the  order  in  wliicli 
they  are  found  in  the  MS.  wdll  show  the  scope  of  the 
volume,  and  I must  at  the  outset  remark  that  I give  all 
names  ending  with  the  letters  in  the  Persian  pro- 
nunciation uyalt.  Sam'anT,  who  had  frequent  opportunity 
of  meeting  men  with  similar  names,  insists  upon  this 
spelling.  Names  of  this  class  point  to  Persian  origin,  and 
were  without  a sliadow  of  doubt  pronounced  in  this  yveiy 
by  those  who  bore  them,  and  we  should  cease  to  follow 
the  pedantry  of  Arab  grammarians  wdio  try  to  make 
these  foreign  names  conform  wnth  rules  of  Arab  sj^eech. 
Only  Sib-buyalx  means  " apple-scented  not  Sibawailii ; 
similarly,  we  must  read  Buyah  for  Bawaihi ; Niftiiyah 
for  Niftawaihi ; Miskuyaii  for  Miskawaihi,  etc. 

'Ukab 

1.  ‘Umar  b.  Harun  al-Balhi,  died  194  a.h.  (Beginning 
lost.)  [Fol  lA.] 

1.  Taqrib,  282 ; Pahabi,  Tabaqat,  i,  311  ; Mizan,  ii,  No,  2154;  Tahdib, 
vii,  501. 

^ I have  not  made  an  attempt  to  be  exhaustive  in  these  notes,  as  many 
vrorks  of  reference  are  not  at  my  disposal. 

~ I am  moreover  inclined  to  think  that  this  translation  is  wrong  also  ; 
the  duplicated  B is  never  mentioned,  and  we  must  read  Sibuyah  after 
the  analogy  of  other  similar  names. 


THE  TARIKH-BAOHDAD  OP  THE  KHATTH  35 

2.  ‘Umar  b.  ‘Abd  ar-Rabraan  b.  Qais  Abu  Hafs  al-Abbar 

al-Kufi.  [Fob  IB.] 

2.  Taqrib,  2S0 ; Talidlb,  vii,  473. 

3.  ‘Umar  b.  Hafs  Abu  Hafs  al-'Abdi  al-Basri,  died  198  a.h. 

[Fol.  3a.] 

3.  Mizan,  ii,  No.  1994. 

4.  ‘Umar  b.  Sabib  b.  ‘Umar  al-Miisli,  a native  o£  al-Kufa. 

[Fol.  5a.] 

4.  MTzun,  ii,  No.  2054;  Taqrib,  279;  Tahdib,  vii,  461  (died  202  A. ii.) 

5.  ‘Umar  b.  Habib  al-‘Adawi,  a native  of  al- Basra. 

[Fol.  6b.] 

Anecdote  containing  an  acconnt  of  a dispute  about 
the  trustworthiness  of  Abu  Huraira  as  traditionist  in 
the  presence  of  ar-Easid. 

When  under  Harun  he  was  Qadi  of  ar-Rusafa,  he 
had  occasion  to  summon  ‘Abd  as-Samad  b.  ‘All  ^ to 
appear  in  a case  brought  against  him.  Tlie  latter 
refused  to  appear,  whereupon  ‘Umar  ceased  sitting 
in  court.  Harun,  having  heard  of  this,  commanded 
‘Abd  as-Sarnad  to  appear,  and  ‘Umar,  having  regard 
to  the  dignity  of  ‘Abd  as-Samad,  had  the  road  from 
his  castle  to  the  mosque  of  ar-Rusafa  laid  with  felt 
carpets.  When  ‘Abd  as-Samad  appeared  in  the 
mosque  he  made  as  though  he  would  sit  by  the  side 
of  ‘Umar,  but  the  latter  forced  him  to  sit  with  his 
adversary.  We  are  not  told  what  w^as  the  nature  of 
the  claim,  but  the  judge  found  against  ‘Abd  as-Samad. 

‘Umar  forms  part  of  a deputation  to  al-Ma‘mun 
from  al-Basra ; while  they  are  in  the  audience  hall 
a man  is  brought  and  the  Caliph  commands  him  to 
be  beheaded  there  and  then.  ‘Umar  intercedes, 
though  he  is  tlie  youngest  of  the  deputation,  and 
obtains  pardon  for  the  prisoner  by  quoting  a tradition 
which  he  had  heard  from  Harun  after  al-Mansur 
after  Ibn  Abbas.  He  asks  al-Ma‘mun  why  he  does 


^ An  uncle  of  the  Caliph  Harun. 


36 


THE  TAEIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


not  transmit  traditions,  and  the  Caliph  answers  that 
sovereignty  and  transmitting  traditions  to  the  people 
do  not  go  well  together. 

This  account  appears  to  be  apocryphal,  as  ‘Umar 
was  appointed  judge  for  the  eastern  part  of  Baghdad 
by  al-Mansilr,  and  to  the  same  office  in  al-Basra  by 
Harun. 

(The  end  of  the  biography  is  unfortunately  lost.) 

5.  Mizan,  ii,  No.  1986 ; Taqnb, 277 ; Tahdib,  vii, 431  (died 206or 207 a.h. ). 

6.  TTmar  b.  Sa‘id  Abti  Hafs  al-Qurasi  ad-Dimasqi,  died  the 

3rd  of  DCi-l-Qa'da,  225  a.h.,  over  80  years  old. 
(Beginning  missing.)  [FoL  11a.] 

6.  Tahdib,  vii,  453. 

7.  ‘Umar  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Halid  b.  ‘Abd  ar-Rahman  Abu 

Hafs,  known  as  al-Kurdi.  [Fol.  llB.] 

7.  Sam'ani,  479a  ; Mizaii,  ii,  No.  1963. 

8.  ‘Umar  b.  Zurara  Abu  Hafs  al-Hadathi.  [Fol.  12a.] 

8a.  ‘Umar  b.  Zurara  an-Nisapuri,  mentioned  at  the  end  of 
the  biography  to  distinguish  him  from  his  namesake. 
[Fob  12b.] 

9.  ‘Umar  b.  al-Farag  Abu  ‘Aun  al-Hasimi  al-Baghdadi. 

[Fol.  13  a.] 

10.  ‘Umar  b.  Ismail  b.  Mugalid  b.  Sa‘id  al«Hamdani, 

a native  of  al-Kufa.  [Fol.  13a.] 

10.  Taqrib,  277  ; Tahdib,  vii,  427. 

11.  ‘Umar  b.  as-Sabah  b.  ‘Umar  b.  ‘Ali  Abu  Hafs,  settled  in 

ar-Raqqa,  where  he  died  237  a.h.  [Fol.  15a.] 

12.  ‘Umar  b.  Abi-l-Harith  Hunga  b.  ‘Amir  as-Sa‘di 

al-Buhari,  died  250  A.H.  in  Baghdad.  [Fol.  15b.] 
12.  Maqdisi,  Magma‘,  p.  343,  No.  1296. 

13.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  ai-Hasan  b.  az-Zubair  Abii 

Hafs  ahAsadi,  known  as  Ibn  at-Tall,  died  in  Bawwa], 
250  A.H.  [Fol.  16a.] 

14.  ‘Umar  b.  ‘Abd  al-‘Aziz  ad-Darir.  [Fol.  17a.] 

15.  ‘Umar  b.  Nasr  Abu  Hafs  ahAnsari  an-Nahrawani. 

[Fob  17b.] 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


16.  'Umar  b.  Sabba  b.  'Ubaida  b.  Zaid  Abu  Zaid  an- 

Nuinairi  al-Basri,  born  on  Sunday,  1st  of  Ragab, 
173  A.H.,  died  on  Thursday,  the  25th  of  Gumilda  ii, 
262  A.H.  [Fol  17b.] 

16.  Baliala,  Tabaqat,  ii,  08  ; Taqrib,  279  ; Tabdlb,  vii,  460. 

17.  'Umar  b.  Mansur  b.  Nasr  Abu  Hafs  al-Katib.  [Fol.  19b.] 

18.  'Umar  b.  Salih  b.  'Isa  al-Mada  ini.  [Fol.  20a.] 

19.  'Umar  b.  Sulaiman  Abu  Hafs,  the  sclioolmaster. 

[Fol.  20a.] 

20.  ‘Umar  b.  Mudrik  Abu  Hafs  ar-Razi,  the  Qadi;  some 

say  he  came  from  Balh.  (End  of  biography  lost.) 
[Fol.  20b.] 

20.  Alizaii,  ii,  No.  2131. 

21.  'Umar  b.  Ibrahim  Abu  Bakr  al-Hatiz,  known  as  Abu-1- 

Adto,  died  at  Samira  in  Muharrarn,  290  A.H.,  at  the 
age  of  63  years.  (Beginning  of  biography  lost.) 
[Fol.  21a.] 

21.  Taqrib,  277  ; Tahdib,  vii,  424. 

22.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  'Abd  al-Malik  b.  Aban  b.  Abi 

Hamza,  known  as  Ibn  az-Zayyat.  [Fob  21a.] 

23.  'Umar  b.  al-Walid  b.  Aban  al-Karabisi.  [Fol.  21  A.] 

24.  'Umar  b.  Da’ud  b.  Sa'dan  Abu  Hafs  an-Ni&puri. 

[Fol.  21b.] 

25.  'Umar  b.  Hafs  Abu  Bakr  as-Sadusi,  died  in  Safar, 

293  A.H.  [Fol.  21b.] 

26.  'Umar  b. Ya'qub  b.YahyaAbuHafsar»Raqqi.  [Fol.  22a.] 

27.  'Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  Bi&  b.  as-Sari  Abu-l-Husain,  known 

as  Ibn  as-Sunni.  (End  of  biography  is  lost.)  [Fol.  22a.] 

28.  Three  lines  of  a biography,  the  beginning  of  which 

is  lost.  This  traditionist  transmitted  after  Zaid  b. 
al-Habbab.  [Fol.  23a.] 

29.  'Umar  b.  Yasir  b.  al-Yas  Abu  Hafs  ah' Attar.  [Fob  23a.] 

30.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  al-Hakam  (or  'Abd  ahHakam) 

Abu  Hafs,  known  as  an-Nasa  i.  [Fob  23a.] 

31.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  Abu  Hafs,  known  as  as-Satawi, 

died  Rabi'  i,  279  a.h.  [Fob  23b.] 


38 


THE  TAEIKH-BAGHDAD  OP  THE  KHATIB 


32.  ‘Umar  b.  Miiaa  Abii  Hafs  al-Galla’.  [Fob  24a.] 

33.  ‘Umar  b.  Musa  b.  Fairuz  Abu  Hafs  al-Mahrami, 

known  as  at-Tawwazi.  (End  of  biography  lost.) 
[Fol.  24a.] 

34.  ‘Umar  b.  Ayyiib  as-Saqati,  died  302  or  303  A.H. 

(Beginning  lost.)  [Fol.  25a.] 

35.  ‘Umar  lx  Halid  b.  Yazid  b.  al-Garud  Abu  Hafs  as- 

^a'irl,  was  alive  in  304  A.H.  [Fob  25a.] 

S5.  Sam‘anij  335b. 

36.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Nasr  b.  al-Hakam  Abil  Hafs 

a. l-Ma'aiTi  al-Kaghidi,  died  305  A.H.  [Fol  26a.] 

37.  'Umar  b.  Wasil,  a Basil,  in  the  opinion  of  tlie  Hatib, 

who  settled  in  Baghdad.  [Fol.  26a.] 

37.  Miziin,  ii.  No.  2159. 

38.  'Umar  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Nasr  b.  Tarhan  Abu  Hufais 

al-Qadi  al-Halabi,  came  to  Baglidad.  He  died  in 
306  A.H.  on  his  return  journey  from  Baghdad  to 
Halab,  it  is  said  at  Hit.  [Fol.  27a.] 

39.  'Umar  b.  Tahir  b.  Abi  Qurra  ahWarraq.  [Fol.  27b.] 

40.  'Umar  b.  Hafs  b.  Muhammad  al-Mahrami.  [Fol.  28a.] 

41.  'Umar  b.  Muliammad  b.  ‘Uthrnan  b.  Mu'arik  Abii  Hafs. 

[Fob  28a.] 

42.  'Umar  b.  al-Facll  b.  'Abd  al-Malik  al-HaSmi,  was 

superintendent  of  prayer  at  the  great  mosque  of 
ar-Rusafa  till  his  death  in  Safar,  307  A.H.  [Fol.  28a.] 

43.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Bakkaz  Abu  Hafs  al-Qafilani, 

died  808  a.h.  [Fol.  28b.] 

44.  'Umar  b.  Rizq- Allah  b.  al-Haggag,  was  alive  in  308  a.h. 

[Fol.  28b.] 

45.  'Umar  b.  Sahl  b.  Yazid  Abu-l-Qasim  ad-Daqqaq  at- 

[Fol.  29a.] 

46.  'Umar  b.  Sahl  b.  Mahlad  Abti  Hafs  al-Bazzaz.  [Fol.  29b.] 

47.  'Umar  b.  Isma'il  b.  Salama  Abu  Hafs,  known  as  Ibn 

Abi  Ghailan  ath-Thaqafi,  died  309  a.h.  [Fol.  29b,] 

48.  'Umar  b.  'Abd- Allah  b.  'Amr  b.  'Uthrnan  b.  Hammad 

b.  Hassan  b.  'Abd  ar-Rabman  b.  Yazdad  Abu-l-Qasim, 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


39 


known  as  Ibn  Abi  Hassan  az-Ziyadi,  died  314  a.h. 
[Fol.  29b.] 

49.  'Umar  b.  al-'Ala’  b.  Malik  Abu  Bakr,  tlie  Qiir'an- 

reader.  [Fol.  30a.] 

50.  'Uniar  h.  Miil.iainmad  b.  'Isa  b.  Sa'id  AbiT  Ilafs  al- 

Gauhan,  known  as  as-Sadabi.  [Fol.  30b.] 

50.  Alizan,  ii,  No.  2118  ; SamTtni,  295a. 

51.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Bu'aib  Abii  Hafs  as-Sabmii. 

[Fol.  31a.] 

52.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Sanuyali  b.  Muqarrin  b.  ar- 

Rabr'  Abii  Ahmad  al-Marwazi.  [Fol.  31b.] 

53.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  al-Musayyib  b.  Paris  Abii  Hafs, 

known  as  an-Nisapuri,  died  321  a.h.  [Fol.  31b.] 

54.  'Umar  b.  al-Hasan  b.  'Ali  b.  al-Ga'd  b. 'Ubaid  Abti 

'Asirn  al-Gauhari,  brother  of  Sulaiman  and  'Ali ; he 
died  323  A.H.  [Fob  32a.] 

55.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  'Abbad  b.  al-Qasim  al-Hannat, 

or  al-Hayjmt.  [Fol.  32a.] 

55.  The  Hatib  is  in  doubt  whether  iyl.x.s.^1  or  i?  is  correct. 

56.  ‘Umar  b.  al-Husain  b.  Sririn  Abu  Hafs  al-Qattto, 

a native  of  Dair  al-'Aqul.  [Fol.  32b.] 

56.  Sam'anI,  317a. 

57.  'Umar  b.  Ga'far  b.  Ahmad  b.  al-Farag  Abu  Hafs  al» 

Wassa’.  [Fol.  32b.] 

58.  'Umar  b-  Isma'il  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Sulaiman  as-Saffar. 

[Fol.  33a,] 

59.  'Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  'Ali  b.  'Abd  ar-Rahman  Abu  Hafs 

al-Gauhari,  known  as  Ibn  'Allak  al-Marwazi,  came 
to  Baghdad  on  his  pilgrimage  in  322  a.h.  (End 
missing.)  [Fol.  33b.] 

59.  Sam'ilnl,  397a  ; pahabi,  Tabaqat,  iii,  65. 

60.  'Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  'Ali  b.  Isma'il,  known  as  ad-Darbi 

Abu  Hafs  al-Qattto,  died  in  327  a.h.  [Fol.  34a.] 

60.  Samhini,  224a. 

61.  ‘Umar  b.  ‘Isam  b.  al-Garrab  Abu  Hafs  al-Hafiz,  died 

328  A.H.  [Fol.  34a.] 


40 


thb:  taiukh-baghbad  the  khatib 


62.  'Umar  b.  Abi  'Uraar  Muhammad  b.  Yusuf  b.  Ya'qub 
b.  Isma'il  b.  Haramad  b.  Zaid  b.  J3irhain  Abu-l- 
Hiisaiu  abAzdi ; he  filled  the  office  of  Qadi  of 
Baghdad  as  deputy  of  his  father,  and  was  con- 
firmed in  the  office  after  the  decease  of  the  latter: 
the  period  from  the  time  he  filled  his  father’s  place 
till  liis  deatli  was  17  years  20  days. 

He  received  his  first  appointment  from  al- 
Muqtadir-Billah  on  the  15th  of  Ramadto,  310  A.H., 
after  he  had  been  appointed  by  his  father  as  his 
deputy  when  he  was  only  20  years  of  age;  after- 
wards his  father  got  him  appointments  as  Qadi  in 
places  outside  the  city  of  Baghdad,  but  during  the 
lifetime  of  his  father  he  was  again  Qadi  of  the 
capital.  He  judged  according  to  the  school  of 
Malik  and  the  people  of  al-Madina,  though  he  was 
also  well  versed  in  the  doctrines  of  the  other  schools. 
He  also  composed  a Musnad,  a portion  of  which  the 
Hatib  had  seen.  Abu-l-Farag  al-Mu'Ma  b.  Zakariyya 
relates  that  he  was  waiting  upon  Abu-l-Husain  'Umar 
b.  Abl  'Umar  when  a raven  settled  upon  a date- 
palm  in  the  court  and  croaked ; a Bedouin  who  was 
present  remarked  that  the  Qadi  would  die  in  seven 
days.  Shortly  after  a servant  came  out  and 
asked  them  to  enter.  When  they  reached  his 
presence  he  appeared  ill,  and  told  them  that  he 
was  troubled  with  a dream  he  had  had,  which 
seemed  to  forbode  his  end.  On  the  seventh 
day  after  this  he  was  buried.  'Umar  b.  Abi 

'Umar  died  on  Thursday,  the  16th  of  ^a'ban, 
328  A.H. ; his  son  Abu  Nasr  said  the  prayers  over 
, him,  and  he  was  buried  in  a house  close  to  his 
dwelling.  [Fols.  34b~37b.] 

62.  Ibn  ParMn,  Dibag,  189. 

3.  ‘Umar  b.  Yusuf  Abu  Hafs,  known  as  al-Baqilani. 
[Fol.  37b.] 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


41 


64.  'Umar  b.  Ibrahim  as-^>auki  ad-Da^a,  a native  of 

Samarra,  died  e328  A.H.  [Fol.  37b.] 

65.  'Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Mansur  Abu  Bakr. 

[Fol.  37b.] 

66.  'Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  Abi-BYarnan  Abfi  Bakr,  or  Abu 

Hafs  at-Tammar,  a native  of  the  eastern  part  of 
Baghdad;  lie  died  on  Thursday,  the  27th.  of  Sa'ban, 
329  A.H.  [Fol  38a.] 

67.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ahmad  b.  Harun  Abul~Qasim 

ah' Attar  ah'Askari,  was  a native  of  Samarra  and 
settled  in  Baghdad.  [Fol  88a.] 

68.  'Umar  b.  Sa'd  b.  'Abd  ar-Eahrnan  Abii  Bakr  ah 

Qaratisi.  [Fol  38b.] 

69.  'Umar  b.  Da’ud  b.  Sulaiman  b,  'Anbasa  Abii  Hafs 

al-Anmati,  a native  of  Marw,  known  as  ah'Umtoi, 
died  in  Rabi'  ii,  331  a.h.  [Fol.  38b,] 

70.  ‘Umar  b.  ahHusain  b.  'Abd-Allah  Abu-l-Qasim  ah 

Hurfi,  author  of  the  book  al-Muhtasar  fil  Fiqh 
according  to  the  teaching  of  Ahmad  b.  Hanbal 
The  Qadi  Abu  Ya'la  Muhammad  b.  ahHusain  stated 
that  'Umar  had  composed  many  works  and  elucida- 
tions on  the  rites  of  his  school  which 

were  not  published,  because  he  left  Baghdad  when 
the  followers  of  Ibn  Hanbal  were  persecuted, 
leaving  his  books  behind  him.  They  ax'e  said  to 
liave  been  deposited  in  the  Darb  Sulaiman,  but  the 
house  in  which  they  were  kept  was  burnt  and  with 
it  all  his  books,  which  were  not  copied  on  account 
of  his  being  far  away.  He  died  in  Damascus  in 
334  A.H.,  where  he  was  buried.  His  grave  has 
fallen  into  decay.  [Fol  39a.] 

71.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Tahir  b.  Mansiir  Abu  Hafs, 

known  as  Ibn  Abi  Haithama ; he  is  stated  to  have 
promulgated  traditions  at  Tarsus,  where  he  had 
come  for  the  purpose  of  ransoming  prisoners. 
[Fol.  40a.] 


42  THE  TARIKH-BAGHBAB  OF  THE  KHATIB 

72.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Abi  Sa‘id  Abu  Hafs  al- 

Hayyat,  a brother  of  Abu  Bakr  ‘Abd- Allah  b.  Mu- 
hammad b.  Abi  Sa'id,  and  maternal  uncle  of  Ibn 
al-Gi‘ani ; he  died  in  Baghdad  in  335  a.h.  [Fol.  40b.] 

73.  ‘Umar  b.  Abi  K^aih  Abu  Hafs  al-IIurfi.  [Fol.  40b.] 

74.  ‘Umar  b.  Bayan  (?)  al-Anmati.  [Fol.  41a.] 

75.  ‘Umar  b.  ‘Imran  b.  Hubais  ad-Darrab,  father  of  Abii 

‘Abd- Allah  b.  ad-Darir.  [Fol.  41a,] 

76.  ‘Umar  b.  al-Husain  b.  al-Hattab  b.  ar- Rumman  Abu 

Bakr  al-Bazzaz,  known  as  Ghulain  az-Zandarudi, 
father  of  Haidara  b.  ‘Umar,  died  on  Thursday,  the 
28th  of  Ragab,  339  A.H.  [Fol.  41a.] 

77.  ‘Umar  b.  al-Hasan  b.  ‘Ali  b.  Malik  b.  Asras  b.  ‘Abd- 

Allfili  b.  Mungab  Abu-l-Husain  as-Saibani,  known  as 
Ibn  al-U.hiani.  He  was  Qadi  in  Syria  and  later 
three  days  in  Baghdad,  then  he  was  deposed.  He 
was  born  in  Baghdad  in  259  or  early  in  260  A.H. 
A tradition  is  recorded  which  he  recited  in  his  own 
house  in  Ragab,  339  a.h.  Al-Muqtadir  removed 
Abu  Ga‘far  Ahmad  b.  Ishaq  b,  al-Buhiul  from  the 
office  of  judge  in  the  city  of  al-Mansur  on  Thursday, 
the  19th  of  Rabi‘  ii,  316  A.H.,  and  appointed  ‘Umar 
b.  al-IIasan  the  same  day ; he  sat  as  judge  on  the 
Saturday  following,  but  on  Sunday  he  was  relieved 
of  his  office.  Before  this  he  had  already  filled 
a similar  post  in  Syria;  he  was,  however,  principally 
a traditionist,  and  for  some  time  was  at  the  head 
of  the  office  of  accounts  in  Baghdad.^  He  was 
accused  of  forging  traditions,  and  died  on  Thursday, 
the  18th  of  Du-l-Higga,  339  a.h.  [Fol.  41b.] 

77.  SamTini,  40a  ; Bahabi,  Tabaqat,  iii,  68,  ult.  ; ii,  No.  1990. 

78.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Raga'  Abu  Hafs  al-‘Ukbari. 

died  329  a.h.  [Fol.  44a.] 

79.  ‘Umar  b.  Ahmad  b,  Mahdi  b.  Mas‘ud  b.  an-Nu‘man. 


THE  TAHIKH-BAGHBAD  OF  THE  KHATIB  48 

b.  Dinar  b.  ‘Abd- Allah,  father  of  Abu-l-Hasan  ad- 
Daraqutni.  [Fol.  44a.] 

80.  dJmar  b.  Yahya  b Da’iid  Abu-1-Qasiin  al-Bazzaz:  as- 

Saniarri,  known  as  Ibn  al-Falihtoi.  [Fol.  44b.] 

81.  ‘Umar  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Hammad  Abu-l-Hasan  al-Faqili. 

[Fol.  44b.] 

82.  ‘Umar  b.  ‘Abd  al~‘Aziz  b.  Muhammad  b.  Dinar  Abu-1~ 

Qasim  al-Farisi  al-Bazzaz,  died  the  23rd  of  Gumada  i, 
341  A.H.  [Fol.  44b.] 

83.  ‘Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  ‘Abd-Allah  b.  k^ihab  Abu  Hafs 

al-‘Ukbar!.  [Fob  45b.] 

84.  ‘Umar  b.  Zakariya  b.  Bayan  Abu  Hafs  al-Bazzaz, 

known  as  Sahib  al-Madim,  died  on  Thursday,  the 
3rd  of  Eagab,  346  A.H.  [Fol.  46a.] 

85.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Yusuf  Abu  Bakr  al-Haa&b. 

[Fol.  46b.] 

86.  ‘Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  ‘Umar  b.  Hafs  Abu-t-Tayyib  al- 

Mutarriz.  [Fol.  46b.] 

87.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b,  Ahmad  b.  Sulaiman  Abu  Hafs 

al-‘ Attar,  known  as  Ibn  al-Haddad,  settled  in  Egypt. 
He  died  on  Tuesday,  the  23rd  of  Du-1-Qa‘da,  346  A.H. 
[Fob  46b.] 

88.  ‘Umar  b.  ]\Iuhammad  Abu  Hafs  at-Talli  ‘Ukbari  al- 

Hatib,  used  to  forge  traditions.  [Fob  47a.] 

89.  ‘Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  Abi  Ma‘mar  Muhammad  b.  Huzaz 

b.  Sahl  b.  al-Haitham  Abu  Bakr  ad-Duri  as-Saftar, 
had  a shop  near  the  Bab  at-Taq  in  tlie  quarter  of 
the  coppersmiths.  Died  on  Thursday,  the  7th  of 
Rabi‘  i,  350  a.h.  [Fol.  47b.] 

90.  ‘Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  ‘Ali  b.  Ibrahim  Abu  Hafs  al- 

Baghdadi.  [Fol.  48b.] 

90.  Mizan,  ii,  No.  1970. 

91.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  ‘Ali  b.  as-Sabah  Abu  Bakr,  the 

Qur  an-reader,  died  in  ^a‘bto,  352  a.h.  [Fob  48b.] 

92.  ‘Umar  b.  Ga‘farb.  Muhammad  b.  Salm  b.  Rasid  Abu-1- 

Q?isiin  al-Huttali,  elder  brother  of  Ahmad  b.  Ga‘far, 


44 


THE  TAEIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


was  born  on  the  15th  of  Gumada  i,  271  a.h,,  died  on 
Thursday,  the  27th  of  4a'baii,  356  a.h,  ; he  was 
buried  in  the  cemetery  of  al-Haizurclii.  [Fob  48b.] 

92.  AS'Sam^ani,  foL  189a,  gives  291  (writing  in  figures)  as  the  date  of 
Iiis  birth,  and  calls  him  'Umar  b.  (ia'far  b.  Ahmad  b.  Salin. 

i)3.  'Umar  b.  GaTar  b.  ^Abd-Allah  b.  Abi-s-Sari  Abu 
Hafs  al-Warraq  al~Basri,  came  at  an  early  age  to 
Baghdad  and  stayed  there  for  many  years  until  his 
death.  He  made  selections  of  traditions  which  were 
eagerly  copied ; these  caused  ad~Daraqutni  to  write 
a treatise  addressed  to  his  friend  Tahir  b.  Muliammad 
al-Hariki,  in  -which  he  pointed  out  his  mistakes. 
This  is  stated  to  be  an  excellent  book,  while  a similar 
work  by  Abu  Bakr  al-Gi‘ani  on  the  same  subject  is 
said  to  have  missed  the  mark  in  most  places. 
Several  examples  of  disputed  traditions  ax'e  given, 
‘Umar  b.  Ga‘far  al-Basri  died  on  Friday,  the  2nd  of 
Gumada  i,  357  a.h.;  he  was  born  in  280  A.H. 
[Fob  49b.] 

93.  Dahabi,  Tabaqafc,  hi,  146. 

94.  ‘Umar  b.  Aktam  b.  Ahmad  b.  Hayyto  b.  Bisr  Abu  Bisr 
al-Asadi,  was  Qadi  of  Baghdad  under  the  Caliph 
al-Muti‘,  holding  this  office  through  AbCi-s-Sa’ib 
‘Utba  b.  ‘Ubaid-Allah,  whom  he  succeeded  in  the 
office  of  Qadi-l-Qudat.  They  were  the  first  two 
&fi‘i  lawyers  who  held  this  office. 

When  ahMutf  and  Mufiisz  ad-Daiila  Alimad  b. 
Buyah  conquered  al-Basra  in  the  month  Rabi‘  ii, 
336  A.H.d  the  Qadi  Abu-s-Saib  ‘Utba  b.  ‘Ubaid*- 
Allah  went  to  al-Basra  to  congratulate  them,  and 
his  secretary  was  at  the  time  Abu  ‘Umar  b. 
Aktam;  his  grandfather  had  been  a man  of  note 
and  had  been  Qadi  in  various  places,  among  whicli 
Isfahan  and  the  ^arqxyya  quarter  of  Baghdad  are 

^ Ibn  al-Athir,  Buiaq  edition,  viii,  168,  gives  the  24tli  of  Rabi'  ii  as 
the  date  when  Abu-l-Qasim  al-Baildi  fled  from  al-Basra  and  the  city 
san^endered. 


THE  TAEIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


45 


named.  Abu  Bisr  ‘Umar  had  received  an  excellent 
education,  and  judges  accepted  his  witness  (!)  ; later 
he  served  as  secretary  to  Qadis.  When  Abu-vS- 
Sa  ib  left  the  capital  to  go  to  al-Basra  he  appointed 
liim  as  judge  over  the  ^^arqiyya.  At  al-Basra  Abu-s- 
Sa’ib  was  appointed  Qadi  over  the  whole  land, 
and  letters  to  this  effect  were  sent  to  the  capital. 
He  then  appointed  ‘Umar  Qadi  over  the  wdiole  of 
Baghdad  as  his  deputy.  ‘Umar  applied  himself  to 
his  office  to  the  satisfaction  of  all,  but  when  Abu-s- 
Sa’ib  returned  to  Baghdad  he  resumed  his  office, 
and  ‘Umar  returned  to  the  position  of  secretary  as 
before.  This  post  he  held  till  the  death  of  Abu-s- 
Sa  ib,  which  happened  in  Kabi‘  ii,  350  A.H.,  when 
‘Umar  b.  Aktam  received  the  post,  which  he  had  to 
renounce  when  Abul-‘ Abbas  b.  Abi-s-^aw^arib  was 
appointed  in  the  month  of  Sa‘ban  of  the  same  year. 
When  the  latter  was  dismissed  in  the  year  352  A.H., 
Abu  Bisr  ‘Umar  b.  Aktam  was  again  aj)pointed  in 
the  month  of  Ragab  of  the  same  year,  and  filled  the 
post  till  he  was  relieved  of  it  in  ^^a‘ban,  356  A.H., 
when  he  retired  to  his  home  and  lived  there  until 
he  died.  The  period  of  his  last  tenure  of  office  was 
four  years  and  some  days.  Pie  died  on  Wednesday, 
the  5th  of  Gumada  ii,  357,  and  was  born  in  284  A.H. 
[Fob  53b.] 

94.  Subkl,  ii,  313. 

95.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  ‘Abd- Allah  b.  al-Husain  Abu-1- 

Qasim  as-Siifi  al-Baghdadi,  known  as  Muqla,  settled 
in  Egypt.  [Fol.  55a.] 

96.  ‘Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  Mufiammad  b.  Hamma  Abu  Hafs 

ahllallal,  a Mu‘addal,  died  the  last  day  of  the  year 
360  and  wtis  buried  Tst  of  Muharram,  361  a.h. 
[Fob  55a.] 

96.  Sam^ani,  178a,  margin. 

97.  ‘Umar  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Afimad  b.  Abi  ‘Azza  al~‘Attar, 


40 


THE  TARTKH-BAOHDAH  OF  THE  KHATIB 


brotlier  of  'Ali  b.  Ibrahim 5 known  as  al-Muzakkij^'an, 
died  the  end  of  Ratab,  362  a.h,  [Fol  55h] 

97.  Tlie  biography  of  his  brother  'All  b.  Ibrahim  is  unforbunately  lost ; 
the  strange  la<|ab  may  have  been  explained  or  ]pointed  in  that 

biography, 

98.  ‘Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  al-Harith 

Abu  ‘Abd-Allah,  the  Qadi,  known  UvS  Ibn  Saqq  ah 
Qudbani.^  A tradition  heard  from  him  in  362  a.h. 
is  quoted,  but  not  the  date  of  his  death.  [Foi.  56a,] 

99.  ‘Umar  b,  Muhammad  b.  ‘Abd-Allah  b.  Ahmad  b. 

Ga‘far  Abu  Hafs  al-Bundar,  known  as  Ibn  Qatuma 
an-Nahruwani,  a Mu‘addal.  A tradition  heard  from 
him  in  Baghdad  in  362  a.h.  is  quoted.  [Fol.  56b.] 

100.  ‘Umar  b.  ‘Abd- Allah  b.  Muhammad  b.  Harun  Abu 

Bakr  al-Bazzaz,  a native  of  Samarra,  settled  in 
Baghdad  in  the  Taifur  square ; he  died  in 
Muliarram,  363  a.h.  [Fol.  57a.] 

101.  ‘Umar  b.  Anas  b.  Hamid  Abu  Bakr  al-Mausili,  settled 

in  Baghdad,  died  in  GurnMa  i,  363  A.H.  [Fol.  57b.] 

102.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ahmad  Abii-l-Husain,  a 

Maliki  Qadi,  one  of  the  Shaikhs  of  ad~Daraqutm. 
[Fol.  58a.]’ 

103*  ‘Umar  b.  Idris  Abu  ‘Abd- Allah  as-Salihi  al-Ftoii, 
a native  of  the  village  Ftoiya,  near  Wasit,  not  far 
from  Fam  as*Sulh,  settled  in  Baghdad,  where  he 
heard  a tradition  as  early  as  289  a.h,  [Fol.  5Sb,] 
103,  Sam'ilni,  fol.  408b,  1.  10,  calls  him  al-Balhi  and  the  village 
Ffimah. 

104.  ‘Umar  b,  Yusuf  b.  ‘Abdak  Abu  Hafs  al-Barugirdi, 

was  a traditionist  at  Baghdad.  [Fol.  59a.] 

105.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  ‘Abd-Allah  b.  Hatim  Abu-1- 

Qasim  al-Bazzaz,  known  as  Ibn  at-Tirmidi,  died  in 
the  beginning  of  364  A.H,  [Fol,  59a.] 

106.  ‘Umar  b.  Null  b.  Halaf  b,  Muhammad  b.  al-Husaib  b. 

Null  b,  ‘isa  b.  Bariq  b.  Malik  b.  Ghauth  Abu-l-Qasim 

^ Both  names  not  pointed ; the  nisba  occurs  three  times  in  the 
same  form. 


THE  TAIIIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATTB 


47 


al-Bagali  al-Bundar,  born  277  a.h.  Al-Birqani 
relates  that  he  came  one  clay  to  him  to  read  some 
traditions ; at  the  time  of  his  arrival  a certain 
portion  of  the  fascicle  had  been  gone  through  and 
he  copied  the  remainder.  Later  lie  went  to  Abii 
Mansur  Ibn  al-Karhi^  to  copy  the  portion  which 
he  had  missed.  A long  time  after,  when  ‘Umar 
b.  Null  had  become  blind,  he  went  to  him  with 
a view  of  verifying  his  copy,  explaining  that  Ibn 
al-Karhi  might  have  pointed  some  words  wrongly. 
‘Umar  invited  him  to  read  his  copy  to  him,  but 
when  he  came  to  a certain  tradition  ‘Umar  said  that 
this  was  not  correct,  and  gave  the  right  reading. 
Al-Birqani  replied  that  his  copy  had  exactly  as 
he  liad  read,  and  there  was  no  doubt  that  this 
was  the  reading  of  Ibn  al-KarhI.  ‘Umar  then  told 
a maid  to  fetch  a certain  parcel  of  papei^s,  which 
she  brought.  Then  he  turned  over  one  fascicle 
after  the  other,  considering  as  he  touched  the 
straps  with  which  they  were  tied,  till  he  found 
one,  when  he  asked  al-Birqani  to  read  the  titles. 
He  read  the  titles  till  they  found  the  required 
fascicle.  When  he  read  it  he  found  the  tradition 
just  as  ‘Umar  b.  Nuh  had  said.  In  his  amazement 
al-Birqani  asked  him  how  he  had  acquired  such 
a marvellous  memory,  and  he  replied  that  in  years 
past  he  had  gone  to  some  villages  to  read  his 
traditions,  and  had  thus  remembered  some  of  them. 
[Fol.  60a.] 

107.  ‘Umar  b.  Basran  b.  Muhammad  b.  Bisr  b.  Mahran 
b.  ‘Abd-Alhlh  Abu  Hafs  as-Sukkari;  he  died  before 
Ibn  an-Nahhas,  whose  death  happened  in  368  a.h. 
[Fol.  61a,] 

107.  Databi,  Tabaqat  al-Hiiffaz,  iii,  176,  says  he  lived  till  367  a.ii., 

apparently  derived  from  this  statement. 

^ Died  388  a.h.  Sam'ani,  fol.  478b,  11.  9-11. 


48 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHBAB  OF  THE  KHATIB 


108.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  'Umar  b.  al-Fayyad  Abu 

Bakr.  [Fol.  61b.] 

109.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Humaid  b.  Balita  Abu  Hafij^ 

al4Iunam%  born  265  A.H.,  died  367  a.i-l  [Fol.  61b.] 

110.  'Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  Yusuf  Abu  Hafs,  Wakil  of  the 

Caliph  al-Muttaqi,  known  as  Abu  Nu'aim  or  Ibn 
Nu'aim,  died  in  Safar,  369  a.h.  [Fol.  62a.] 

111.  'Umar  b.  Ahmad  b,  as-Sirag  Abu  Hafs  as-Bahid,  died 

in  369  a.h.  [FoL  62b.] 

112.  'Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  al-Hasan  b.  ^ihab  Abu  Hafs  ah 

‘Ukbari.  [Fol  62b.] 

113.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Musa  b.  as-Sus  Abu  Hafs, 

or  Abu-l~Qasim.  Only  a tradition  on  al-Buraq. 
[Fol.  63a.] 

114.  'Umar  b.  'Ali  b.  IbrMiim  Abu  Hafs  al-Katib.  [Fol.  63b.] 

115.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Saif  b.  Muliammad  b.  Ga'far 

b.  Ibrahim  b.  'Abd-Allah  b.  Sulaiman  Abu-hQasirn 
al-KMib.  Later  in  life  he  removed  to  al-Basra, 
where  he  died  the  23rd  of  Gurnada  i,  374  a.h. 
[Fol  64a.] 

116.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  'Abd  as-Samad  b.  al-Laith 

b.  Banan  b.  Hidas  Abu  Muhammad,  died  on  Satur- 
day, the  9th  of  Ragab,  374  a.h.,  and  was  buried  in 
the  cemetery  of  Bab  Harb.  [Fol  64b.] 

117.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  'Ali  b.  Yahya  b.  Musa  b. 

Yunus  b.  Ananus  Abu  Hafs  an-Naqid,  known  as 
Ibn  az-Zayyat.  He  was  born  286  a.h.,  and  died 
on  Sunday,  the  15th  of  Gurnada  ii,  375  a.h. 
[Fol  65a.] 

117.  Hahabi,  Tabaqat,  iii,  192. 

118.  'Umar  b.  'Ali  b.  Yunus  Abu  Hafs  al-Qattan,  a native 

of  Dar  al-Qutn.  Al-Gauhari  heard  traditions  from 
him  in  376  A.H.  [Fol  65b.] 

119.  'Umar  b.  Muliammad  b.  Ahmad  b.  Muqbil  Abu-h 

Qasim,  known  as  Ibn  ath-Thallag,  came  to  Samar- 
qand  in  37 6 A.H.  [Fol,  66a,] 


THE  TARIEH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


49 


120.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Muhammad  b. 

Halid  Abu-1 -Qasim  al-Bagali,  known  as  Ibn 
Sunbuk.  Resided  near  the  Bab  al-Azagg,  and  the 
Qadi  Abu-s-Sa  ib  used  to  accept  his  witness  : later 
Abii  Muhammad  b.  Ma'ruf  appointed  him  as 
deputy  for  minor  decisions  in  the  Suq  ath- 
Thalatha’  and  the  Harim  of  the  Dar  al-Hilafa. 
He  used  to  claim  descent  from  Garir  b.  'Abd- Allah 
al-Bagali ; the  documents,  according  to  his  o%vn 
statement,  were  in  the  possession  of  a cousin  of 
his,  who  kept  them  concealed.  He  was  born  in 
Baghdad  in  Rabi'  i,  291  A.H.,  and  copied  his  first 
traditions  in  800  a.h.  He  died  on  Tuesday,  the 
16th  of  Ragab,  876  A.H.  [Fol.  66b.] 

121.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  as-Sari  b.  Sahl  b.  Halid  b. 

al-Bahtari  Abu  Bakr  al-Warraq,  known  as  Ibn  Abi 
Tfihir.  He  was  also  known  as  al-Gundipuri.  He 
used  to  say  that  he  was  born  in  290  A.H.,  and  he 
died  in  Rabf  ii,  878  A.H.  [Fol.  67b.] 

121.  Mizan,  ii,  No.  2112. 

122.  'Umar  b.  ‘Abd  al-'Aziz  b.  Ahmad  b.  Muhammad  b. 

al-'Abbas  Abu  Hafs  al-Hamadtoi,  father  of  Abu 
Ghanim  'Abd  al-Karim  b.  'Umar  as-Sirazi,  settled 
in  Baghdad,  died  towards  the  end  of  Ragab,  879  A.H. 
[Fol.  68b.] 

123.  'Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  Harun  b.  al-Farag  b.  ar-Eabi' 

Abu  Hafs,  known  as  Ibn  al-Agurri,  died  the  night 
of  Sunday,  the  3rd  of  Ragab,  382  a.h.  [Fol.  69a.] 

124.  'Umar  b.  'Abd- Allah  b.  Zadto  b.  'Abd-Allah  b.  Zadan 

Abu  Hafs  al-Qadi  al-Qazwini,  came  to  Baghdad 
when  performing  the  pilgrimage  in  384  a.h.  He 
was  a descendant  of  Abu  'Umar  al-Kindi.  [Fol.  69b.] 

125.  'Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  'UthmM  b.  Ahmad  b.  Muhammad 

b.  Ayyub  b.  Azdad  b.  Surah  b.  'Abd  ar-Rahmto 
Abu  Hafs,  known  as  Ibn  Tallin,  settled  in  the 

. ■■■■■■■■:■■  'a/,  ■■ 

Sarqi  side  of  Baghdad  in  the  neighbourhood  of 


50 


THE  TARIKH-BAOHDAB  OF  THE  KHATIB 


al-Mu‘tari(.i  He  himself  stated  that  his  family  came 
originally  from  Marwamd  in  Horasan,  He  was 
born  in  Safar,  297  A.H,,  and  the  first  traditions,  as 
far  as  lie  remembered,  he  wrote  down  in  308  a.h. 
when  he  was  11  years  of  age. 

The  Hatib  here  mentions  that  three  of  his  Saihs 
had  commenced  their  studies  of  tradition,  at  the 
same  early  age,  namely — 

{a)  Abu-hQasim  ‘Abd- Allah  b.  Muhammad  b.'Abd 
al-'Aziz,  born  in  Ramadan,  214  a.h.,  died  317  a.h.  ; 
he  wrote  his  first  traditions  in  225  A.H. 

(1))  Abu  Muhammad  Yahya  b.  Muhammad  b. 
Sa‘id,  born  228  a.h.,  died  the  end  of  318  A.H. ; he 
wrote  his  first  traditions  in  239  a.h. 

(c)  'Abd -Allah  b.  Sulaimto  b.  al-As'ath,  born 
230  A.H.,  wrote  his  first  traditions  in  Egypt  in 
241  A.H. ; he  died  the  end  of  316  A.H. 

I also,  says  the  Hatib,  was  11  years  of  age  when 
I wrote  my  first  traditions  in  Muharrarn,  403  A.H., 
for  I was  born  on  Thursday,  the  23rd  of  Gurnada  ii, 
of  the  year  392  A.H. 

Ibii  Sahin  stated  that  he  liad  composed  330 
works,  among  them — 

(1)  The  large  Tafsir  in  1,000  fascicles. 

(2)  The  Musnad,  1,500  fascicles. 

(3)  The  TMh,  150  fascicles. 

(4)  Az-Zubd,  100  fascicles. 

The  first  time  he  appeared  as  a teacher  of 
traditions  was  in  al-Basra  in  332  A.H.  He  used 
to  say  that  he  had  used  up  400  roil  of  ink,  or,  in 
anotlier  account,  ink  to  the  value  of  700  dirhams, 
and  the  price  of  ink  used  to  be  4 rotl  for  one 
dirham,  and,  the  recorder  adds,  he  wrote  a great 
deal  after  this.  He  spoke  Arabic  incorrectly  and 
had  only  very  little  knowledge  of  law  {fiqh),  and 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


51 


could  not  distinguish  between  the  various  schools. 
He  used  to  say,  I am  MtiJimnmadl-l-Madhah!' 
He  took  his  great  Tafsir  to  ad-Daraqutni,  asking 
him  to  correct  any  mistakes,  who  found  that  he  had 
absorbed  in  his  work  the  Tafsir  of  Abu-l-Garud ; 
then,  when  referring  to  this  commentary  incidentally 
in  his  work,  he  quoted  ''  Abu-l-Garud ''  on  the 
authority  of  Ziyad  b.  al-Mundir,  which  latter  name 
was  the  name  of  Abu-l-Garud.  He  was  considered 
weak,  no  doubt  because  he  asserted  that  he  was  in 
the  habit  of  copying,  but  did  not  take  the  trouble 
to  collate  again  what  he  had  written  down.  He 
died,  according  to  al-'Atiqi,  on  Sunday,  the  11th 
of  Du-l-Higga,  385  a.h.,  and  was  buried  near  the 
Bab  Harb,  close  to  the  grave  of  Ahmad  b,  Hanbal. 
Others  say  he  died  on  Sunday,  the  12th  of  Du-1- 
Higga.  [Fol.  70a.] 

125.  DaliabI,  Tabaqat,  iii,  195. 

126.  TTmar  b.  Muhammad  Abu-l-Qasim  as-Siifi  al-Muna- 

hili,  settled  in  Damascus.  [Fol.  74a.] 

127.  'Umar  b.  Alimad  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Ismail  Abu  Hafs  al- 

Barmaki,  died  in  Gumada  i,  389  a.h.  [Fol.  74a.] 

128.  'Umar  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Ahmad  b.  Kathir  b.  Harun  b. 

Mahran  Abii  Hafs  al-Muqri',  known  as  al-Kattani, 
settled  near  the  Nahr  ad-Dagag,  died  on  Monday, 
the  11th  of  Ragab,  390  a.h.,  aged  90  years. 
[Fol.  74b.] 

128.  Baliabi,  Tabaqat,  iii,  218. 

129.  'Umar  b.  al-Qasim  b.  Muhammad  Abu-l-Hasan  al- 

Muqri’,  friend  of  Abii  Bakr  b.  Mugahid,  had  the 
laqab  Wabra,  and  was  known  as  Ibn  al-Haddad. 
He  used  to  read  tradition  in  tlie  Garni'  of  ar- 
Rusafa,  and  lived  in  the  Stiq  Yahya.  [Fol.  75a.] 

130.  'Umar  b.  Rukan  b.  Alirnad  b.  Rukan  b.  Yahya  b. 

Maimun  b.  'Abd-Allah  b.  Dinar  Abu  Hafs  at- 
Taimar,  died  393  a.h.  [Fol  75b.] 


■52,: 


THE  TARiKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


:13L  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  Muhamiuad  b.  Da’ud  Abu 
Sa‘id  as-Sigistani,  settled  at  Ni&pur  but  came  to 
Baghdad,  wliere  he  read  tradition  when  on  tlie 
way  to  perform  tlie  pilgrimage.  He  died  in  Mecccr. 
[Fol.  76a.] 

132.  ‘Umar  b.  Tiiabit  b.  al-Qasim  Abu-l-Qasim  al-Hanbali, 

the  Sufi,  nicknamed  Kutla,  read  traditions  in 
BaghdM.  [Fob  76b.] 

133.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  ^Abd- Allah  b.  Halaf  b.  Nagib 

Abn-l-Qasim  ad-Daqqaq,  [Fob  77  a.] 

134.  ‘Umar  b.  Rub  b.  ‘All  b.  ‘Abbad  Abu  Bakr  an-Nahru- 

wani,  known  as  Ibn  abBabanai,  wuis  originally 
an  adherent  of  the  Hanbali  school,  but  reading 
some  Mu‘tazili  books  he  became  imbued  witli 
their  doctrines.  He  died  in  Gumada  i,  404  a.h. 
[Fob  77a.] 

134.  SarnTini,  56a,  ult. 

135.  ‘Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  ‘Umar  b.  Yahya  b.  al-Husain 

b.  Ahmad  b.  ‘Umar  b.  Yahya  b.  al-Husain  b.  Zaid 
b,  ‘All  b.  Abi  Talib  Abu  ‘Ali  al-‘Alawi  al-Kufi, 
settled  in  Baghdad.  He  died  on  Wednesday,  the 
3rd  of  Ragab,  413  a.h.  [Fob  77b.] 

136.  ‘Umar  b.  ‘Abd-Allah  b.  ‘Umar  b.  Ta‘wid  Abu  Hafs 

ad-DalM,  died  in  415  A.H.  [Fob  77b.]’” 

137.  ‘Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  Ibrahim  b.  ‘Abduyah  b.  Sadus 

b.  ‘All  b.  ‘Abd-Allah  b.  ‘Ubaid-Allah  b.  ‘Abd-Allah 
b.  ‘Utba  b.  Mas‘ud  Abu  Hazim  al-Hudali  al-‘Abdawi 
(or  ‘Abduyi),  came  to  Baghdad  in  389  a.h.  on  the 
way  to  Mecca ; he  died  in  Nisapiir  the  day  of  the 
‘Id  al-Fitr  in  417  a.h.  [Fol.  78a.] 

137.  Sam‘am,  381a;  Dahabi,  Tabaqat,  lii,  272. 

138.  ‘Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  ‘Uthman  Abu  Hafs  al-Bazzaz, 

known  as  Ibn  Abi  ‘Amr,  a native  of  ‘Ukbara, 
wliere  the  Hatib  heard  traditions  from  him  in 
410  A.H.  He  was  born  in  320  a.h.  and  died  417  a.h. 
[Fob  79a.] 


53 


THE  TABIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 

139.  'Umar  b.  Ibrahim  b,  Isma'il  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ahmad 

b.  'Abd- Allah  Abu-1-Fadl  b.  Abi  Sa'd,  a native  of 
Herat,  came  to  Baghdad  when  on  his  pilgrimage. 
He  was  born  in  348  and  died  426  a.h.  [Fob  79b.] 

140.  'Umar  b.  Ibrfihim  b.  Sa'id  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Muhammad 

b.  BigM  b.  Musa  b.  Sa'd  b.  Abi  Waqqas  Abu  Talib 
az-Zuhri,  the  Shafi'i  lawyer,  known  as  Ibn  Hamama. 
He  stated  himself  that  the  traditionists  named  his 
ancestor  BigM;  while  historians  called  him  Nigad. 
He  was  born  in  the  middle  of  Uu-l-Qa'da,  347  a.h., 
and  died  the  night  of  Monday,  the  9th  of 
Guinada  ii,  in  434  A.H.,  and  was  buried  on  the  10th 
of  the  same  month  in  the  cemetery  of  ad-Dair. 
[Fob  80a.] 

140.  Siibki,  Tabaqat,' iii,,  7. . 

141.  'Umar  b,  Muhammad  b.  al-' Abbas  b.  'Isa  b.  al-Fadl 

b.  al -'Abbas  b.  Musa  b.  'Isa  b.  Musa  b.  Muhammad 
^ b.  'Ali  b.  'Abd- Allah  b.  al-'x4.bbas  b.  'Abd  al-Muttalib 

Abu-l-Qasim  al-Hasimi,  known  as  Ibn  Bakran,  an 
elder  brother  of  Abu-l-'Abbas  Ahmad.  He  was 
born  in  354  a.h.  and  died  on  Sunday,  tlie  7th  of 
Du-I-Qa'da,  439  A.H.  [Fob  81b.] 

142.  'Umar  b.  Muhammad  b.  'Ubaid-Allah  b.  Qaz'a  Abu 

Talib,  the  school  teacher,  known  as  Ibn  ad-Dalw, 
a brother  of  'Ubaid  - Allah  b.  Muhammad  an- 
Naggar,  resided  in  Bustan  Umm  Ga'far.  He  died 
the  night  of  Saturday,  the  6th  of  Sawwal,  446  a.h., 
»:  and  was  buried  early  on  the  following  Sunday  in 

the  cemetery  of  the  Bab  ad-Dair.  [Fob  82a.] 

143.  'Umar  b.  al-Husain  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Muhammad  b. 

al-Qasim,  brother  of  Muhammad  b.  al-Husain  al- 
Haffaf,  was  born  363  a.h.,  died  the  middle  of 
Du-l-Qa'da,  450  A.H.  [Fob  82a.] 

144.  'Umar  b.  Ahmad  b.  'Umar  b.  'Abd  al-'Aziz  b.  Mu- 

hammad b.  Ibrahim  b.  al- Wathiq-billah  Abu 
Muhammad  al  - Hasimi,  resided  near  the  Bab 


si' 


THE  TAR1KH-BAGH0AD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


al~Basra.  He  was  born  in  375  a.h.  and  died  on 
Sunday,  the  10th  of  Sawwal,  453  a.h.  [Fol.  82b.] 

‘Uthmax 

[45,  HTthman  b.  Talha  b.  'Umar  b.  'Ubaid- Allah  b.  Ma'mar 
b.  'Uthrnto  b.  'Umar  b.  Ka'b  at-Taimi,  a native  of 
al-Madiiia ; he  was  Qadi  of  his  native  city,  and 
came  to  Baghdad  in  the  reign  of  al-Mahdi.  When 
asked  to  assume  the  office  of  Qadi  he  refused  to 
accept  it,  and  only  when  threatened  with  flogging 
in  public  consented  to  act.  When  al-Mahdi  came 
on  his  pilgrimage  to  al-Madina  he  came  to  him 
and  asked  to  be  relieved  of  the  office  of  Qadi. 
While  he  held  that  post  he  refused  to  accept  any 
payment,  saying  that  he  did  not  like  to  enrich 
himself  by  this  hateful  office.  [Fol.  82b.] 

146.  'Uthmto  b.  Matar  Abu-l-Fadl  as-^aibM  al-Basri, 

came  to  Baghdad  and  read  traditions.  All  critics 
declare  him  weak.  [Fol.  84a.] 

146.  Mizan,  ii,  No.  1491 ; Taqrib,  261  ; Tahdib,  vii,  154. 

147.  'Uthmto  b.  'Abd  ar-Eahman  Abu  'Amr  az-Zuhri, 

a descendant  of  Sa'd  b.  Abi  Waqqas,  known  as 
al-Maliki  and  as  al-Waqqasi.  He  w’^as  a native  of 
the  Higaz,  but  came  to  Baghdad ; died  in  the  reign 
of  Harun  ar-Rasid.  [Fol.  85b,] 

147.  Hahabi,  Mizan,  ii,  No.  1457 ; Taqrib,  260 ; Tahdib,  vii,  133. 

148.  ‘Uthman  b.  'Umar  b.  Faris  b.  Laqit  b.  Qais  Abu 

Muhammad,  or  Abu 'Adi  al-Basri,  came  to  Baghdad, 
and  died  the  23rd  of  Eabi'  i,  209  a.h.,  according  to 
most  authorities ; others  give  207  and  208  a.h. 
[Fol.  87a.] 

148.  Oahabi,  Mizan,  ii,  No.  1471 ; Taqrib,  261  ; Alaqdisi,  Magma^, 
p.  378  ; Dababi,  Tabaqafc,  i,  346 ; Tahdib,  vii,  142. 

149.  'Uthman  b.  'Abd- Allah  b.  'Amr  b.  'Uthman  b.  ‘Abd 

ar-Rahman  b.  al-Hakam  b.  Abi-l-'As  Abu  'Amr  al- 
QuravSi  al-Umawi.  This  is  his  genealogy  according 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


55 


to  al-Hakim  Abu  'Abd-ADah  Ibn  al-Bayyi'  an- 
Ni>&paiT,^  while  others  trace  his  origin  to  the 
Calipli  ‘Uthman  b.  'Affan,  as  follows  : 'Uthmaii  b. 
'Abd-Allah  b.  'Amr  b.  'Utliman  b.  ]\Iuhanimad 
b.  'Abd  al-Malik  b.  Sulairnan  b.  'Abd  al-Malik  b. 
^Abd- Allah,  b.  'Anbasa  b.  ‘Amr  b.  'Utliman  b.  'Affan. 
He  travelled  in  Egypt,  Syria,  the  Higaz,  to  Baghdad, 
al-Kufa,  al-Basra,  and  Horasan.  He  settled  in 
Nisapiir  and  died  there.  Here  a leaf  is  missing, 
and  fol.  90a  contains  only  some  traditions  recorded 
on  Ids  authority.  [Fol.  89a.] 

149.  Miziln,  ii,  No.  1449. 

150.  ‘Uthman  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Muhammad 

Abti-l-Hasaii  al-‘Absi  al-.Kufi,  known  as  Ibn  Abi 
Saiba,  the  elder  brother  of  Abu  Bakr  and  al-Qasim  ; 
he  travelled  to  Mecca  and  ar-Rai, composed  a Musnad 
and  a Tafsir,  and  settled  in  Baghdad.  He  died  the 
3rd  of  Muharram,  239  a.h.  ; his  liair  never  lost  its 
colour  and  he  was  not  obliged  to  dj^e  it.  [Fob  90a.] 
(Fol,  92  does  not  belong  to  this  biography ; it 
should  follow  after  fol.  52.) 

150.  Dahabi,  Mizan,  ii,  No.  1443 ; Taqiib,  261  ; Bahabi,  Tabaqat,  ii, 
30 ; Maqdisi,  Magma p.  349  ; Tahdib,  vii,  194. 

151.  'Uthman  b.  al  - Mubarak  Abu  Sa‘id  al  - Anbari. 

[Fol.  94b.] 

152.  ^Uthman  b.  Hi&m  b.  abFadl  b.  Dalham.  [Fol.  95a.] 

153.  ‘Uthman  b.  'Abd  ar-Rahim  b.  Abi  Zuhair,  brother  of 

Sadqa,  i.e.  Muhammad  b.  'Abd  ar-Rahim  (who  died 
250  A.H.).  [Fol.  95b.] 

154.  'Uthman  b.  Salih  b.  Sa'd  b.  Yahya  Abu-l-Qasim 

al-Hayyat  al-Hulqani,  died  256  A.H.  Six  lines 
of  Ragaz  are  quoted  on  his  authority  which  the 
prophet  is  said  to  have  uttered  on  the  day  of  al- 
Ahrab.  [Fol.  95b.] 

154,  Taqi’ib,  259,  ult.  ; Tahdib,  vii,  122. 

^ Born  321  a.h.,  died  405.  Cf.  Sam^ani,  99b  ; Dahabi,  Tabaqat,  iii,  242. 


56  THE  TAIUKH-BAGHDAP  OF  THE  KHATIB 

155.  ‘UilimaB  b.  Malml  b.  Null  al>Muqri’,  died  on  Wednes- 

day, tlie  24th  of  Safar,  261  a.h.  [Fol.  96b.] 

156.  'Utlnnan  b.  Said  al-Baghdiidi ; he  was  a friend  of 

tlie  Qarli  Miihainmad  b.  Samara,  who  died  in  261  a.h. 
[Fol.  97b.] 

157.  'Utlinuin  b.  ‘Ali  b.  Muhammad  b.  as-Sabah,  a nephew 

of  al-Hiisairi  b.  Muhammad  b.  as-Sabah  az-Za'farani, 
was  a native  of  Baghdad  and  came  to  Isfahan  in 
276  A.H.  [Fol.  9Sa.] 

158.  ‘Uthrnan  b.  'Abd-Allah  b.  Muliammad  b.  ath-Thalg  (?) 

Abii  •Umar  al  - Burgumi,  known  as  ad-Daigh, 
a native  of  al-Basra,  came  to  Baghdad.  [Fol.  98a.] 

159.  ‘Uthman  b.  Yahya  b.  ‘Amr  b.  Bayan  b.  Farruh  al- 

Adami.  [Fol.  9Sb.] 

160.  'Uthman  b.  Muhammad  b,  ‘Uthman  Abu  'Amr  ah 

Ilarrani,  came  to  Baghdad.  [Fob  99a.] 

161.  ‘Uthman  b.  'Ali  b.  ^u'aib  Abii  'Amr  al-Baghdadi. 

[Fol.  99a.] 

162.  ^Uthman  b.  ‘Ali  b.  Su'aib  b.  ‘Adi  b.  Humam  Abu  Bakr 

as-Samsar,  brother  of  Muhammad  b.  ‘Ali.  [Fob 99a.] 

163.  ‘Uthmto  b.  Sa‘id  b.  Bassar  Abii-hQasim  al-Ahwal 

y, 

ahAnmati,  a jurist  of  the  SMl  school,  died  in 
^awwal,  288  a.h,  [Fob  99b,] 

163,  Stibki,  Tabaqat,  ii,  52;  Ibn  Hallikan,  i,  211. 

164.  ‘Uthman  b.  Said,  a nephew  of  ‘Ali  b.  Baud  al- 

Qantari.  [Fol.  100a.] 

165.  ‘Uthman  b.  Nasr  al-Baghdadi;  he  left  Baghdad, 

and  Ins  traditions  are  recorded  by  foreigners  only 
(according  to  one  Isnad  apparently  in  Persia). 
[Fob  lOlA.] 

166.  ‘Uthman  b.  Nasr  Abu  ‘Abd- Allah  at-Tai,  emigrated 

to  Barda‘a : perhaps  he  has  been  mentioned  before 
(viz.  under  No.  165).  A tradition  of  his  heard  in 
295  A.H.  in  Mayanag  is  recorded.  [Fob  100b.] 

.167.  ‘Uthman  b.  Said  Abu  ‘Amr  at-Tammar,  heard  a 
tradition,  which  is  recorded,  in  256  a.h.  [Fob  101a.] 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAB  OF  THE  KHATIB  57 

168.  'Uthman  h,  Salil  b.  Mahlad  al-Bazzaz,  or,  as  it  is 

said,  al-Adaiiii.  (Only  the  beginning  of  biography, 
remainder  is  lost.)  [Fol.  lOlB,] 

169.  ‘Utliman  b.  al-Hattab  b.  "Abd-Allah  Abu  'Umar  al- 

Balawi  ahAsagg  al-Maghribi,  known  as  Abu-d- 
Dunya;  lie  was  a notorious  liar,  claiming  to  have 
heal'd  traditions  from  'Ali.  He  claimed  to  have 
been  born  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Abii 
Bakr,  and  that  lie  came  with  his  father  to  al-Iviifa 
during  the  reign  of  'Ali  and  witnessed  the  battle  of 
Siffin.  Several  other  lies  are  recorded.  He  came 
from  a town  in  the  Maghrib  called  Mazmada,^  and 
died  in  Baghdad  327  A.H.  (This  leaf  and  the 
following  are  much  damaged.)  [Fol.  104 A.] 

169.  Dahabi,  Mizaii,  ii,  Ho.  1425  ; Tabaqat,  iii,  50. 

170.  TTthman  b.  'Abdiiyah  b.  'Amr  Abu  'Amr  al-Bazzaz 

al-Kabsi",  died  on  Wednesday,  1st  of  . . . 328  A.H. 
(The  correct  sequence  of  leaves  is  104,105, 102, 103.) 
[Fol.  105b.] 

170.  SamTini,  474a,  1.  S. 

171.  'Utlimto  b,  al-Hasan  b.  . . . b.  Zaid  Abu  'Amr. 

[Fol.  102  a.] 

172.  'Uthman  b.  Ahmad  b.  Ayytib  b.  Hamdto  Abu  'Abd- 

Allah  al -Baghdadi,  resided  at  Tinnis  in  Egypt. 
[Fol.  102a.] 

173.  'Uthman  b.  Ga'far  b.  Muhammad  b.  al-Haitham  b. 

'Abd-Allah,  known  as  ad-Dinawari.  [Fol.  102b.] 

174.  'Uthrnto  b.  Ga'far  b.  Muhammad  b.  'Abdak  Abu 

'Amr  ad-Dinawari,  was  alive  in  329  A.H. 
[Fol.  102b.] 

175.  TJthmto  b.  'Abd  ar-Rahman  AbCi  ‘Amr,  resided  at 

Baghdad.  [Fol.  103  a.] 

176.  TJthman  b.  Ahmad  b,  Abi  Samla  ad-Dinawari  al- 

Warraq,  came  to  Baghdad.  [Fol.  103a.] 

^ I believe  in  this  name  of  a town  the  name  of  the  Masmuda  Berber 
tribe  is  hidden. 


58  THE  TABIKK-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 

177.  ‘Uthman  b.  Ahmad  Abu ‘Amral-'Uthmam.  [Fo1.103a.] 

178.  ‘Uthman  b.  Muhammad  b.  al-‘Abbas  b.  Gibril  Abu 

‘Amr  al-Warraq,  known  as  as-§am‘i.  (The  end  of 
the  biography,  containing  the  date  of  his  death,  is 
lost.)  [Fob  103b.] 

179.  ‘Uthman  b.  Alnnad  b.  as-Sammak  (only  an  odd  leaf, 

part  of  which  i.s  cut  away  ; the  beg'inning  and 
end  of  the  biography  are  lost) ; he  was  alive  in 
344  A.H.,  in  which  year  a tradition  of  his  is 
recorded.  [Fob  106a.] 

179.  Daliabl,  Mixan,  ii,  No.  1411. 

180.  'Uthmto  b.  Muhammad  Abu  'Amr  al-Qari'  al-Mahrami, 

died  in  Dinawar  in  393  a.h.  (Only  the  last  five  lines 
of  the  biography  are  preserved,  giving  the  date  of 
his  death.)  [FoL  107a.] 

181.  'Uthman  b.  Ahmad  b.  ad-Dalil  al-Qattan.  [Fob  107a.] 

182.  'Uthrnto  b.  Muhammad  b.  Qutaiba,  the  school  teacher. 

[Fol.  107  a.] 

183.  'Uthman  b.  ‘Isa  Abu  'Amr  al-Baqilani,  was  a pious 

man,  a kind  of  hermit.  (The  end  of  the  biography 
giving  the  date  of  his  death  is  lost.)  [Fol.  107 a.] 

'Ali 

184.  'Ali  b.  Ahmad  b.  'Amr  al-Ktifi,  came  to  Baghdad 

in  [2]  13  a.h.  (Only  the  six  last  lines  of  the 
biography  preserved,  the  leaf  is  much  damaged.) 
[Fol.  108a.] 

185.  'Ali  b.  Ahmad  b.  al-Haitham  b.  Halid  Ahu-l-Hasan 

al-Bazzaz,  a Mu'addal,  died  3 . . a.h.  [Fol.  108a.] 

186.  'Ali  b.  Ahmad  b.  'Ali  b.  Isma'il  Ahu-l-Qasim  al- 

Qattan.  [Fol.  108b.] 

187.  'Ali  b.  Ahmad  b.  al-Laith,  the  Warraq  of  Ibn  Mahlad. 

[Fol.  108b.] 

188.  'Ali  b,  Ahmad  b.  Sulaimto  al-Baghdadi.  [Fol.  108b.] 

189.  'Ali  b.  Afimad  Abud-Husain  al-Harrani.  (Only  the 

first  three  lines  of  the  biography,  the  date  348, 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAB  OF  THE  KHATIB 


59 


Oil  fol.  109a,  does  not  belong  to  this  biography.) 
[FoL  108b.] 

190.  ‘All  b.  Ahmad  b.  ‘Ali  Abu-l-Hasan  ar-Raffa , known  as 

Ibn  Abi  Qais;  he  resided  in  the  Darb  al-Bariziyyin 
of  the  Suq  al-^Atas  on  the  eastern  side  of  Baghdad, 
died  in  Guraada  ii,  352  a.h.  [Fol.  109a.] 

190.  Alizan,  ii,  No.  1693, 

191.  ‘All  b.  Ahmad  b.  ‘Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  ‘Isa  Abu-l-Hasan 

al-Ansari  al-Hazragi,  settled  in  Egypt.  He  wa>s 
born  in  Miiharram,  280  A.H.,  and  died  in  Egypt  in 
Rabi‘  i,  355  a.h.  [Fol.  109a.] 

192.  ‘All  b.  Ahmad  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ibrahim  b.  Farruh 

Abu-hllasan  al-Warraq  al-Wa‘iz,  known  as  Ghulam 
al-Misri.  (End  of  biography  lost.)  [Fol.  109b,] 

193.  ‘All  b.  Isma‘il,  known  as  ‘Aliiyah  al-Bazzaz,  died  on 

Monday,  the  13th  of  Safar,  271  a.h.  Ibn  Qani‘ 
says  270,  but  this  is  less  approved.  (Beginning  of 
biograph jr  is  lost.)  [Fol.  110a.] 

194.  ‘All  b.  Isma‘il  b.  al-Hasan,  known  as  the  Ghulam  of 

Ahmad  b.  Hanbal.  [Fol.  110a.] 

1 95.  ‘All  b.  Isma‘il  Abu-hHasan  at-Tabari,  came  to  Baghdad. 

(End  of  biography  is  lost.)  [Fol.  110b.] 

196.  ‘All  b.  Isma‘il  Abu-l-Qasim  As-Saffar  al-Utrus  al- 

Baghdadi,  resided  at  Qantarat  al-Baradan,  a suburb 
of  BaghdM,  where  he  died  in  Ragab,  307  a.h. 
(Beginning  lost.)  [Fol.  111a.] 

197.  ‘All  b.  Isma‘il  b.  Ka‘b  ad-Daqqaq,  died  314  a.h. 

[Fol.  11  lA.] 

198.  ‘All  b.  Ismail  b.  HammM  Abu-l-Hasan  al-Bazzaz. 

[Fol.  lllB.] 

199.  ‘All  b.  Isma‘il  b.  Abi  Bisr  Ishaq  b.  Salim  b.  Ismail 

b.  ‘ Abd- Allah  b.  Musa  b.  Bilal  b.  Abi  Burda  b.  Abi 
Musa  Abu  - 1 - Hasan  al  - A^ari,  the  Mutakallim, 
author  of  books  and  works  in  refutation  of  the 
heretics  and  others,  whether  they  be  Mu‘tazilis, 
Rafidis,  Harigis,  etc.  He  was  a native  of  al-Bap’a 


()0  THE  TARIKH-BAGHBAP  OF  THE  KHATIB 

and  settled  in  BaglidM,  where  he  used  to  sit  every 
Friday  in  tlie  mosque  of  ar-Rusafa  in  the  circle  of 
tlie  jurist  Abu  Ishaq  al-MarwazL  Some  people  of 
al-Basra  say  that  he  was. born  in  200  a.h,  and 
died  after  830  A.H.  According  to  otliers  lie  died 
in  Baghdad  after  320  A.H.,  or  in  330  a.h.,  and  wms 
buried  in  the  Ma&^a'at  ar-Rawaya  in  a piece  of 
ground  next  on  one  side  to  a mosque  (^masgid) 
close  to  a bath,  to  the  left  of  those  who  pass  from 
the  market  {suq)  to  the  Tigris,  [Abu  Muhammad 
‘'All  b.  Ahmad  b.  Sa'id  b.  Hazm  al-Andalusi  states 
that  he  died  in  324  A.H.,  and  that  he  had  composed 
fifty-five  worksd]  Abu-l-Hasan  used  to  derive  his 
income  from  a small  estate  which  had  been  left 
by  Bi]?il  b.  Abi  Burda  to  his  descendants,  the 
revenue  of  which  was  nineteen  dirliams  annually. 
[Fob  I12a.] 

199.  Subki,  ii,  245'301  ; Ibn  Farhfm,  Bibag,  195. 

200.  'All  b.  IsmaHl  Abu-l-Hasan  an-Naubabti.  Two 

verses  which  he  transmitted  on  tlie  authority  of 
Thadab  are  quoted.  [FoL  113a.] 

201.  'All  b.  Isma‘il  b.  'Ubaid-Allah  b.  Isinaul  Abu-l-Hasan 

al-Anbari,  settled  in  Baghdad,  where  traditions 
were  heard  from  him  in  375  A.H.  [Fob  113b.] 

202.  'All  b.  Ishaq  as-Sulami  Abu-l-Hasan  al-M.’arwazi  ad- 

Darakam",  a companion  of  'Abd- Allah  b.  al-Mubarak, 
came  to  Baghdad  and  died  in  2l3  a.h.  [Fol.  113b.] 

202.  Sam‘ani,  217b,  1.  13  ; Taqrib,  269 ; Tahdib,  Aii,  282. 

203.  'Ah  b.  Ishaq  b.  'Isa  b.  Zatiya  Abu-l-Hasan  al- 

Mahrami,  became  blind  towards  the  end  of  his  life. 
(End  of  biography  ivS  lost.)  [FoL  114b.] 

203.  Sam^ani,  266?.  (where  it  is  stated  that  he  died  in  Gaiiiada  i, 

306  A.H.) ; AHzaii,  ii,  No.  1708.  , ■ 

^ This  appears  to  be  a later  gloss  which  has  been  entered  by  the  scribe 
in  the  text,  otherwise  it  is  remarkable  that  the  Hatib  should  quote 
a contemporary  Spaniard  for  the  date  of  death  of  a man  who  had  died  in 
Baghdad.  Ibn  Hazm  died  456  a.h.,  seven  years  before  the  Hatib. 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


61 


204  ^Ali  b.  Israel.  [Fol.  115a.], 

205.  ‘All  b.  Abi  Umayya  b.  ‘Amr,  a Mania  of  the  Banfi 

Umay^TX  b.  ‘Abd-Saiii8,  a brother  of  Muhammad  1>. 
Abi  Umayya.  Both  were  poets.  [Fol.  115a.] 

206.  ‘Ali  b.  Umayya  b.  Abi  Umayya  tlie  Katib,  brother  of 

Muhammad  b.  Umayya  and  nephew  of  Muhammad 
and  ‘Ali,  the  sons  of  Abii  Umayya,  also  a j)oet. 
[Fol.  115  b.] 

206.  Agh.  XX,  63  ff. 

207.  ‘Ali  b.  xiyjuib  b.  al-Husain  b.  Ayyfib  b.  Ustad  Abu-1- 

Hasan  al-Qummi,  known  as  Ibn  as-Sariban  (?), 
settled  in  Baghdad.  He  had  lieard  from  al-Muta- 
nabbi  his  diwan  except  the  Siraziyyat  (i.e.  the 
poems  in  praise  of  ‘Adud  ad-Daula).  He  belonged 
to  the  Rafidi  sect,  and  was  born  in  Siraz  in  347  a.h. 
He  died  at  BaghdM  in  430  a.h.  [Fol.  116a.] 

207.  Alizan,  ii,  No.  1711. 

208.  ‘Ali  b.  Bahr  b.  Barri  Abii-l-Hasan  al-Qattto,  a native 

of  Fars ; Ahmad  b.  Hanbal  is  named  among  his 
pupils.  [Fol.  116b.] 

208.  Taqrib,  269,  states  that  he  died  234  a.h.  j Dahabi,  Tabaqat, 
ii,  do  ; Tahdib,  vii,  284. 

209.  ‘Ali  b.  Bahrain  b.  Yazid  Abu  Guhaifa  al-Muzani  al- 

‘Attar,  a native  of  North  Africa,  came  to  the  ‘Iraq, 
where  he  settled  and  died.  [Fol.  117a.] 

210.  ‘Ali  b.  Batha  at-Tamimi.  [Fol.  117b.] 

211.  Ali  b.  Bakr  Abu-hHasan,  a native  of  BaghdM,  went 

to  Egypt,  where  he  died  in  Du-l-Higga,  285  a.h. 
[Fol.  117b.] 

212.  ‘Ali  b.  Barri  b.  Zanguyah  b.  Mali  to  Abu-l-Hasan 

ad-Dinawari,  came  to  Baghdad.  [Fol.  117b.] 

213.  ‘Ali  b.  Bunto  b.  as-Sindl  aUAqiili  (in  a tradition 

ad-Dair-‘ Aquli).  [Fol.  118  a.] 

214.  ‘Ali  b.  Buhar  Abud-Hasan  ar~Razi ; ad-Dtoaqutni 

studied  under  him  in  Dar  aUQutn.  [Fol.  118b.] 

215.  ‘Ali  b.  Ba&an  b.  Muhammad  b.  Saif  al~Qazzto 

[Fol.  119a.] 


THE  TzVRiKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


216.  'All  b.  Badr  Abn-l-Hasan,  resided  in  the  eastern  side 

of  BcXgiidad.  [Fob  119a.] 

217.  'All  b.  Turkan  Abu-l-Hasan  as-Sufi ; he  emigrated 

■with  his  brother  vSa'id  to  ar~Ramla.  [Fob  119b.] 

218.  'All  b.  Tiiabit  Abu  Ahmad  or  i^bud-Hasaii,  a Alaula 

of  al-' Abbas  b.  Muhammad  al-Hasimi ; he  was  a 
Gazari  who  settled  in  Baghdad.  Others  say  he 
came  from  Horasan ; another  account  states  he 
came  from  al-Gazira,  i.e.  Mesopotamia.  [Fob  119b.] 

218.  Taqrib,  269. 

219.  'All  b.  Thabit  b.  Ahmad  b.  Isma'il  Abii-l-Hasan  an- 

Nu'manl,  used  to  reside  in  Baghdad  as  client  of  the 
Qadi  al-Muhamili.  [Fob  121b.] 

220.  'Ah  b.  Thabit  b.  Ahmad  b.  Mahdi  Abu-l-Hasan  al- 

Hatib  ("  my  father,  may  God  be  satisfied  with  him  1” 
says  the  authoi'),  was  for  about  twenty  years 
Imam  and  Hatib  in  the  pulpit  at  Darzingan.  He 
used  to  say  that  he  descended  from  pure  Arabs, 
and  that  his  tribe  were  horsemen  settled  at  al- 
Husasa  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  River  Euphrates. 
He  died  on  Sunday,  the  middle  of  Sawwal,  412  A.H., 
and  was  buried  the  same  day  in  the  cemetery  of 
the  Bab  Harb.  [Fob  122a.] 

220,  As  this  biography  is  short  I give  the  text  here  : — 

I \ Ar>- \ Aikji  All  i 

h^A\ . j j. 

a]  aLa?!  A-w 

c:?  Aj  h iijjjjJli  [ ^ 

% c— ?b 

221.  'All  b.  Gabala  b.  Muslim  b.  'Abd  ar-Rahinan  Abii-1- 

Hasan,  the  poet  known  by  the  name  of  al- 
'Akawwak ; praised  al-MaAiiin,  Humaid  b.  'Abd 


THE  TxVRIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB  63 

al-Hamid  at-Tusi,  Abu  Dulaf  and  al-Hasan 

b.  Said.  (Only  the  beginning  of  biograph}^  pre- 
served.) [FoL  122b.] 

221.  Ibn  Hallikiin,  i,  348  ; poems  of  his  are  quoted  frequently  in  works 
dealing  with  poetry. 

222.  'All  b.  Hafs  al-Mada’ini.  (Only  one  tradition  after 

Su'ba,  the  beginning  is  lost.)  [F'ol.  123a.] 

223.  'All  b.  al-Hasan  b,  Bukair  b.  Wasil  Abu-l-IIasan 

al-Hadrami,  a cousin  of  Muhammad  b.  Bukair. 
[Foi.  123a.] 

224.  'All  b.  al-Hasa,n  b.  Bisr  b.  Harun  at-Tirmidi,  read 

traditions  in  BaghdM.  [FoL  123a.] 

225.  'All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  'Ubaid  b.  Muhammad  b.  Sa'd 

b.  lyas  Abu-l-Hasan  as-K^aibani,  known  as  Ibn 
al-A'rabi,  was  chiefly  versed  in  Adab  and  historical 
accounts.  [Fol.  123b.] 

226.  'All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Musafir  Abu-l-Hasan  al-Hayyat, 

died  on  Wednesday,  the  11th  of  Earnadan,  276  A.H. 
[Fol.  124  a.] 

227.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  'Arafa  b.  Yazid  al-'Abdi,  died  at 

Stoiira  in  277  A.H.  [Fol.  124a.] 

228.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  'Abduya  Abu-l-Hasan  al-Hazzaz, 

used  to  live  in  the  iSari'  Ibn  Hudaib  in  Baghdad, 
where  he  died  on  the  13th  of  Du-l-Higga,  277  A.H. 
[Fol.  124b.] 

229.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Bayan  Abu-l-Hasan  al-Muqri’, 

known  as  al-Baqilani,  died  in  284  A.H.  [Fol.  126b.] 

230.  'All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Ibrahim  b,  Qutaiba  b.  Gabala  AbCi 

Muhammad  al-Qattto.  [Fol.  126a.] 

231.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Yasin  b.  Gubair.  [Fol.  126b.] 

232.  'All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Ahmad  b.  Abi-l-'Anbar  Abu-1- 

Qasim,  a cousin  of  ^uraih  b.  Yunus,  a native  of 
Marwarud.  [Fol.  127  a.] 

233.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Salih  as-Sa  igh.  [Fol.  127a.] 

234.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  at-Tusi,  came  to  BaghdM.  [Fol.  127b.] 

235.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Sulaiman  b.  ^uraih  b.  Ishaq 


64 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHxVlTB 


Abn-l-Hasan  al-Qafilani  al-QatFi,  in  Muliarrain, 
306  A.H.  [FoL  127b.] 

236.  ‘All  b.  a-l-Hasan  b.  Hartin  al-IIanbali  al-Baglidadi. 

[Fob  128  a.] 

237.  ‘All  b.  al-IIasan  b.  Sabi  al-Bafali.  [Fol.  128b.] 

238.  ‘All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  ‘Ali  b.  al-Ga‘d  b.  ‘Ubaid  Abu-F 

Ga‘d  aFGauharb  brother  of  Siilaiinan  and  ‘Umar/ 
settled  in  Egypt,  Avhere  he  was  at  the  head  of  the 
office  of  public  accounts.  [Fol.  128b.] 

239.  ‘All  b.  aFHasan  b.  al-Gunaid  Abu  ‘Abd-Allah  al- 

Bazzaz  an-Ni&puri,  settled  in  BaglidM.  [Fol.  129a.] 

240.  ‘All  b.  aFHasan  b.  Muhammad  b.  Sa‘id  b.  ‘Uthman 

aF‘UkbarL  A tradition  of  the  Prophet  about  “ my 
brother”  Jesus.  When  the  Jews  wanted  to  kill 
him,  Gabriel  came  with  the  Muhammadan  creed 
written  on  his  wings  to  teach  him  a prayer 
enabling  him  to  escape.  [Fol.  129b.] 

241.  ‘All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  aF‘Ala'  Abu-FQasim  as-Samsar, 

brother  of  Muhammad  b.  aFHasan.  [Fol.  130a.] 

242.  ‘All  b.  aFHasan  b.  Muhammad  b.  aFMughira  Abu 

Muhammad  ad-Daqqaq,  died  in  Pu-FQa‘da,  317. 
(Fob  131  is  in  the  wrong  place  ; it  belongs  probably 
to  the  gap  before  fol.  123.  The  narrative  goes 
without  interruption  from  fol.  130b  to  fol.  132a.) 
[Fol.  130b.] 

243.  ‘All  b.  aFHasan  b.  Saqiq  (beginning  and  end  missing  ; 

he  died  in  215  A.H.,  Maqdisi,  Magma‘,  fols.  353-4). 
[Pol.  131a.] 

243.  MaqdisI,  Magma*,  353  ; Bahabi,  Tabaqat,  i,  339  ; Taqrib,  270. 

244.  ‘Ali  b.  aFHasan  b.  aFHarith  b.  Bahr  b.  Sulaiman 

b.  Ghailto  Abu-FQasim,  known  as  aFMarudi. 
[Fob  132  a.] 

245.  ‘Ali  b.  aFHasan  b.  Harun  b.  Rustam  Abu-FHasari 

as-Saqati,  was  alive  in  322  a.h.  [Fob  1S2b.] 

246.  ‘Ali  b.  aFHasan  aFMahrami  (only  the  first  three  lines 

^ See  No.  54. 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHBAD  OF  THE  KHATJB  65 

of  the  biography  ; here  is  a gap  of  two  leaves ; 
foL  133  bea'ins  with  two  lines  of  a tmditionist  who 
stayed  in  Baghdad  for  some  time,  but  returned  to 
his  native  country  at  the  end  of  332  or  early  in 
333  A.H.).  [Fol.  132b.] 

247.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Dulail  b.  IsrnaHl  b.  Maimim 

Abu-l-IIasan  ad-Dallal,  was  born  in  Ragab,  268  A.H., 
and  died  in  Gumada  i,  353  A.H.  [Fol.  133a.] 

248.  'All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  'Abd  al-'Aziz  b.  'Abd-Allah  b. 

‘Ubaid-Allah  b.  al-'Abbas  b.  Muhammad  b.  'Ali 
b.  'Abd-Allah  b.  al-'Abbas  b.  'Abd  al-Muttalib  Abu-1- 
Hasaii  al-tlfiSmi.  [Fob  133a.] 

249.  'All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Ahmad  b.  'Abd-Allah  Abu-l-Hasan 

al-Balhi,  came  to  Baghdad.  [Fol.  133b.] 

250.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Ahmad  Abu-l-Hasan  al-Gassas, 

was  born  in  290,  and  died  on  Thursday,  the  1st  of 
Rabr  ii,  367.  He  had  confused  ideas,  and  claimed 
tlie  authorship  of  several  books  like  the  book  of 
az-Zaggag  (probably  the  MaTini-1-Qur’an  are  meant) 
and  the  Ma'ani-l-Qur’to  of  Qutrub.  His  creed  was 
not  above  suspicion.^  [Fol.  134a.] 

251.  ‘All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  'Ali  b.  Zakariya  Abu-l-Qasim 

al-Warraq,  the  poet,  was  a pupil  of  the  historian 
at-Tabari.  [Fol.  134a.] 

252.  ‘Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Ga'far  Abu-l-Husain  al-Bazzaz, 

known  as  Ibn  Kurainib  and  as  Ibn  al -‘Attar  al- 
Mahrami,  was  born  in  298  a.h.,  wrote  his  first 
traditions  down  in  307  a.h.,  and  then  travelled  to 
Syria,  where  he  copied  traditions  in  330  a.h.  and 
later.  Tlien  he  visited  the  Qadi  Abu-l-Husain 
‘Umar  b.  al-Hasan  Ibn  al-U&iam,^who  was  delivering 
traditions  on  the  authority  of  Muhammad  b.  ‘Ali 
al-‘Alawi,  known  as  Ibn  Mu'ayya,  after  Fatima, 
the  daughter  of  ‘Abd  al-‘Aziz  b.  ‘Abd  ar-Rahman 


- KSee  No.  77. 


66 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


b.  J^arik  an-Niiha‘i.  "Ali  said  that  he  had  heard 
tliese  traditions  directly  froni  Fatima  and  her  sister 
Uinm  al-Hasan.  Ibn  al-TJ&ani  inquired  where  he 
had  heard  them,  to  which  Ibn  Kurainib  replied  : 
“In  al-Kufa  in  the  year  314  A.H.,  where  I was 
introduced  to  them  both  by  Abu-l-‘Abbas  Ibn 
'Aqda.  She  handed  to  us  a parcel  of  writings  by 
the  hand  of  her  grandfather  ‘Abd  ar-Rahinan  b. 
&a,Ylk,  with,  traditions  on  the  authority  of  his  father, 
and  I paid  her  ten  dirhams/'  Ibn  ahUsntoi  was 
amazed,  and  exclaimed  that  Abu  -1  - /Abbas  Ibn 
A.qda  Iiad  charged  him  one  thousand  dinars  for 
traditions  which  he  had  heard  from  Ibn  Mu'ayya 

' on  her  authority,  while  he,  ‘Ali,  had  received  them, 
directly  from  Fatima  for  practically  nothing.  ^Ali 
replied  that  that  was  his  good  fortune.  He  was, 
however,  in  bad  repute  that  he  Used  to  acquire 
old  volumes,  cutting  away  the  first  leaf  containing 
the  true  Isnads  and  substituting  fresh  headings  in 
which  lie  claimed  to  have  heard  the  traditions  him- 
self. He  died  on  Tuesday,  the  24  th  of  Safar,  or, 
according  to  another  account,  in  Rabf  i of  the  year 
376  A.H.  [FoL134b.] 

252.  Mizan,  ii,  No.  1729. 

253.  'All  b.  ahHasan  b.  'Ali  b.  Mutarrif  b.  Bahr  b.  Tamim 

b.  Yahya  Abu-l-Hasan  al-Qadi  al-Garralu,  died  on 
Tuesday,  the  4th  of  Gumada  ii,  376  A.H. ; he  is 
stated  to  have  been  born  in  298  A.H.  [Fob  136b.] 

254.  'Ali  b.  al-Qadi  Abi  Tammam  az-Zabibi  al-Hasan 

b.  Muhammad  b.  'Abd  al-Wahhab  b.  Sulaiman 
b.  Muhammad  b.  Sulaiman  b.  'Abd -Allah  b. 
Muhammad  b.  Ibrahim  aHm.am  b.  Muhammad 
b.  'All  b.  'Abd-Allah  b.  al-'Abbas  b.  'Abd  al- 
Muttalib  Abu-l-Qasim  al-Hammi,  was  Naqib  of  the 
'Abbasides.  He  was  born  in  327  a.h.,  and  died  in 
Pu-l-Qa'da,  384  a.h.  At-Tanuhi  said  : He  and  my 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


67 


father  were  born  and  died  in  the  same  year. 
[FoL  137a.] 

255.  'All  b.  al-Hasan  b,  'All  b,  al-Hasan  Abu-l-Hasan, 

known  as  Ibn  ar-Razi,  used  to  claim  that  he  had 
heal'd  the  chronicle  of  Ibn  Abi  Haitliama  from  the 
author  himself,  which  was  disbelieved,  but  he  had 
the  chronicle  of  Ibn  HiraA  He  died  on  Tuesday, 
the  25th  of  Rabr  ii,  391  a.h.  [Fol.  138a.] 

256.  'All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  'Ali  Abu-l-Hasan  as-Saibani. 

[Fob  139b.] 

257.  'All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  AJimad  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ahmad 

b.  Hafs  b.  Muslim  b.  Yazid  b.  'Ali  Abu  Nasr  al- 
Harasi  an-Nisapuri,  brother  of  tlie  Qadi  Abu  Bakr 
al-Hiri,  came  to  BaghdM  in  396  a.h.  [Fol.  139b.] 

258.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  'Ali  b.  Ahmad  Abu-l-Hasan  ad- 

Dallal,  known  as  Ibn-Nahhali  (?).  The  Hatib 
heard  a tradition  from  him  in  410  A.H.  [Fol.  139b.] 

259.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Muhammad  b.  ‘Abd-Allah  b.  'Umar 

Abu-l-Farag  an-Nahruwtoi,  the  Hatib  of  the  chief 
mosque  in  Nahruwto.  The  Hatib  met  him  on  his 
journey  to  Nisapur  in  415  a.h.  ; he  died  in  425  A.H, 
[Fol.  140a.] 

260.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Muhammad  b.  al-Mimtab  Abu-1- 

Qasim,  known  as  Ibn  Abi  'Uthman  ad-Daqqaq. 
He  was  born  in  Du-l-Higga,  355  a.h.,  and  died 
on  Saturday,  the  27th  of  Rabi'  i,  440  A.H. 
[Fol.  140a.] 

261.  'Ali  b.  al-Hasan  b.  'Ali  Abu-l-Hasan  al-Muqri’  as- 

Saqlatiini,  died  on  Sunday,  tlie  9th  of  Rabi'  ii, 
449  A.H.  [Fol  140b,] 

262.  'All  b.  al-Hasan  b.  Ahmad  b.  Muhammad  b.  ‘Umar  b. 

al-Hasan  Abu-l-Qasim,  known  as  Ibn  al-Maslama, 
was  a Mu'addal,  later  he  became  secretary  of  the 
Caliph  al-Qa’im,  who  made  liirn  Wazir,  and  gave 
him  the  titles  Rais  ar-Ru’asa  Saraf-al-Wuzara' 
Gamal  al-Wara.  He  was  born  397  a.h.,  and  was 


68 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAB  OF  THE  KHATIH 

killed  on  Monday,  the  28th  of  J3ii-1-Iligga,,  460  A.H., 
by  Abri-l-IIarith  al-Basasiri;  later  al-Basasiri  was 
Ivilled  and  his  head  carried  about  in  Baghdad  on 
the  15th  of  Dud-Higga,  451,  and  his  body  was 
nailed  to  the  cross  in  front  of  tlie  Dar  an-Nribi 
of  the  Dar  al-HiMa.  [Fob  141a.] 

263.  bill  b.  al-IIiisain  b.  Ibrahim  b.  al-Hazin  b.  Zadaii 

Abn-hllasan,  known  as  Ibn  Iskab,  an  elder  brother 
of  Muhammad  Ibn  Iskab.  He  died  on  Wednesda}^, 
tile  25th  of  Sawwal,  261  a.h.  There  were  about 
ten  months  between  his  death  and  that  of  his 
brother,  wlio  died  before  him.  Tliey  used  to  reside 
in  the  eastern  part  of  Baghdad,  near  the  Bab- 
Horasan.  [Fob  142a.] 

263.  Trig  al-bViTis,  i,  B,  41,  . 

264.  'All  b.  al- Husain  b.  Sahrayar  Abu -1- Hasan  al- 

Baghdadi.  He  is  mentioned  by  Ibn  Mindah  in 
tlie  Kitab  al-Asma  wal-Kuna.  [Fob  144a.] 

265.  'Ali  b.  al-Husain  b.  Yazid  as-Sudai,  a native  of  al- 

Kufa,  died  in  286  A.H.  [Fob  144a.] 

265.  Sam'anI,  350a. 

266.  'All  b.  al-Husain  Abu-l-Hasan  al-Bazzaz,  a native  of 

Samarra.  [Fob  144b.] 

267.  ‘All  b.  al-Husain  as-Stifi  al-Baghdadi.  [Fob  145a.] 

268.  'Ali  b.  al-Husain  b.  Hayyan  b.  'Ammar  b.  Waqid 

Abu -1- Hasan  al-Marwazi,  died  on  the  4th  of 
Gumada  ii,  305  A.H.  [Fob  145a.] 

269.  'All  b.  al-Husain  Abu-l-Hasan  as-Saqati.  [Fob  145b.] 

270. ^  'Ali  b.  al-Husain  b.  Harb  b.  'Isa  Abu  'Ubaid,  known 

as  Ibn-Harbiiyah,  the  Qacli  of  Egypt ; liis  kunya 
was  Abu  'Ubaid ; he  came  to  Egypt  to  assume  the 
office  of  Qadi,  and  stayed  there  for  a long  time. 
He  was  relieved  of  this  post  in  31 1 a.h.  He 
had  sent  a messenger  to  Baghdad  submitting  his 
resignation,  locked  up  the  door  of  his  house,  and 
refused  to  act  as  judge  any  longer.  After  liis 


I'HE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATJB 


69, 


retirement  he  used  to  deliver  traditions  in 
public  gatlierings.  Later  he  returned  to  Baghdad, 
where  lie  died  the  night  of  Thursday,  the  I7th 
of  Safar,  319  a.h.  He  was  buried  the  following 
inorning  in  liis  own  house,  and  Abu  Said  ah 
Istahri  said  the  prayers  over  his  body.  [Fob  146a.] 
270,  Subki,  ii,  301-7  ; Dahabi,  Tabaqat,  iii,  *24  ; Taqrib,  270. 

271.  ‘Ali  b.  al-Husain  b.  'Abd  al-Wahhab  Abu-1- Hasan 

az-Zayyat,  was  alive  in  320  a.h.  [Fol.  148b.] 

272.  'All  b.  al-Husain  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ahmad  b.  al- 

Haitliam  b.  'Abd  ar-Rahman  b.  Marwan  b.  'Abd- 
Allah  b.  Marwto  b.  Muhammad  b.  Marwan  b. 
al-Hakam  b.  Abi-l-'As  Abu-l-Farag  al-Umawi,  the 
Katib,  known  as  al-IsbahanL  A number  of  his 
works  are  enumerated;  which  I need  not  repeat  here 
as  I think  it  best  to  give  the  Arabic  text  of  tlie 
biograpliy,  since  it  is  one  of  the  earliest  accounts  of 
the  author  of  the  Kitab  al-Aghani  which  have  come 
down  to  us.  It  is  interesting  that  an-Naubahti 
calls  him  one  of  the  greatest  liars,  because  he  used 
to  buy  large  quantities  of  books  and  then  quote 
from  them.  This  is,  from  our  point  of  view, 
decidedly  a gain,  as  the  eye  is  always  a far  surer 
guide  than  the  ear,  especially  if  the  writer  worked 
from  good  copies  ; moreover,  it  was  only  possible  in 
this  manner  for  Abu-l-Farag  to  give  us  those  many 
precious  narrations  stored  up  in  the  Kitab  al- 
Aghani.  According  to  the  most  accredited  account 
he  died  on  Wednesday,  the  14th  of  Du-l-Higga, 
356  A.H.,  while  his  birth  is  placed  in  284  a.h. 
[Fol.  148b.] 

272.  ThaTilibi,  Yatima,  ii,  278  ; Ibn  Hallikan,  i,  334.  An  extract  of 
this  biography  taken  from  the  Tarih-Baghdad  is  found  on  the  last  page 
of  the  lithographed  edition  of  the  Maqatil  at-Talibiyyin  printed  in 
Teheran  1304  a.h.,  from  which  it  appears  that  this  volume  of  the  Tarih 
may  exist  also  in  Persia. 


70 


THE  TAEIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


iX4kS>-\  i\AJS^  ^i\ 

U5- ^ (^f  (^t:  C)hj^  c;:' 


ii«  lijb  Ay^.jsr^  ^.'  A/*>r>-l  jls.-^! 

■jiaAjSjl  tAj(t5>"  [J^  ^ (.^'^  .<^-iS^  ^ <^1.]^  Aal^.C'  ^ J«?  A,*4>JS!C^  CilJ^ 

" ^ ^ ‘ ‘ Jl  , 


(j:'  t:;- 
L5^-^J  Li'^ 


L«m,.^Iaaaj  ji  ^Ij  b li^/l.*i  ^ ^ ,4«fi5AxJ  ijj*^  * i,  _«rA^^i>^l  1 \ 

Liw^^vxll  • IJaav.jS'^  Ijlrl-Cb  jj  2^y^.AMJl  j» 

j^jLjLn  ^ '^J 

c^bT_j  cu!^lb\  ^.•U  . c:jl3lJl  cyb'  _,  ^.*1.^1 

AmI  j Lr gixll  aa^  L^j  a 


> 


•Alb?  lAi./ri2-'>*  AJ  ^ 1 

l,Ai«\\  . ,1-/  . . . . ..  \i\\  A.i  <\  r , J\  Jrt  , ,!.. 


^ uii  J>*^  L^jxW  ^IjI  j 


JjAflcJ^  v^A':^  ^ <<-5l 

Chimb^\<«<»^  JJ  ^ C JJ  l»|/al^l  1mii»^  ^ 1 b’#  LJ?  t»«i3  1a£2 JwhJ  V 1 ^ 


^Ij^* 


Ajxi  • 


L5^^ 


A/i.>- ^ I^JAs^  jj  ^jwU  j ^ ^A]  1 ^ ^gi|)  t i^/^jS^  % Ai.-!SIir^ 

^ <Uyi  LuiA  A J^jjr!^ 

_jj1  jii'  ju  ^ j^,*u  jA\  U3a:>“ 

^3  jj^\Ji\\  ^3L-JLJ1  ^ lI^A^  tOasTf"  M 

^ ^ i^Ai?  li>"  Llb^ilA  LJ5  jc^aa* J 


THE  TAEIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


71 


v_L-cjij  V i UiSi^  ^ i..L5^P»>*J  * 

<tJ!  LL— liJCi 

^(i.^  * fcb  ilX^  \1)  * 

J cs-i  (J  ^ ^ * 

IbJ  L—^  l.^ .^\ — \ ^ 

^ ^ ^ ^ ^ j 1|«J  \ ^jjC'  t li,.iiiOhXi2^ 

IhAss:^^  ^jfeU  AJbl-u* 

Ll*  ^ JJ  ^\«i  ^ ^^3  IjC.^1 

j^rsrCll  ^ iiiil 

^ix-  f^m^y't  l«%cA«i>ik)  <C.*^  ^ <i*J  i t ^ ^ * yaJwiMJil  l * 

^ J'^'^  ^ ‘^Uy-Wj  ^ |.^jSirU^  Jl  L.  '**-^1^1 1 {^J"^  1^ 

^l*  l-*is>  l^li>  tA^X  1 

^aaaxII  ^AJujsrh  [A 

^ if^^Lx  u3?*^  ^_J.-X»-.AJ  CjXiX-^t 

d,0^^)  I ^if L— \ |_^!?''^  l^^wii*J  Ij  hsiyLf>^^>^ 

U1  ^ 

^ ^ CJ^  <A/K5K!^  tJ  ^^aa*^4X*-  ^ t'Ci.iwO  tA^AX^J 

cT^  c?4^  i^AAAXi  (^■’ 

J^^3  ik/4J  JJ  <^-AmS  !^d]y^  Jk  i,)l-4jlij  ^ j LZ^*^  4J^-«J  <isrU5::|'^ 

laL>.  ^ • 

^ ^ ^ ^\ju  iS  *Sb  (JjiiSl 

' TheM.a  has  C^4.x]. 


72 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAB  OF  THE  KHATIB 


273.  ‘Ali  h.  a,l-Hiisa,in  b.  Miiliamixiad  b.  Hasiin  Abu-1- 

llasan  al-Waia*aq  al-Baglidadi,  settled  in  Damascus. 
[Fol.  15()b.] 

274.  ^All  1).  al-Husain  b.  IsmaHl  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ismah'l 

Abu-l-Qasim  ad-Dabbi  al-Maliamili.  (Only  the  first 
three  lines  of  biographj^  preserved.)  [Fol.  150b.] 

275.  'All  b.  al-Husaiii  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ibrahim  Abii-1- 

Hasan,  companion  of  Abu-1-Fadl  Ibn  Dudan  al- 
Hasimi  al-hibbasi,  died  on  the  1st  of  Du-FIIigga, 
432  A. H.  [Fol.  151a.] 

276.  'All  b.  al-Husain  b.  Mtisa  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ibrahim 

b.  Musa  b.  Ga'far  b.  Muhammad  b.  'Ali  b.  al-Husain 
b.  'Ali  b.  Abi  Talib  Abu-l-Qasim  al-'Alawi(liad  the 
laqab  al-Murtada,  He  was  Naqib  of  the  Talibis, 
a poet  who  made  many  poems,  a Mutakallim, 
and  composed  works  on  Si'ah  tenets.  He  was  born 
in  355  A.H.,  and  died  on  Sunday,  the  25th  of 
Rabi'  i,  436  a.h.,  and  was  buided  the  same  evening 
in  his  house.  [Fol.  151  A.] 

276.  Mizan,  ii,  No.  1749  ; Ibn  Hallikan,  i,  336.  It  is  remarkable  that 
the  Hatib  has  only  a very  few  lines  for  him,  and  does  not  mention  one  of 
his  works  by  title. 

277.  'Ali  b.  al-Husain  , b.  Muhammad  b.  'Abd  ar-Rahim 

Abu-l-Qasim  at-Tagir,  a native  of  al-Basra.  He 
went  frequently  to  al-Basra,  al-Kufa,  Mecca,  and 
the  Yaman.  He  stayed  in  Mecca  for  a long  time, 
and  the  Hatib  heard  traditions  from  him  there. 
He  was  born  in  379  A.H.,  and  died  at  Baghdad  in 
Muharram,  449  a.h.  [FoL  151b.] 

278.  'All  b.  Hamza  Abu-l-Hasan  al-Asadi,  known  as 

al-Kisa’i,  the  grammarian,  and  one  of  the  great 
Qur  an-readers.  He  came  from  al-Kufa  and  settled 
in  Baghdad,  where  he  was  tutor  of  the  Caliph 
Harun  ar-Rasid  and  of  his  son  al-Amin  after  him. 
He  used  to  deliver  the  QuFan  for  a considerable- 
time  after  the  reading  of  Hamza  az-Zayyat,  under 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB  73 

whom  he  had  studied ; then  he  cliose  a reading  of 
his  own  and  lectured  to  students  in  accordance  with 
his  interpretation  at  Baghdad,  ar~Raqqa,  and  other 
places.  He  composed  works  on  the  MaTini-1-Qur’an 
and  al-Athar-fil-Qira  at.  According  to  as-Siili  his 
name  was  'Ali  b.  Hamza  b.  'Abd-AUah  b,  Bahman 
b.  Fairuz,  and  he  was  a Mania  of  the  BanCi  Asad. 
According  to  al-Farra’  he  began  to  learn  grammar 
when  old,  because  he  was  on  one  occasion  reminded 
of  having  made  a grammatical  mistake.  This 
reproof  stung;  he  went  to  Mu'ad  al-Harra'  and 
studied  under  him.  Subsequently  he  went  to  al~ 
Basra  to  study  under  al-Halil.  An  Arab  told  him 
he  had  made  a mistake  in  doing  so,  as  correct 
speech  could  be  found  among  people  of  Asad 
and  Tamim  at  al-Kiifa.  He  inquired  from  al- 
Halil  where  he  had  acquired  his  learning,  and 
was  told  that  he  had  gained  it  from  the  Bedouins 
of  the  Higaz,  Nagd,  and  the  Tihama.  This  induced 
him  to  travel  in  Arabia,  and  before  he  returned 
he  had  used  up  fifteen  flasks  of  ink,  besides  what 
he  had  stored  up  in  his  memory.  His  first  act  after 
his  return  was  to  go  to  al-Basra  to  see  al-Halil. 
When  he  arrived  al-Halil  had  died  and  Yunus  was 
occupying  his  place  ; Yunus  was  amazed  at  the 
learning  of  al-Kisai.  Asked  why  he  was  named 
Kisai,  he  replied  because  he  was  clad  in  a kisa! 
when  performing  the  pilgrimage ; according  to 
another  account  the  Qur  an-reader  Hamza  gave 
him  this  name  because  he  wore  a kiscC  when  he 
first  attended  his  lectures.  Here  follow  some  of 
the  readings  of  al-Kisa’i,  e.g.  ^ where 

he  read  » without  Iramza,  supporting  his 

reading  with  the  most  flimsy  arguments,  one 


THE  TAEIKH-BAGHBAD  OF  THE  KHATIE 


of  them  being  that  everyone  would  read 
without  hainza  also;  another  argument  is  that 
the  verb  is  also  pronounced  without  hamza, 

and  thus  mixing  up  the  roots  and  : 

as  a third  argument  he  quotes  a verse  which  is  an 
evident  forgery,  where  the  plural  J 1 occurs — 


1; 


ijf 


4^, An  i;4i 


In  another  anecdote  al-Kisa ’i  corrects  the  teacher 
of  ar-Raad  in  the  presence  of  al-Malidi,  giving 
as  the  correct  imperative  for  use  the  tooth- 
pick Next  follows  a discussion  on  saying 
jjlh  three  times.  A third  tale,  wdiich  appears 
apocryphal,  given  on  the  authority  of  Abu 
Hatim  as-Sigisttoi,  states  how  a governor  of  al- 
Kufa  came  to  al-Basra  and  found  that  the  learned 
men  there  specialized  in  one  single  branch  of 
learning.  He  stated  that  al-Kisa’i  was  equally 
well  versed  in  all  sciences.  Al-Kisa  i makes,  in 
spite  of  his  learning,  mistakes  which  a man  of 
very  slight  attainments  would  not  make.  He 
explains  that  his  tongue  runs  away  with  him. 
Al-Kisa  i relates  that  he  had  seen  the  prophet  in 
a dream,  who  taught  him  certain  readings.  After 
the  death  of  al-Kisah  a man  used  to  speak  lightly 
of  him.  After  a few  days  he  too  had  a dream ; he 
had  seen  al-Kisah  in  heavenly  glory  because  the 
Lord  had  forgiven  his  sins  on  account  of  his 
readings  of  the  Qur’to.  An  Arab  of  the  desert 
declares  al-Kisal  more  learned  than  any  Arab 
because  he  knows  the  difference  between  the  kind 
of  stars  called  and  . Abu  'Umar  ad-Duri 
used  to  say  that  he  had^read  the  book  Ma'ani-1- 
Qur  an  of  al-Kisal  under  Abu  Mishal,  at-Tuwah 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB  75 

Salama.;  and  others  at  BaghdM  in  the  mosque 
aS"Sawwaqin,  when  Abii  Mishal  said  that  anyone 
who  had  read  it  ten  times  would  still  be  longing  to 
read  it  again.  One  day  al-Kisa  i complained  that 
Yahya  b.  Halid  had  found  fault  with  him  because 
he  was  slow  in  answering  grammatical  questions., 
yet,  he  remarked,  if  I answer  straight  away  I am 
liable  to  make  a slip.  He  was  told  that  he  should 
not  fear  anyone,  but  speak  what  he  wanted,  as 
there  was  nobody  who  could  correct  him.  Al- 
Kisa  i,  seizing  his  tongue,  said,  May  God  cut  thee 
off  if  thou  wert  to  speak  what  I do  not  know  ! 

As  might  be  expected  of  a vain  fellow,  he  dressed 
after  the  manner  of  the  nobles  of  his  time.^  His 
salary  under  Hariin  ar-Rasid  either  was  insufficient 
or  it  was  not  paid  promptly  ; some  verses  addressed 
to  the  Caliph  brouglit  in  a large  present.  Then 
follows  a silly  poem  on  the  advantages  of  learning 
grammar  and  the  disgrace  of  not  being  able  to 
speak  correctly.  There  is  uncertainty  about  the 
date  of  his  death,  the  most  accepted  account  being 
that  he  accompanied  ar-Rasid  on  a journey  to 
Horasto,  and  died  on  the  road  at  a place  called 
Ranabuyali,  near  ar-Rai,  in  the  year  182  a.h.,  on 
the  same  day  as  the  jurist  Muhammad  b.  al-Hasan. 
Other  accounts  give  183  and  189  A.H.,  and  as  places 
where  his  death  took  place  ar-Rai  and  Tus.  Al-Yazidi 
composed  an  elegy  upon  his  death,  of  wdiich  four 
verses  are  cited.  Abu  Mishal  relates  that  he  saw 
al-Kisa  i after  his  death  in  a dream,  his  face  shining 
like  a full  moon.  He  asked  him  how  God  had  dealt 
with  him,  upon  which  al-Kisa  i replied  that  He  had 

aS  JIa5 

^ Jts  U bi  Ij 

^ ktXi  ‘it  kjliX)  t-i  C-O 


76 


THE  TAEtKH -BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


forgiven  Iiis  sins  on  account  of  liis  Qur  an  readings: 
questioned  about  the  reader  Hamza  az-Zayyat^ 
al-Ivisa'i  stated  tlnat  the  former  was  so  lugii  in 
liea-ven  tliat  lie  a-ppeared  to  them  only  like  a small 
glittering  star.  A parallel  account  joins  Siifyan 
atlnThauri  with  Hamza  in  this  exalted  position. 
[Fols.  152A-163B.] 

*278.  Zubaidi,  T\ibaqafc  MS.,  Brit.  Alus.  Or.  3041,  fob  13b  ; Ibn  Hallikaii, 
i,  330  ; Ibn  al-Anbari,  Nuzhat,  81 ; Siiyufci,  Bugbyat,  *230,  and  many 
other  works. 

279.  'Ali  b.  Harmala  at-Taimi,  of  Taim  ar-Eibab,  a Kiifi 

who  was  Qadi-l-Qudat  at  Baghdad  under  ar-Ea&l 
in  succession  to  Muhammad  b.  al-Hasan.  He  had 
studied  law  under  Abu  Hanifa  and  Abu  Yusuf. 
[Fol.  163b.] 

280.  ‘All  b.  Hafs  Abu-l-Hasan  al-Madabni.  [Fol.  163b.] 

281.  ‘All  b.  Hafs  Abu-l-Hasan  as-J^anqi.  [Fol.  164b.] 

282.  ‘All  b.  Hadid  b.  Hakim  al-Madahni.  [Fol.  165a.] 

283.  ‘All  b.  Hugr  b.  lyas  b.  Muqatil  b.  Muhadis  Abu-l- 

Hasan  as-Sa‘d!,  resided  originally  in  Baghdad,  but 
removed  to  Marw,  where  he  read  traditions  till  he 
was  named  after  his  place  of  residence  al-Marwazi. 
He  was  born  in  154  A.H.,  and  left  Baghdad  when 
33  years  of  age.  He  used  to  say  that  at  that  time 
he  cherished  the  wish  that  he  might  live  another 
thirty-three  years  and  then  publish  some  of  the 
learning  he  had  acquired,  but  when  he  had  been 
spared  that  time  he  still  had  the  same  desire  to 
wait  another  thirty -three  years.  He  died  the 
evening  of  Wednesday,  the  middle  of  GumMa  i, 
244  A.H. 

283.  Alacidisl,  Alagmaq  p.  354 ; Dahabi,  Tabaqat,  ii,  36  ; Taqrib,  269, 

284.  ‘All  b.  Harb  b.  Muhammad  b.  ‘Ali  b.  Hayyan  b. 

Mazin  b.  al-Ghaduba  at-Tah  al-MausilL  His 
ancestor  Mazin  ^ came  to  the  Prophet.  ‘Ali  travelled 

^ Cf,  Usd  aPGhaba,  iv,  269. 


THE  TARIKH-BAOHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


77 


in  the  Higaz,  to  BaglidM,  al-Kufa,  and  al-Basra. 
(Tlie  biograpliy  is  not  complete,  and  the  MS.  ends 
fol.  168b  abnlpt]3^)  [Fob  167b.] 

The  following  leaves  contain  two  portions  of  the  Kitab 
al-I‘gaz  wal-Igaz  of  ath-Tha'alibi,  fols.  169-77,  corre- 
sponding to  pp.  69^'~-72®  of  the  edition  of  this  work 
published  in  Hams  Rasail,  Const.  1301,  while  fols.  172-84 
are  found  pp.  46'^-55-b  Paper  and  writing  of  this 
portion  are  later ; tlie  text  is  beautifully  written  with 
many  vowels  wliicli  are  not  always  correct. 

APPENDIX 

The  xIppeauaxce  of  the  Prophet  ix  Dreams 

Time  after  time  we  encounter  in  works  of  biography 
and  history  accounts  wliere  persons  Avho  are  eager  to 
give  special  weight  to  their  own  statements,  disputed  by 
others,  claim  to  liave  seen  tlie  Prophet  in  a dream  and 
to  have  received  tlie  authority  for  their  statements  from 
him.  These  appearances  of  the  Prophet  in  a dream  have 
played  in  the  Muslim  world  a role  similar  to  that  of 
letters  fallen  from  heaven  in  Christian  countries.^ 

The  justification  for  receiving  authority  from  the 
Prophet  in  a dream  is  based  upon  a series  of  traditions, 
which  with  slight  variations  run  as  follows : Who  sees 

me  in  a dream  has  seen  me  (actually),  for  the  Devil  does 
not  assume  my  form.'’  Tlie  difficulty  here  is  to  ascertain 
for  wliom  these  ti'aditions  were  intended,  whether  for  all 

^ I remember  as  a boy  that  the  trick  with  a letter  from  heaven  was 
tried  with  the  peasant  population  near  my  home,  but  it  failed. 

The  traditions  bearing  on  my  subject  are  found  in  the  following  works  : 
Sunan  of  Abu  Dii’ud,  ed.  Lucknow,  1312,  ii,  p.  303 ; Sunan  of  Ibn  Maga, 
ed.  Lucknow”,  p.  287  ,*  and  especially  Sainail  of  at-Tirmidi  (at  the 
end  of  the  Ganii^),  ed.  Imcknow,  1310.  I have  not  looked  up  the 
other  collections  of  traditions,  as  these  three  authors  are  of  undisputed 
authority  and  sufficient  for  my  purpose. 


78 


THE  TAIIIKH-BAGHBAB  OF  THE  KHATIB 


coming  generations  or  only  for  those  persons  who  knew 
Muhammad  personally  and  could  distinguish  his  form 
from  that  of  any  other  person.  This  point  early  caused 
a-  difference  of  opinion,  and  a marginal  note  in  Ibn  Maga, 
p.  287,  states  that  the  learned  Qacli  of  Sabta  (Ceuta) 
Tyad  held  the  opinion  ^ that  it  could  only  refer  to  persons 
who  knew  Muhammad,  which  is  however  refuted.  We 
get  probably  nearer  the  original  form  of  the  tradition  as 
it  is  quoted  in  the  Sunan  of  Abu  Da’ud,  ii,  303^,  on  the 
authority  of  Abu  Huraira,  where  we  read  : cj, 

, "'Who  sees  me  in  a dream  will  see 
me  when  awake.'’  This  tradition  is  followed  immediately 
by  what  appears  to  be  an  amendment  on  the  authority  of 
Mkriina,  after  Ibn  "Abbas,  as  follows:  o 

1 iJaiUl  J , ''  Who  sees  me  in  a 
dream  has  seen  me  when  awake,  for  the  Devil  does  not 
assume  my  likeness."  The  commentator  explains  the 
words  Alaft.n  as  referring  to  the  Resurrection.  That 
this  is  not  tlie  bearing  of  the  tradition  is  proved  by 
•several  traditions  found  in  the  Sama’il  of  at-Tirmidi. 
"Asim  b.  Kulaib,  on  the  authority  of  his  father,  states 
that  the  latter  had  heard  from  Abu  Huraira  this  tradition 
in  its  usual  form  : Who  sees  me  in  a dream  has  seen  me 
(actually),  for  the  Devil  does  not  assume  my  likeness.” 
His  father  went  to  Ibn  "Abbas  and  told  him  that  the 
Prophet  had  appeared  to  him  in  a dream,  and  mentioned 
ai-Hasan,  the  son  of  "Ali,  as  resembling  the  apparition. 
Ibn  'Abbas  replied,  "Yes,. he  used  to  look  like  him.”  We 
see  here  that  to  verify  whether  he  had  seen  the  Prophet 
in  his  vision  or  not  he  has  to  go  to  Ibn  "Abbas,  who  knew 
how  the  Prophet  looked,  and  point  out  a man  then  living, 
and  he  was  not  certain  until  he  was  told  that  al-Hasan 
resembled  the  Prophet.  Another  tradition  states  that  Yazid 
al-Farisi  had  seen  the  Prophet  in  a vision  in  the  lifetime 
^ I have  not  found  a passage  relating  to  these  traditions  in  his  Sifa’. 


THE  TARIKH-BAGHDAD  OF  THE  KHATIB 


79 


of  Ibn  'Abbas.  He  goes  to  him  and  tells  him  of  his  dream. 
Ibn  ‘Abbas  replies  : “ The  apostle  of  God  used  to  say,  ‘ The 
Devil  is  not  able  to  assume  my  likeness,  therefore  whoever 
sees  me  in  a dream  has  seen  me/ ''  Then  he  asks  him  if 
he  is  able  to  describe  the  person  who  aj^peared  in  the 
vision.  Replying  in  the  affirmative  he  gives  a description 
which  is  not  very  lucid.  'Auf  b.  Abi  Gamila,  wlio  heard 
this  tradition  from  Yazid  al-Farisi,  says : “ I do  not  know 
wdiat  to  make  of  tliis  description,”  U 


We  see  from  these  traditions  that  the  original  form  as 
preserved  by  Abu  DaTid  points  to  the  lifetime  of  the 
Prophet,  when  it  was  possible  to  see  him  in  person  when 
awake  after  the  dream,  and  that  after  his  death  it  was 
considered  imperative  to  make  sure  that  the  apparition 
actually  resembled  the  Prophet.  This  could  only  be  done 
by  making  inquiries  from  persons  who  had  personally 
known  Muhammad.  When  these  persons  had  passed  away, 
the  possibility  whether  the  dreamer  had  seen  the  Prophet 
or  the  Devil  could  not  be  determined  any  longer,  and  as 
a person  wdio  has  had  a dream  cannot  bring  a second 
witness,  the  weight  attached  to  such  claimed  vision  was 
misplaced.  Nevertheless,  these  traditions  have  been  abused 
by  unscrupulous  persons  who  were  eager  to  carry  their 
ideas  through  against  all  just  opposition.  I am  inclined  to 
believe  that  al-Kisa’i  by  appealing  to  the  authority  of  his 
vision  was  only  able  to  get  his  readings  of  the  Quran 
accepted,  though  welDinformed  contemporaries  had  their 
doubts  and  expi’essed  them. 


Ill 


YASMA  XXX  AS  THE  - BOCEMEIT  OF-  BEALISM^ 

' By  Professor  'lAWBENCE  ..MILLS 

T HAVE  elsewliere  (see  SEE.  xxxi).  thus  designated  this 
chapter.  Yet,  as  in  the  case  of  the  ‘'eschatology'’ 
and  of  the  “ moral  idea  ”,  I by  no  means  intend  here  to 
imply  that  either  of  those  concepts  or  this  “Dualism” 
had  never  been mooted  elsewhere  in  any  obscure  form  at 
any  period  previous  to  the  composition  of  this  Yasna  XXX. 
The  most  of  such  ideas  as  these  issue  inevitably  from 
the  human  consciousness  in  many  places  in  the  course 
of  ages;  here,  however,  they  are  definitively  grasped 
and  pointed  in  synoptic  statement,  whereas  elsewhere  they 
were,  if  at  all,  loosely  surmised,  and  to  be  gathered  only 
through  inference.  I call  attention  to  this  chief  doctrine 
of  the  piece  with  especial  care  on  account  of  its  epoch- 
making  importance  as  offering  the  initiative  in  the  above 
sense  to  all  analogous  subsequent  suggestion. 


Translation  with  Comments 


1.  (a)  And  now  I will  proclaim,  0 (ye  who  are)  corning- 
and- wishing-  ^ (to-be-taught),  those  animadversions  ^ which 
(are  the  mental-instructions)  for  the  one  (desiring  to  be) 
thoroughly  informed,'^ 


^ “ coining-with'desire  ” ; that  the  idea  of  coming  ” is 

involved  in  ihnto,  to  the  ind.  is  the  more  probable  from  the  parallel 
expressions  in  Yasna  XLV,  1,  “from  near  and  from  far.”  One  writer 
long  since  corrected  (?)  to  Mazda  Qvd  = “ Thoii,  0 Majida  ”,  This 
precludes..,%;wc.  in  ihntd ; yet  see  the  following  second  personals,  with 
whicli  the  Toe.  is  harmonious. 

“ Some  fender  as  if  the  faculty  of  “memory”  were  here  especially 
involved  ; “memorable, things.”  I cannot  quite  see  this  ; the  “animad” 
Vtoions  ” were,  however,  to  be  regarded  as  “ memorable 

K Recalling  v(a)ediUd  of  Yasna  XL VI,  19,  I formerly  preferred  “ to 
all-knowing  one  ” ; this  I would  now  put  in  the  alternative. 

■■■■  6 


82 


YASxVA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 


(h)  both  the  praise-songs  for  AJmra,  and  the  sacrificial- 
offerings  ^ of  Vohu  Mancih  (the  Good  Mind’s  follower), 

(c)  and  the  joyful  counsels  (held)  with  (just 

truthCuluess),  and  what-two-(doctrines  ^ are  those)  whereby 
propitious  results  are  (or  may  be  ”)  seen  through  the 
lights  (on  higli,  and  on  holy  altar)/’^ 

2.  {a)  Hear  ye  (then)  with  your  ears ; beliold  ye  the 
flames  ^ with  the  best  mind ; — 


^ Ymvyd  far  more  nabnrally  renders  ‘^offerings”,  “sacrifices”  than 
‘ ‘ prayers  ” ; for  the  latter  see  rather  the  forms  of  is,  yds.  Yesmjd  is  properly 
yasmyd,  as  & is  merely  the  result  of  a perhaps  false  epenthesis ; « is  = a -f  i, 
the  latter  i being  anticipated  from  the  terminal  y,  of  which  it  may  be 
considered  to  be  an  element. 

That  is,  “offerings  to  the  Archangel  by  the  one  inspired  by  him,” 
as  offered  to  him  in  the  “spirit  which  he  represents”,  i.e.  offerings 
“ deeply  sincere  and  earnest,  with  good  will  The  interior  sense  is  nob 
lost  ill  the  proper  name,  or  in  the  word  as  otherwise  understood,  though , 
wherever  possible,  Volm  Manah  should  be  understood  as  the  “ correct 
citizen  in  whom  V.  M.  dwells  ” ; and  so,  analogously,  of  Am,  this  word 
should  often  be  taken  to  represent  “the  Holy  Community”  in  whom 
A^a  (A  A)  was  dominant.  This  treatment  would  be  more  realistic,  and 
at  Yasna  L,  2,  we  are  constrained  to  adhere  to  such  an  interpretation  of 
VoKii  Atanah.  This  was  the  favourite  point  of  procedure  preferred  by 
a great  Vedist,  who  suggested  so  much  for  the  GiU?as,  Wherever 
a realistic  result  of  treatment  is  possible  we  should  resort  to  it,  as  being 


the  more  critical. 

^ So,  “ joyful  counsels  which  have  ti'ufh  as  their  basis  and  inspiration,” 
kmndzdrcl  AM  {Ai^m),  i.e.  “ind.  sa  + 7}icmd -i- t7'a”  (I  write  AM,  as 
the  more  correct  Arsa  is  not  euphonious).  An  instr.  should  nob  be 
expected  amidst  nom.  acc.  neut.  pl.’s,  except  where  it  is  unavoidable, 
as  in  the  case  of  AM  here.  Otherwise,  where  intellectual  action  on  the 
part  of  the  subject  of  the  sentence  is  involved,  all  terms  expressing 


“thought”,  “speech”,  and  “action”  demand  a semi-adverbial  AM 
or  Vohd  Alananhd  in  the  instr.  being  the  form  of  any  such  word  whidi 
may  be  so  taken  ; here  personality  seems  also  indicated. 

^ So  my  former  alternative  as  now  preferred  to  yeACt  when  re%,:i’^ 
ydcci  = “ I beseech ” ; y{a)ecd,  as  the  lost  acc.  dual,  neut., 
referring  to  the  “two  main  divisions”  of  the  creation,  of  jif 

evil”,  of  which  the  statement  immediately  follows.  / j W,  . 

® “ Propitious  indications  from  the  heavenly  bodies.^Mt^ ‘ 
altar  flames”.  Some  others,  following  very  old 
‘ ‘ the  rapture  (?)  ” ; but  the  more  realistic  and  objecUy*-’ ' 
the  mGre^scientiflc  twvaz-  is  vraz^i  to  ind.  vraj  ’ 

® Some  others,  “Hear  the  best  things,  th ■ .■itb  y\ 
mind.”  ra/u’6v5«  has  indeed  the  place  of  an  ate.  |'K  ' ■ •'  .bn  . 
characteristic  in  its  application  to  AM  {A'f  e-  .■  ^ 


rA8NA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCIJMEXT  OF  DITALISM 


83 


(h)  at  tins  decision  as  to  faiths  man  and  nian,  (each.)  for 
liimseli*  ^ (deciding), 

(c)  in  presence  of  ^ the  great  end eavour-of-tlie-Cau so 
(be)  awake  to  this  our  teaching/'^ 

3.  (a)  Tlias  are  the  two  first ’^  spirits  (primeval),  who, 

natiiml  here  for  ‘MWm  ” Some  rend^^  “ witli  enlightened 

mind  ” behold,  but  “ the  flames  upon  the  altar  ” or  **  the  flaming 
lieavenly  bodies”  is  a far  more  realistic  suggestion  ; and  the  “carried 
over  ” sense  should  be  always  only  reluctantly  followed  anywhere. 
Cf.  Yed.  sH<ki\  hfm.-  Recall  EXh  ii,  35  (226),  8,  yd  apsv  d su'ana 
dai’ njmvi  TkimljmTti  %mnyd  v{  h^dti<,  “shines  wdth  heavenly  light,”  not 
“with  pure  Godhead”  (!)  ; RXG  iv,  2 (298),  16,  . . . hicld  ayan  , . . 
anmir  dpa  vran  ; see  also  17  . . . ^uMrUd  Agnini.  The  “carried  over” 
sense  “illustrious”  is  a bad  guess  with  av{a)enatd  close  ; see  also 
darasatd  with  raocfdM;  “seeing”  and  “looking”  demand  “flame” 
here,  and  not  “mental  enlightenment  lights,”  “ stars,”  and 

“flames”  are  homogeneous  to  “sight”.  Realism  should  dominate  our 
detailed  exegesis  wherever  possible. 

^ “ For  his  own  person.” 

“ So  with  Yed.  pdi'a,  but  possibly  = “before  ” ; cf.  Yasna  XIX,  1,  (3). 

''  Or,  sazdydi  to  md  (?),  “to  our  favouring,”  “that  it  may  eventuate 
to  our  favour,”  cf.  Haug,  “in  our  favour,”  bub  the  most  immediate, 
and  not  the  most  remote  idea,  should  be  always  selected.  ‘ ‘ To  our 
teaching  ” to  sah  = ianh  is  far  more  immediate  ; and  wmuld  even  call  for 
a reconstruction  of  text  in  its  favour  ; see  also  the  hint  of  the  Pabl,  trl. 
[It  is  not  favourable  to  a scientific  procedure  to  place  doubtful,  if 
interesting,  suggestions  in  our  text  when  making  a serious  report  to  the 
learned  world  outside  the  extremely  small  number  of  even  professed 
experts.  All  conceivable  new  suggestions  should  be  made;  and  the 
present  writer  has  often  led  the  w^ay  there,  but  hazardous  suggestions 
should  not  he  put  in  the  body  of  a text  intended  for  the  general  learned 
public,  without  at  least  the  most  fully  prepared  alternatives.  The 
faculty  of  sound  judgment  should  be  allowed  its  full  play  here,  valuable 
and  startling  suggestions  being  xolaced  in  the  notes.  It  was  a very 
eminent  Saiiskritist  who  recommended  me  to  offer  “ all  the  possibilities  ” 
— this  early  in  the  eighties.] 

So,  deciphering  p{a)owrvye,  as  a loe.  adverbial,  not 

being  here  accepted,  as  a loc.  would  make  here  a somewhat  awkward 
contrast  as  an  adverbial  form,  in  this  strophe  3,  with  the  acc.  adverbial 
in  the  next  strophe,  4 ; e is  a false  decijAierment  of  the  last  sign 

» read^  - AS  + j -yd,  w^hich  ^ is  Pahh- 

Av.  of  the  transitional  x:>eriod.  [Otherwise,  indeed,  -vyc,  if  so  deeix^hered, 
can  be  again  only  taken  as  a dual,  this  time  as  a iieut.  with  rahyd, 
akemca,  which  would,  however,  afford  a meaning  almost  too  significant 
to  be  credible ; “Thus  are  two  spirits,  two  first  (principles ?),...  these 
tw'o,  a better  thing  (or  ‘ principle  3 ^i^d  a worse  ...”  I have  here 


84 


YASNA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 


as  a pair,^  (contrasting  their  opposing  attributes,  yet) 
independently-  (acting,  each  in  His  person)  have  been 
famed  (of  old), 

{b)  (as  regards)  these  two  (principles),  as  to  the  better 
and  the  worse,  in  thought,  in  word,  and  in  deed 

(c)  and  between  the  two  let  the  wisely-disposed  choose;^ 
ariglit : (choose  ye)  not  as  the  evil-minded> 

taken  hJ  as  acc.  dual.  neut.  used  adverbially — this  for  “ safety  ” only  ; 
for  there  is  no  denying  the  fact  that,  were  it  not  for  the  exceedingly 
})rofoiind  results  of  the  interpretation  involved,  it  would  be  quite 
impossible  to  avoid  the  force  of  the  language  as  it  stands.  With 
the  neuter  the  profoiindest  concepts  are  here  adumbrated,  so  also  in 
numberless  similar  cases  ; aside  from  a neuter,  see  Yasna  XXIX,  4.  We 
must,  however,  be  carefully  upon  our  guard  in  accepting  ideas  too  modern. 
The  deepest  philosophic  point  is,  however,  everywhere  anticif)atively 
adumbrated  ; the  diction  is  very  close  upon  it,  and  must  have  called 
the  attention  of  many  a hearer,  or  reader,  to  it,  so  becoming  the  cause 
of  later  more  definitive  recognitions  of  the  interior  elements  present  in  it.] 

1 ^‘Two  spirits,  two  twins”  {sic;  cf.  the  Vedic  yama,  dual,  of  the 
Alvins,  etc.  Others,  with  well-meant  efforts  at  novelty,  cf.  Indian  yama  = 
‘‘  night  watch  ” ; cf.  my  Persian  translation  of  Pahlavi  in  Ga0as,  pp.  40, 
41,  437,  438.  Some  writers  fully  venture  upon  the  rendering  “two 
things”,  “ a better  thing,  or  principle,  or  a worse,  as  to  thought, woi'd,  and 
deed.”  Here  I hesitated,  though  greatly  admiring  the  literal  force  and 
desiring  to  accept  it ; see  just  above.  This  would  be  philosophy 
unquestioned  of  the  highest  or  “deepest”  description,  cf.  the  Greeks. 
For  the  various  alternative  suggestions  see  SBE.  xxxi,  at  the  place, 
and  The  Five  ZaraBukrian  GdBas  as  just  cited. 

^ Some  would  read  ahvafnd,  from  long  since  antiquated  authority  = 
“sleepless”;  others  again  “in  dream”,  or  “in  apparition”.  >Sra-i™ 
dpah{-s)  should,  naturally,  give  the  indication  here,  not  s?;ajj  = “to 
sleep  ”,  Or  even,  as  ever,  in . plain  cases  like  this,  the  text  should 
invariably  be  restored  to  its  original  and  rational  form  to  this  effect, 
svai-dpcth{-$).  The  theme  is  the  “higher  creation”  here,  and  hardly 
either  “ sleeping  ” or  “ dreaming”.  Recall  RV.  x,  38  (864),  o,  svavr'jam 
hi  tvdm  ahdm  Indra  ^uMva  (notice  the  same  verb  h'u  in  the  two  con- 
nexions ; the  analogies  here  are,  of  course,  not  here  cited  as  being 
absolutely  exact)  ; see  RV.  i,  54,  3,.  circa  div4  hrhaU  iukjcirn  vdcah 
svdlcsatrarii  ydsya  d^r^ato  d'rHn  mdnah RV.  iii,  21  (255),  2,  svdcVarman 
devdvUaye  no  d‘ehi  vdryam  (of  Agni)  ; cf,  svlkarana. 

2 All  the  preterital  verbal  forms  should  be  read  conjunctively,  as  in 
a conjunctively  future  sense,  where  this  is  at  all  feasible ; in  urgent 
crises  thoughts  dwelt  rather  on  the  present  and  the  immediate  future 
than  upon  the  past;  “let  them  choose”  is  better  than  “they  did  choose”. 

^ “ Evil  - disposed  ” means  more  than  “unintelligent”,  though  it 
includes  “mental  obscurity”,  and  the  force  of  the  “evil”  element 


YASNA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 


85 


4.  {a,  b)  (Yea)  when  these  two  spirits  came  to^^ether  to 
niake^  at  first  - life  and  life’s^  absence,  (determining')  how 
at  last  tlie  world  shall  be  (constituted), 

{c)  the  worst  (life)  of  the  faithless,  but  for  the  lioiy  the 
1')e8t  mental  state/ 

5,  (a)  He  who  (was)  the  evil  of  these  two  Spirits  (chose 
tlie  evil,  thereby)  working  the  worst  of  (possible)  results;^ 

«]iould  not  be  modified  in  a translation  ; some  writers  seem  inclined  to 
accept  a dd  to  know 

^ Or,  emending,  they  have  made,”  as  a 3i'd  dual  perf.  contracted  to 
tit  the  metre,  or  possibly,  again,  3rd  sing,  “(each)  makes”;  let  the 
general  reader  notice  that  the  important  “ meaning”  is  here  but  little 
affected  by  these  differences  in  tlie  choice  of  text  or  rendering. 

- The  adverlnal  acc.  sing,  neut.,  which,  in  the  Indian,  together  with 
the  instr.  adverbial,  outnumbers  in  its  occurrences  those  of  the  locative 
by  a heavy  multiple.  Notice  that  loc.  adverbial  is  nob  used  here,  which 
renders  its  occurrence  just  previously  in  s.  3 the  more  doubtful;  see  also, 
again,  the  impossibility  of  dm  as  acc.  sing.  neut.  ; the  -I-  is  a false 
decipherment ; = long  Pahl.  i = Av.  y in  the  body  of  an  Avesta  word 

with  the  inherent  a — -yarn;  cf.  an  ind.  pttrn/am'^  ; so  likewise  with 
haidmi ; dm  is  here  ridiculously  impossible  as  an  acc.  sing.  neut.  The 
supposed  d-  is  again  a false  decipherment  for  Pahl.  -?/ with  its  inherent 
as  always  in  Pahlavi. 

It  seems  incredible  that  the  worst  “ life  ” or  “ world  ” should  be 
actually  meant  here  directly  as  a punishment  in  a full  modern  subjective 
sense ; yet  so  the  language  stands,  and  it  would  be  a gross  misuse  in  a 
commentator  nob  to  report  the  fact,  for,  if  the  language  was  not  meant 
to  have  its  full  foi’ce  uncurtailed,  then  most  certainly  tlie  sentences  /ore- 
shadow  the  deepest  possible  of  religious-philosophical  concepts.  But  as 
regards  our  attempt  to  discover  the  exact  idea  immediately  present  in 
the  mind  of  the  composer,  it  is  perhaps  better  to  hold  the  inner  meaning 
to  be  that  “ the  Evil  Spirit  fostered  the  worst  life  for  the  wicked  ”,  in 
view  of  its  punishment;  and  so  the  Good  Spirit  “fostered  the  best 
mental  state  ” with  its  rewards  for  the  holy.  Here  predestination  does 
not  particularly  occur  to  me.  Also  the  “world  at  last  ” or  “ life  at  last” 
need  not  have  exclusive  reference  to  an  ultimate  future  state  in  a higher, 
or  lower,  world,  though  this  is  undoubtedly  our  first  impression;  a beatified 
existence  upon  a restored  earth  w-as  also  held  in  view  ; see  the  related 
passages  throughout  the  Avesta. 

It  is  hard  to  understand  how  even  distinguished  writers  could  render 
the  “best  abode”  ; it  might,  however,  well  paSvS  as  a “free  translation”. 

® Acikd-verezyo,  as  nom.  sing.  masc.  ; others  as  acc.  sing.  neut.  for 
verezyo.  I prefer  to  recognize  the  nom.  at  the  end  of  a sentence,  or 
before  a ciesura,  wherever  it  may  be  possible ; and  I would  also  see 
a masc.  everywhere  when  feasible  as  being  more  personal,  and  therefore 
the  more  realistic. 


86 


YASNA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  BUALISAI 


(b)  but  the  most  bounteous^  Spirit  (chose)  Am-  (the 
sanctity  of  the  Holy  Law) ; yea,  He  so  chose  who  clothes- 
iipon-Hiixiself  the  most  firm  stones  (of  Heaven,  as  His  robe, 

(c)  and  He  chose  likewise)  those  who  content  H /mm 
with  true  actions  (really  done)  in-accordance- with-tlie-faithd 

6.  (c6)  And  between  these  two  spirits  the  Demon - 
worshippers^  could  make-for-themselves  no  correct  choice,^ 
since  deception,  (as  Acista  Manahy  the  Worst  Mincl), 
came  upon  them,  as-they-were-questioning  (the  great 
decision) (he  came),  the  Worst  Mind, ^ that  he  might 
be  chosen  ^ (they  made  their  fatal  decision)  ; 

(b)  and  thereupon  they  rushed  together  to  the  Demon- 
of -Fury  that  they  might  pollute^  the  life  of  mortalsd^ 

^ Notice  that  SpemBd  Mainyu  seems  to  be  here  indubitably  used  of 
Ahura  ; the  usage  vacillates.  Recall  also  Semitic  analogies  as  regards 
the  use  of  the  term  “Holy  Spirit”;  it  is  often  difficult  to  decide 
whether  the  terms  apply  to  an  Attribute  of  the  Supreme  Deity,  or  to 
His  highest  creature.  I only  object  to  the  rendering  of  spehikd  as 
“holiest”  from  fear  of  conceding  too  refined  a sense  ; I should  greatly 
desire  it. 

- “Personification”  is  here  next  to  impossible  ; to  say  that  “Ahura 
‘ chose  ’ His  own  Archangel  ” would  be  fatuous. 

^Notice  this  usage  of  the  Deity  who  was  Himself  the 

“chooser”;  the  word  “A /ram”  used  for  “Him”. 

Fra-bim'  seems  characteristic  of  “acting  in  the  spirit  of  the  Faith”’. 
Some  of  the  others  render  “gladly”.  The  neut.  acc.  of  the  part.  pres, 
is  used  adverbially,  as  in  the  Indian ; recall  dravdt  and  clrahydt 
adverbially  used  with  changed  accent. 

® So,  far  more  realistically,  d{a)eva  unquestionably  means  "‘d{a)(]m- 
worshippers  ” here,  as  most  often  in  the  Claras  ; and  this  view^  is  far 
more  realistic  than  that  which  renders  the  “ D(a)eva-gods  ”,  who  w'ould 
not  so  naturally  “rush  together  ” toward  one  of  their  own  number. 

^ So,  the  preterite  conjunctively  understood ; otherwise  “ they  did 
not  choose  aright  cf.  strophe  2. 

^ Notice  this  important  instance  of  rhetorical  personification ; “ the 
(personified)  Worst  Mind  ‘came’  with  {ArSa),  etc.  To  assert  that 
all  the  meaning  of  two  such  words  as  aciUem  mano  was  lost  in  a mere 
proper  name  would  be  here  ridiculous;  and  if  this  is  ridiculous  here, 
wliat  is  an  analogous  procedure  elsewhere? 

® Or  “ so  that  they  might  choose  the  worst  intention  ” ; but  I prefer, 
where  feasible,  always  the  nom.  at  the  end  of  a line,  or  at  the  end  before 
a cjesura. 

® That  they  might  disease  the  “life”  of  man ; so  the  PahL,  Pers.,  and 
Skt.  : recall  the  name  Bmdva^  XLIX,  L “ Of  the  mortal.” 


YASXA  XXX  AS  THB' BOCUMEKT  OF  DUALISM 


87 


7.  (a)  Upon  this^  came  then  Aramaiti  (tlie  Zeal  o£ 

God,  and  His  Saints);  and  with  her  came  XkiQras 
(vSo\'erei;^n.i -Power),  with  Vokiv  Manalis  (Good  ilind),  and 
wdth  (faultless  Law) (she  came  as  creation's  act 

was  iinisliied) ; 

(6)  and  stremious-strength  to-the-body  she  gave  - (she, 
the -eternal -ever-abiding  — 

(c)  and  for  these  ^ Thy  (strengthened  saints)  so  let  (that 
l)ody  ever)  be,  a.s  (when)  Thou  earnest'''  first  with  (Thy) 
creations. 

8.  (a)  (And  when  that  strife  shall  have  been  concluded — 
])egiin  by  those  erring  i)(«)ei;u-worshipi)ers),  and  when 
Vengeance^  for  those  wretches  comes, 

(b)  thereon,  O Mazda,  the  XkiOras'*  (Sovereign  Power) 
shall  have  been  gained  for  Thee  (benevolently),  through 
(Thy)  Good  ]\Iind  (for  Thy  Saints,  and  in  their  souls,  as 
beatified  in  Thy  Reign), 

“At  this  juncture  in  the  creation,'’  or  “to  this  one"  ; others,  “to 
man.'"  Notice  how  indifferent,  as  ever,  the  “difference"  is  in  view  of 
the  higher  moral  theology  involved. 

^ “She  gave  steadfastness  to  the  body"  ; anmd  to  an  a9i  = ind.  in. 
“ She,  the  unbending  quality,"  to  a + nam  as  a neiit.  in  apposition,  is  also 
far  from  being  so  impossible  as  one  might  suppose-  The  Pahl.  translator 
suggests  an  a priv.  ; see  my  Pahl.,  Pers.,  and  Skt.  texts  at  the  place. 

One  writer  seems  boldly  to  render  the  form  here  as  a neut.  sing. 

“ Holy  ones  assembled  for  the  contest." 
y Or  “ with  iron  bonds”;  so  a great  Vedist  first  suggested;  see 
Ga^as,  431-49;  and  another  seems  to  have  understood  “the  metal”  of 
the  “molten  lake"  with  dddndi^  as=  “Heimzahlungen".  The  “molten 
metal"  of  the  “ ordeal ”{?)  was,  however,  a definite  concept  which 
developed  only  later.  If  «:oi  = Thy,  this  second  personality  should 
dominate  the  sentence;  “Thou  earnest"  is  better  than  “with  iron”. 
If  the  text  ayanhl  could  not  be  regarded  as  adequate  here,  it  should  be 
emended  in  the  needed  sense.  “Iron  "seems  only  remotely  indicated, 
while  adanaid  could  well  express  “creations”  ; and  “creation"  is  the 
subject  in  hand. 

See  strophe  6 ; the  vengeful  punishment  of  them. 

In  several  places  political  expectations  seem  to  be  adumbrated ; 
the  Archangel  XSaQra  is  here  all  but  positively  excluded.  The  word 
can  only  mean  “the  Government”;  I am  the  only  writer  who  w'ould 
even  mention  the  personification  here— this  for  the  sake  of  consistent 
continuity. 


88 


rASXA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 


(c)  and  for  those  declared,^  0 AJmra,  who  will  deliver 
the  D7ntj-(Lie-’^Demon  of  the  Foe)  into-the-twodiands  of 
A&i^  (Areliangel  of  thine  armed  Folk). 

9.  (a)  And  may  we  be  such  as  those  who  make  this 
world  (folly)  piugressive  (till  perfection  shall  have  been 
reached), 

(b)  (as)  the  AJiMras  of  Mazda, ^ bringing^  benefits- with - 
meeting-help,  and  with  the  Holy  Law; 

^ Reading  msff,  middle  for  passive.  Otherwise  read  the  act.  sasti ; 
so  I,  in  SBE.  xxxi,  “ he  {?)  declares.” 

- Everywhere  in  the  later  Avesta  and  in  the  Inscriptions  the  root  w’-ord 
druj  in  its  various  forms  is  expressive  of  “ falsification  ”,  in  the  Indian 
seldom  or  never  ; “ injury  ” is  there  the  prevailing  sense. 

^ Of  course,  a State  standing  in  the  Holy  Law  is  here  intended  ; 
cf.  the  first  arising  of  the  “Church”  ; “into  the  Power  of  the  holy 
congregation.”  I held  (see  above)  that  ASa  {An^a)  expresses  the 
“Holy  Congregation ” frequently,  as  well  as  the  Law,  in  the  Ga0a, 
as  Vohn  Manah  often  means  “the  individual  saint ”~this  even  in 
the  Ga0a ; notice  the  quasi -military  character  of  the  figure,  and  recall 
Yasna  XXXI,  18,  “Hew  ye  them  all  with  the  maiOiP^ ; war,  civil 
or  international,  is  indicated.  ASa  seldom  or  never  represents  the 
“Fire”  here,  as  it  may  at  times  in  the  later  Avesta,  and  in  the  later 
Zoroastrianism. 

^ This  is  the  document  of  FraSalcard,  the  first  recorded  “call”  of 
a millennial  propaganda ; for  extended  comment  see  Ga^as  at  the  place. 
JVaWwd  derives  from  here  yoi  wi  fra^em  [or  fraShn{^),  fraSpam) 
kerenaven  aMim. 

^ As  Ahura  at  Yasna  XXIX,  2,  and  elsewhere  refers  to  the  human 
subject,  the  pi.  may  well  be  so  applied  to  the  leading  princely  priests 
here.  Or,  with  others,  changing  the  subject  to  the  second  personal, 
“0  Ahuras  of  Mazda,  do  ye  (?)  bring  (2nd  pi.  imp.  ?)  companionship 
and  help  with  the  Holy  Law,”  -tmcl  as  2nd  pi.  imp.  term  for  -iand  ; but 
the  t wmald  seem  to  be  especially  organic  in  the  Vedic  2nd  pi.  It  is 
never  so  well  to  change  the  personal  from  the  first  to  the  second  within 
a single  strophe,  where  this  change  can  be  avoided,  and  at  the  dictate  of 
such  a doubtful  recognition  as  that  of  4and  in  -and  ; rather  read 
haramnd,  which  would  not  affect  the  metre  ; surely  after  line  a it  is  not 
going  too  far  to  refer  harand  to  the  1st  pers.  pi. 

^ The  added  -c«  might  tempt  us  to  regard  aSd-cd  as  an  acc.  pL  neut.  ; 
for  the  added  -cd  would  seem  to  belittle  the  expression  as  the  proper 
name  of  an  Archangel  here,  but  an  instrumental  al^d  is  very  much  in 
place  where  the  personal  subject  of  the  sentence  is  represented  as 
pointedly  thinking,  speaking,  or  acting  ; a voc.  would  be  here  especially 
clumsy.  Amoyastrd  might,  however,  better  be  rendered  as  in  the  acc. 
pi.  neut. 


YASNA  XXX  AS  THE  ■ DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 


89 


(o)  for  there  will  the  collected-mindecl-one  be  where 
Wisdom  shall  abide  in  tlie  home.^ 

10.  (a)  Then  shall  tlie  blow  (of  destruction)  - fall  for 
the  host*^  of  tlie  .Dr -Lie-Demon  (of  our  foes), 

(h)  but  swiftest  in  the  abode  of  Vohu  2IanaJis  (Good 
Mind), 

(c)  of  AJbura,  and  of  Akts  (Holiness)  sliall  gather'"  those 

^ So,  more  “objectively”  than  “there  will  our  thouglitsbe  (centred)”; 
so  the  Pahi.  Or  “ that  the  collected -minded-one  may  be  there  where  the 
knowledge  was  (once)  astray”;  so  Roth;  see  Gadas,  Comm.,  at  the  place  ; 
recall  liarLr-rndt'hidm  of  the  “disturbing  the  offering”.  Cistl^ 

however,  seems  very  nearly  a i*hetoricai  personification.  She  “ comes’', 
in  XLVIll,  11 ; see  Yasna  LI,  lf>,  18,  etc.  GisfJ  seems  almost  to  correspond 
to  the  “ wisdom  ” of  the  Proverbs  ; see  also  Vedic  atti,  as  masc.  and  adj. 
of  Agni  ; see  also  Pourn-chtd  as  the  proper  name.  Of  course,  we  can 
accept  an  Avestic  use  of  cistl  — citti  as  being  “astray”,  but  only  in  case  of 
necessity.  Imagine  our  finding  such  a Ga0ic  expre.ssion  as  Vohn  Ma'nah 
being  “astray”,  yet  Ga0ic  cisfl  almost  approaches  in  sanctity  that 
concept ; Vohn  Manah,  as  the  correct  citizen,  is  only  ceremonially 
“defiled”  even  in  the  “later  A vesta”.  Where  could  the  “wisdom”  of 
Proverbs  be  said  to  be  “astray”? — the  sinner  “ strap's  ” from  wisdom, 
while  the  latter  hardly  “ errs”.  I prefer  the  familiar  idea  of  “ abode”. 
Of.  garo  nmam.  A very  interesting  distinction  intervenes  here. 
M{a)e6d  seems  to  be  undoubtedly  adverbial  in  the  sense  of  “in  the 
abode”;  at  XXXIII,  9 see  baratu\  see  also  aQrd-yaBrd  as  adverbs  of 
place  at  XLVI,  16;  see  also  XLIII,  2,  where  Ahura  is  spoken  of  as 
“dwelling”,  [ktyatl]  ; the  “dwelling”  of  Ahura  and  His  “ Oistl''' 

seems  to  be  especially  congruous.  The  sense  may  be  “where  wisdom 
is  propitious”. 

^ See  Ga^as,  Comm.,  p.  4.  So  the  Pahl.  sipah.  Some  others, 
“of  good,  fortune,”  so  less  realistically,  to  kd  (?)  ; recall  h'doita; 
•cf . spehta. 

^ Read  dsiMd ; the  apparent  short  vowel  reading  of  adkd  may,  as  it 
does  in  numberless  other  instances,  have  resulted  from  one  of  the 
confusions  necessarily  prevalent  in  the  transitional  period,  when  PahL 
characters  still  lingered  in  many  A vesta  words ; short  Pahl.  4*  = Avesta 
long  iij . 

Or  “they  hasten  ”,  to  yuz. 

Others  seem  to  recall  asikd  yaojaHte  (so  reading)  in  the  sense  of 
“joining  the  a + siMa'\  the  2im'!ersehrt{l) ; see  Haug,  to  S'ina'sti,  Then, 
again,  some  writers  see  asikd,  d-sikd,  as  the  “promised  (things)  ”,  “ the 
rewards”,  to  US,  SiSydt.  The  hint  of  the  Pahl.,  Pers.,  and  Skt.  (far 
more  graphically)  points  to  dki  ~ “swift”;  consider  also  yaozente, 
“swiftest  they  hasten”;  recall  also  the  original  meaning  of  aS,  “to 
attain.” 


1)0  YASNA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 


who  (dow)  walk  (upon  earth)  (or  are  regenerated  ^ in 
good  fame. 

II.  (a)  When  (therefore),  0 ye  men,  ye  learn  these 
doctrines  which  J/a.e'cZa  has  established 

(h)  with-regard-to-’(our)- well-being  ^ (upon  the  one  side) 
and  (our  ) hindering-disasters  (upon  the  other)  and  when 
also  (ye  learii  that  there  will  be)  a protracted  punishment 
(a  long  wounding)  for  the  Faithless-evil, 

(c)  and  blessings  for  the  holy  ;■ — then  upon  these  things 
(when  these  doctrines  shall  have  been  heeded  and  obeyed, 
upon  this)  there  shall  be  (the  salvation’s-hail-with)  I ^ 

L Concluding  Remarks  upon  the  Alternative  Treat- 
ment, and  the  General  Principles  of  Procedure 

The  above  translation  of  Yasna  XXX  is  intended  to  be 
a study  looking  toward  a possible  second  edition  of  the 
thirty-hrst  volume  of  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  which 
has  been  ofScially  and  pointedly  mentioned. 

As  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  East  sore  addressed  by  close 
experts  to  the  general  learned  public,  being  regarded 
as  the  reproductions  of  subject-matter  of  the  highest 

^ Zazefiie  to  Jid,  = “to  go  forth”  ; otherwise  to  zan  = ind.  jan, 

“ are  (re)generate.  ” 

See  strophe  10,  and  for  all  the  alternatives  see  Ga0as,  text,  pp.  36-52  ; 
and  Comm.  pp.  431-49.  Eew,  if  any,  serious  opinions  have  ever  been 
published  which  may  not  be  found  in  that  work,  though  Pischel’s  kind 
and  distinguished  remark,  ZDAIG.,  1896,  that  “everything  necessary  to 
the  understanding  of  the  Ga^as  is  contained  in  the  book  ”,  of  course, 
refers  to  it  as  including  its  Lexicon,  which  still  lacks  some  eighty  pages 
of  its  completion;  see  also  the  identical  remark  by  Dr.  West,  JPIAS., 
1896,  Professor  Wilhelm,  Bombay  Iranian  Catalogue,  1901  (Geiger  only 
in  a private  letter),  while  Professors  Kuhn  and  Geldner  edited  my 
translation  into  Sanskrit  of  Yasna  XXVII  in  RotlVs  Festgrnss,  itself  cited 
pointedlv  by  Oldenberg  ; see  Ved.  Belig.,  p.  27, 

Sec  Yasna  XXIX,  1. 

Others  simply  “then  will  it  be  well”.  This  was  an  interesting 
suggestion  emanating  from  a high  soui'ce,  'whose  point  was  always  to 
bring  things  down  to  the  commonplace  where  possible  ; unquestionably 
a correct  canon  of  procedure,  where  feasible.  But  uUcl,  loc.  sing, 
adverbial  of  4i,  is  a most  emphatic  expression  and  almost  idiomatic  ; 
see  Yasna  XLIII,  1.  (Or  the  ^iSta  might  also  possibly  be  a nom.  neut.  pi. 
with  singular  verb.  This  would,  however,  be  a rather  tame  suggestion, ) 


YASNA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 


91 


importance  to  the  Histoiy  of  Religion,  tliose  volumes  of 
them  in  whicli  portions  of  the  detail  involve  considerabh.^ 
uncertainty  should  be  treated  with  alternative  exposition, 
citing  the  various  opinions  of  ancient  and  modern  writers 
as  well  as  suggestions  from  the  translator  himself. 

II.  (1)  Reasons  foe  such  a peoceduee  in  SBE.  XXXI 
The  most  prominent  reason  for  this  re  SBE.  xxxi  is 
tlie  somewhat  exaggerated  variations  in  the  views  of 
a few  translators.  These  well-meaning  scholars  not 
unnaturally  pique  themselves  upon  reproductions  of  siicli 
difficult  matter  which  differ  from  those  of  all  other 
writers,  as  also  not  infrequently  from  their  own  previous 
efforts,  and  this  sometimes  w-itliout  sufficient  intimation 
as  to  what  those  previous  views  were,  or  where  they  are 
to  be  found,  while  this  ever-changing  super-rotation  of 
views  continues  on  indefinitely.  That  this  course  has 
been  pursued  with  the  express  purpose  of  keeping  readers 
ill  ignorance  of  the  detailed  opinions  upon  the  subject, 
seems  hardly  possible,  yet  from  this  neglect  it  not 
unnaturally  results  that  eminent  scholars,  engaged  upon 
closely  kindred  subjects,  find  it  next  to  impossible  to  get 
any  satisfactory  synoptic  vieAv  of  the  materials  upon 
which  to  form  general  opinions  without  becoming  close 
experts  themselves,  the  acme  of  error  being  reached  when 
these  unintentional  obscurantists  themselves  reproach  great 
Vedists  with  this  very  want  of  information  which  they 
themselves  have  solely  contributed  to  produce.  In  view 
of  this,  translators  should  at  least  record  the  more 
respectable  of  those  suggestions  which,  through  exteimal 
or  genuine  influences,  have  managed  to  get  a hearing,  so 
that  persons  desirous  of  getting  information  upon  the 
subject  iihglit  find  it  possible  to  form  an  approximate, 
provisional,  and  independent  judgment  without  a mass  of 
study  such  as  only  a laborious  specialist  should  be 
expected  to  undertake. 


92  YA8XA  XXX  AS  THE  JDOCUMEKT  OF  DUALISM 

(2)  An  immediate  objection  may  be  answered 

AT  ONCE 

That  even  tlie  most  interesting  of  alternatives,  if 
multiplied,  would  harass  the  readers,  is  not  the  fact,  for 
to  some  of  them  tliese  matters  are  of  vital,  if  collateral, 
professional  and  literary  importance,  though  they  may  not 
be  specialists,  wdiile  interest  is  rather  increased  by  the 
reproduction  of  liomogeneous  detail. 

III.  More  interior  considerations 

1.  But  the  best  defence  for  alternatives  in  this  particular 
case  of  the  Gafes  and  of  Yasna  XXX  is — and  it  is  of  the 
last  possible  importance  to  make  it  indubitably  clear — that 
what  we  most  value  in  them,  the  Gafes,  is  already  plain 
and  unmistakable  at  once  and  prinia  facie,  so  that  W' e can 
the  more  patiently  tolerate  the  ever-changing  treatment 
of  the  secondary  elements ; whichever  one  of  two,  three, 
or  even  four  pointings  of  the  sense  may  be  the  correct 
one,  this  seldom,  or  never,  affects  the  main  principles, 
wdiich  are  really  immense  in  their  character  and  force — so 
to  speak  of  them. 

[I  said  ''  secondary  elements for  I divide  the  question 
of  exegesis  here  into  three  departments,  the  first  two  of 
crucial  interest.  First,  the  treatment  of  the  central  terms 
expressing  the  main  ideas,  whether  personified  or  not,  for 
all  that  is  epoch-making  in  this  pregnant  subject  resides 
in  those  terms;  secondly,  the  treatment  of  these  Ga^ic  places 
where  these  ideas  are  not  so  pointedly  involved  ; thirdly, 
these  ideas  as  they  appear  in  the  later  Avesta,  in  some 
Pahlavi  commentaries,  and  in  the  later  familiar  household 
use  of  them.]  As  said,  the  first  object  of  a series  like  the 
vSBE.  is  to  discover  the  existence  and  trace  the  history  of 
the  ''  moral  idea  in  interior  religions,  and  in  the  Gafes 
we  have  this  vital  element  focussed  at  once  in  a manner 
unprecedented ; for  certain  terms  recur  continuously  which 
can  express  only  such  an  idea  with  the  first  exposition  of 


YASNA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 


93 


subjective  recoiiipeiisc in  history — and  these  words  can 
have  no  meaning  at  all  here  apart  from  their  actual 
literal  sense  as  language,  making  the  Gaftxs  far  anel  away 
the  first  documents  of  their  kind  of  equal  antiquity. 

2.  All  possible  interior  notions,  with  the  moral  idea, 
can,  of  course,  like  all  other  conceivable  thoughts,  be 
discovered  in  isolated  expression  everywhere  in  antiquity, 
as  in  our  present  later  times,  but  here  subjective  religious 
morality  is  brought  into  focus  and  apex  as  never  he  fore, 
and  established  in  a remotely  early  system,  which  also 
became  later  widely  known  in  the  religion  of  the 
Achjumenian  Persian  Empire,  the  then  dominant  Asiatic 
power,  and  it  was  never  lost  at  any  date  of  which  we 
have  a record.  [Pwcall  even  Plutarch’s  astonivsliing  report 
of  these  ideas  from  distant  Greece  in  liis  reference  to 
the  -'Gods  of  Persia”;  see  below,  see  also  this  Journal 
for  July,  1910.  The  points  of  this  clearness  come  out 
with  especial  force  when  we  transcribe  the  Ga^as 
into  tlieir  closely  related  Indian  forms,  reading  them 
tlien,  in  their  obvious  sense,  prima  facie ; see  my 
publications  in  this  form.^  Here  all  the  more  closelj?- 
defined  interpretation  as  to  the  various  shades  of  possible 
ultimate  meaning  may  be,  for  the  moment,  suspended 
with  no  prejudice  to  the  results.]  There  is  also  nothing 
interior  which  can  be  excluded  even  from  any  one  of 
the  several  possible  points  in  the  “ secondary  ” stage  of 
our  inquiry  into  the  detailed  ideas  which  may  occur  to 
us;  for  the  tone  of  the  Ga^as  remains  unaltered.  The 
advantage  here  is  great,  if  we  adequately  estimate  these 
particulars.  We  can  tlierefore  the  more  patiently  submit 
to  differences  in  opinion  here. 

3.  The  interior  - moral  - religious  concept  so  pervades 

1 Yasiia  XXVIII,  translated  into  Siinskrit  in  Rotlrs  Festgrms, 
p.  193,  so  Y.  XLIV,  similarly  treated  in  the  Acies  of  the  Eleventh 
Congress  of  Orientalists,  held  in  Paris,  1897,  re-edited  ZDMG.,  July, 
1913,  and  later  ; see  also  my  recently  published  lengtliy  Yasna  I in  its 
Sanskrit  eqnivalents. 


94  YASNA  XXX  AB  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 

the  whole  GH«9ie  system  that  the  words  which  constitute 
the  so-called  names  of  the  Amesaspends — to  expand  the 
remarks  just  made  above — even  when  indubitably  so 
used  by  speecli-figure,  as  such  (proper  names)  exclude 
all  ideas  save  those  which  they  represent  as  words,  while 
in  the  greater  part  of  these  occurrences  it  is  extremely 
difficult  for  us  to  decide  whether  the  personification  be 
merely  that  of  rhetoric,  or  of  literal  statement,  and  in 
many  places  we  are  even  entirely  at  a loss  to  discover 
whether  any  personification  at  all,  either  rhetorical  or 
literal,  is  meant,  or  simply,  and  far  more  grandly,  the 

abstract  thought  ” ; [that  is  to  say,  we  are  often  at 
a loss  to  determine  whether  Am  merely  names  the  Arch- 
angel rhetoricallj"  or  literally,  or  whether  it  directly  means 
the  Truth-Law.  Where  is  Vohu  Manah,  the  mere  name, 
and  where  the  Good  and  Sane  Benevolence  ” ? When 
is  XmOra  the  Archangel  and  when  ''the  Sovereign 
Authority  ” ? And  when  is  Aramaiti  the  personal  being 
and  when  the  Energetic  Zeal  (the  active  piety)  ? In 
one  remarkable  place,  indeed,  Yasna  XXXII,  2,  we  have 
the  two  things  together : God  evidently  " speaks  with 
His  Truth,  Am''  (as  always  with  verbs  of  such  speech, 
thought,  and  deed  in  the  subject  of  the  sentence),  yet  he, 
Asa,  is  at  once  and  in  the  same  sentence  called  "the 
Good  Companion  ”,  a most  refined  and  subtle  rhetorical 
personification].  And  these  primal  crucial  ideas  in  the 
words  which  express  them,  whether  personified  or  not, 
rhetorically  or  otherwise,  or  used  immediately  in  their 
clear  sense,  lie,  as  just  said,  already  everywhere  irresistibly 
evident  before  us,  prima  facie,  in  the  folios  of  the  Ga^as. 
We  might  even  strike  out  every  line  which  points  outside 
their  scope  (N.B.),^  and  what  we  chiefly  value  in  the 
Gafes  as  the  first  documents  closely  applying  the  interior 

^ Kemark  repeated  on  account  of  its  crucial  importance  to  the  spread 
of  Gafiic  reading  as  preliminary  to  Ga^ic  study. 


YASNA.  XXX  AS  THE  DOGTOIENT  OF  DUALISM 


95 


iBoral  thought  at  from  700  to  900  would  still  be  left. 
Alternatives  tlierefore  in  the  lesser  particulars  need  not 
disturb  us. 


4.  Outside  the  scope  of  the  chief  epoch-making  terms 
this  does  not  by  any  means  continue  to  be  the  case, 
yet  this  eharaeteristic  still  dominates  while  it  pervades 
the  mass,  and  entirely  outside  the  Gai9as  we  have  widely" 
divergent  parallel  development.  To  explain — and  here 
I first  mention  that  sphere  which  lies  most  remote  from 
the  first  section  (as  I term  it)  of  the  Gallic  exegesis — 
ASa  vahista,  only  the  Truth-Law  in  the  Ga^as  in  either 
of  two  first  divisions  of  the  subject  seems  there,  in  the 
later  A vesta  and  later  Zoroastrianism,  sometimes  to  be 
used  for  the  Fire,  doubtless  because  Asa  ruled  the  ritual 
which  grouped  itself  about  the  altar.  Volm  Manah  became 
the  special  guardian  of  living  creatures,  men,  flocks,  and 
herds — this  from  the  Ga^ic  use  of  it,  Volm  Alanah,  for 
^(the  Good  Citizen  in  wdiom  the  Good  Mind  dwelt”,  this 
was  even  pushed  so  far  in  the  later  A vesta  that  the 
Good  Mind  ” or  the  Good  Citizen  ” might  be  even 
ceremonially  defiled  ” ; see  above  ; Xkidra  even  came  to 
represent  metals,  chiefly  bronze — this  from  the  melted  metal 
of  Yasna  LI,  5 ; while  Aramaiti  was  the  Holy  Earth  ”, 
so  also  in  the  Veda — this  doubtless  because  ao-riculture 
could  alone  save  mankind  from  perennial  murder;  she 


the  ara-mind;  the  ploughshare-zeal ; so  ar  in  aratrmn, 
[e  in  the  Gadas  little  of  this  last  appeal's  except  in 
nbration  : for  this  reason,  again,  so  emphasizing,  wm 
again  the  more  willingly  support”  the  various 

. ’ 05-;^  Ga^as  were  addressed  to  throngs  ‘"coming  from,  near  and 
V't  ' iney  were  written  in  a vernacular  spoken  at  the  time  ; see 
, ■‘'"'vonality ; but  the  Oa0ic  language  could  not  have  been 
ifVtC'r  200  years  before  that  of  the  first  Achtemenian  Inscrip- 
far  degenerated  from  the  Ga0ic  that  200  years  at 
the  change.  If,  then,  the  GaSas  were  recited 


9G 


YASNA  XXX  AS  THE  BOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 


alternatives  in  the  first  and  second  stages  of  onr  inqniiy, 
for  they  do  not  at  all  touch  this  last  and  third  division 
of  our  work. 

[As  is  generally  known,  I endeavoured  in  my  Ga6^as  in 
1892-4  to  reproduce  nearly  every  conceivable  variation 
in  opinion,  ancient  or  modern — this  either  in  following, 
or  in  coincidence  with,  the  advice  of  the  first  of  our 
then  living  Sanskritists  in  the  eighties,  which  advice 
was  ‘'to  reproduce  all  the  possibilities ’’ — this  rc  that 
book  in  the  eighties;  but  in  SEE.  xxxi  such  a mass  of 
collected  opinion  would  have  been  both  mechanically 
impossible  and  also  artistically  out  of  place.] 

5.  To  resume:  Focussing  our  attention  here  still  more 
closely — for  we  are  here  at  the  supposed  central  point 
of  all  such  study,  and  we  need  to  fortify,  as  well  as 
establish,  our  position  against  all  superficial  treatment- 
let  the  serious  reader  mark  well  that  these  first  crucial 


.original  ideas — to  return  for  a moment  to  the  " first’' 
section  of  the  Ga^ic  exegesis— which  stand  here  so  apart, 
held  their  own  also  historically,  and  this  at  times  and 
places  parallel  with  those  in  which  fantastic  supervening 
growths  took  place;  see  this  Journal  for  July,  1910. 
First,  this  is  obvious  in  the  Religion  of  the  Pahlavi 
Expositors}  almost  a separate  faith  among  the  various 
shades  of  Sasanian  Zara^ustrianism,  a matter  of  most 
vital  historical  importance ; and  this  phase  most  signally 


shows  this  persistence  of  the  vitally  essential  ideas.  As 
a phase  in  the  recrudescence  of  the  original  essential 
moral  force,  as  this  appears  in  the  Ga^as,  it  cannot  be  that 
original  force  itself,  though  many  an  inexperienced  inquirer 
might  well  think  so,  for  it  is  one  of  the  most  striking 
resumptions  of  first  principles  that  ever  occurred  in 
any  ancient  system,  going  back  to  its  fir^t  ,- documents, 
B.c.  700-900,  from  such  a date  as  th^t  of  200-900  A.D., 


See  my  study  of  Yasna  I (Leipzig,  1910),  Introducti< 


YASXA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT;  OF  DUALISM 


97 


ii  surprising  manifestation  of  incisively  energetic,  intel- 
lectual, and  spiritual  life-force ; and  it  should  be  long 
and  care iiilly  considered,  all  the  more  because  ot'  the 
(exceedingly  fantastic  side-growths  which  sarroiind  it,  pre- 
dated it,  and  postdated  it ; for  when  the  Sasanian  Persian 
commentators  first  began  to  develop  their  comments  upon 
the  Yasna,  they  for  the  moment  set  aside,  if  they  did 
not  actually  repudiate,  all,  or  nearly  all,  of  those  less 
interior  traditional  accretions,  and  even  things  like  those 
which  see  in  the  later,  but  still  genuine,  VendidM — 
in  the  A vesta  text  itself — a truly  astonishing  psychical 
phenomenon,  let  me  repeat  it ; that  is  to  say,  ''  remarkable'' 
when  we  gauge  it  soberly;  for  let  no  beginner  suppose 
that  this  ‘^tradition”  of  the  commentators  predominates 
as  fantastic,  or  degenerate,  like  that  ''  tradition " of  the 
later  Zoroastrianism  which  at  times  loses  itself  in  non- 
realistic  detail.  Am  was  Aharayih  in  the  commentaries, 
that  is  to  sajx  it  w^as  ''sanctity”,  "holiness”,  "righteousness”, 
with  scarce  a thought  of  "Fire”;  Fire  was  God’s  Son, 
not  unnaturally,  and  as  the  "mode  of  motion”,  VohuManali 
had  the  rarest  allusions  to  "fl^ocks  and  herds”,  except 
with  Neryosangh,  who  only  later  especially  gathered  up 
such  items.  Where  is  xmOra,  " bronze,”  or  other  metal  ? 
in  these  Pahlavi  translations  ? Somewhere,  perhaps,  but 
where?  Strangest  of  all,  plainly  the  "earth” 

ixi  Vendidad,  as  in  Veda,  is,  forsooth,  carefully  translated 
as  a word  in  the  Pahlavi,  by  "perfect  thinking”,  a very 
notewmi-tliy  circumstance,  much  more  so  than  any  " item 
HaurvafM  is  very  seldom  " water  ”,  and  Ameretatdt  seldom 
"plants”  ; see  also  this  Journal  of  July,  1910. 

We  might  almost  say  that  instbffwient  expression  has 
been  at  times  given  by  the  commentators  even  to 
those  fully  justified  2^ersonifications,  Avhether  rhetorical 
or  literal,  of  the  six  main  Gadic  ideas,  the  Aonesa 
Spentas,  as  they  were  only  later  called,  this  deficiency 
appearing  even  in  the  Pahlavi  of  the  Ga0as,  and  this 

7 


JHAS.  1912. 


98  YASNA  XXX  AS  ^ THE' DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 

in  occurrences  where  they  are  beyond  all  doubt  thus 
personified  in  the  original— this,  as  if  the  inain  interior 
meaning  of  the  words,  as  plain  language,  in  these  com- 
mentaries everywhere  enveloped  and  absorbed  all  such, 
subordinate  association  of  ideas,  for  “personification” 
in  the  light  of  philosophical  research  is,  of  course, 
“ subordinate  ”,  even  where  such  an  exalted  “ personi- 
fication” as  that  ill  question  is  concerned  / and  yet  all 
this  has  been  passed  over  uncoordinated  and  unobserved 
by  writers  who  make  Orientalism  their  life’s  study, 
whei-eas  it  is  one  of  the  most  practical  and  extensive 
manifestations  of  religious  energy  in  history,  vast  material 
interests  having  been  also  once  involved,  and  this  if  but 
one  person  per  one  thousand  were  inspired  by  its  animus  ; 
the  force  of  the  ideas  continues  on  unabated,  and  can  well 
afford  to  bear  discussion. 

6.  Exactly  parallel  with  this  is  the  still  more  striking 
evidence  of  this  interior  life  of  the  main  Zoroastrian 
doctrines  as  reported  by  the  far  distant  Greeks  (see  above), 
one  quoting  still  another  of  B.c.  378-300 ; see  this 
Journal  for  July,  1910.  [Plutarch  actually  reports  from 
Theopompos  the  abstract  ideas  as  “ gods  ” six  in  number 
(with  Ahura  seven),  and  in  their  Ga0ic  order  of  sequence, 
a startling  item  ^ ; this  without  a trace  of  the  later 
degenerated  accretions.  In  fact  Plutarch  himself  seems 
to  underrate  a faith  so  abstract,  which  proves  all  the 
more  his  loyalty ; he  states  the  facts  apparently  as  if 
they  were  distasteful,  and  this  in  a report  of  “ Persia  ” 
without  distinction  as  to  separate  provinces  or  kingdoms, 
or  even  as  to  closer  dates  ^ ; see  also  Herodotus,  who  cites 
the  “ reproaches  ” of  the  Persians  against  those  who 
lower  (1)  their  ideas  of  God  by  “ building  temples  ” for 

^ This  passage  from  Plutarch  is  justly  considered  to  be  one  of  the 
most  ‘‘precious”  of  the  kind  in  ancient  literature  (see  Windischmann), 
as  it  reports  the  greatest  and  most  pointed  conservative  theistic  scheme 
of  religion. 


YASNA  XXX  AS  im'':  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM  99 


Him.]  And  tliis  system  of  ideas  survived  while  half- 
buried  ainoiio-  the  rubbish  of  fantastic  growths,  and  as 
such  it  is  most  wonderful  indeed  to  those  who  understand 
siicli  searches : we  therefore  the  more  freely  welcome  tlie 
reports  of  the  varying  less  interior  views. 

7.  Yet  wliile  these  passages,  which  so  simply  and  yet 
so  impressively  express  those  primary  concepts  which 
alone  give  the  Ga^as  their  value  to  us,  are  thus,  as  I have 
shown,  so  clear,  for  the  purpose  mentioned,  yet— to  return 
here  more  fully  to  ’what  I term  “ secondary  detail ''  in 
exegesis  (see  above) — though  pervaded  by  the  same 
animus,  tliey  are,  %vhen  regarded  as  syntactical  literary 
matter,  perhaps  the  most  obscure  of  all  relics  of  antiquity, 
when  we  feel  constrained  to  decide  as  to  wdiat  precisely 
may  be  tlieir  exact  ultimate  incidence  of  thought.  This 
is  owing  to  the  extreme  meagreness  of  the  Ga^ic  diction, 
\vhich.  so  lacked  expressive  power  that  the  authors  of  the 
sentences  themselves — or  “ the  author  of  them  himself 
if  there  was  but  one  original  composer— would  have  been 
baffled,  had  he,  or  they,  been  later  asked  what  precise 
ideas  they  had  themselves,  or  he  had  himself,  intended  to 
convey  in  their  own  strophes,  now  vsome  decades  old,  for 
he  or  they  would  have  been  unable  to  answer  such 
a question,^  unless  he,  or  they,  had  fallen  back  upon  the 
acute  and  strenuous  exercise  of  memory ; for  this 
reason,  again,  alternatives  seem  to  me  to  be  the  more 
imperative,  here,  in  this  secondary  department  of  Ga^ic 
search. 

And  further,  to  explain  my  point  above,  not  only  did 
those  main  controlling  ideas  hold  their  own  as  in  a clearly 
separate  existence  side  by  side  with  much  later  trivial 
development  in  the  later  Zoroastrianism,  for  Theopompos 
wi*ote  at  a time  when  this  latter  was  in  fullest  growth  (see 
above),  but  in  these  renderings  oi  i\xm  secondary , if  hardly 

^ No  one  of  them  could  have  always  told  what  precisely  as  to  minute 
detail  he  had  himself  intended  to  say. 


100  YASNA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 

extraneous,  detail  in  the  Ga^a  itself — there  likewise,  as 
was  natural,  the  inteidor  documentary  life,  as  above 
implied,  vehemently  persists  almost  unaltered  from  its 
character  in  the  section.  However  multiplied  our 
opinions  may  be  as  to  the  actual  ultimate  pointing  of 
the  detailed  ideas— even  there,  so  far  as  the  Ga<9as  are 
concerned,  the  range  of  j)ossibilities  as  to  the  pointing 
of  the  sense  is  likewise  limited  in  this  secondary  section 
of  our  exegesis  as  regards  its  interior  force  (see  above), 
for  the  interior  moral  ideas  in  so  far  dominate  the  ^uhole 
situation  throughout,  especially  here,  and  limit  the  scope 
of  possibilities  Whichever  particular  one,  then,  of 
two,  three,  or  even  of  four,  different  pointings  to  the  sense 
we  may  prefer,  even  here,  in  this  secondary  department 
of  our  exegesis,  as  in  the  first  section,  no  one  of 
these  obscure  expressions  of  idea  can  at  all  possibly 
fail  to  express  that  supreme  value  of  the  moral-religious 
intellectual  life  which  is  the  chief,  if  not  the  sole  element 
of  interest  involved. 

Readers  can  also,  for  this  reason,  if  I have  been  able 
to  make  myself  clear,  with  all  the  more  gratitude  study 
even  the  multiplied  citations  of  slightly,  or  radically, 
differing  reported  vieAvs  here  at  this  secondary  stage,  as 
they  could  so  freely  tolerate  them  in  dealing  Avith  the 
leading  words  in  the  'first  section”,  as  Avell  as  in  the  later 
tradition  in  the  "third’' ; they  need  not  remain,  as  they 
might  otherwise,  under  a quasi-cataleptic  incubus  of  alarm, 
so  to  speak  of  it,  lest  all  their  treasured  theories  of  Gai9ic 
life  should  perish  in  obscurities ; the  interior  elementary 

^ We.  have  here  a crisis,  in  an  armed  religious  propaganda,  complicated 
with  political  intricacies,  much  detailed  material  interest  having  been 
also  doubtless  involved  ; Church  and  State — so  to  speak  of  it — were  here 
apparently  combined  in  either  a defensive,  or,  offensive,  dynastic  struggle, 
widely  differing  from  those  in  the  Veda,  where  interior  religion  was 
seldom  a prominent  element  in  the  clashing  sub-political  issues ; for  this 
reason  all  these  secondary  elements  in  Ga0ic  thought  feel  likewise,  as  do 
the  primary  ones,  the  incisive  religious  animus  which  centres  in  the 
expression  of  the  Attributes ; see  above. 


YAKNA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM  101 


moral  force,  "whicli  is  so  dear  to  history,  remains  here  also, 
almost,  or  totally,  nndiininished.^  The  various  alternative 
siig,o'estions  liere  also,  however  divergent  they  may  he 
from  my  own  first  pre>sented  views,  as  also  from  one 
anotlier,  cannot  fail  when  combined  even  to  contribute 
directly,  as  well  as  indirectly,  toward  what  we  most  pri;5e  ; 
for  the  invaluable  main  ideas  loom  over  the  entire  repre- 
sentation in  their  epocli-making  and  unquestioned  power 
and  depth,  and  every  detail  of  serious  discussion  brings 
out  the  more  their  force. 

8.  [The  Aclijumenian  Inscriptions  of  that  Empire  also 
confirm  my  N'iew  ; expressing,  let  us  never  forget  it,  tliese 
same  principles  throughout,  though  similar  inscriptions 
would  seem  to  be  the  last  of  all  places  where  one  should 
look  for  siicli  an  expression  of  interior  moral  principle.] 

lY.  NuxMErioal,  Territorial,  and  Political 
Predominance 

needs  also  to  some  extent  to  be  taken  into  consideration 
as  a reason  for  strengthening  the  claims  of  close  dis- 
cussion,  for  as  our  subject  appears  even  from  such  causes 
to  come  into  higher  liglit,  we  become  more  docile  under 
extended  illustration.  Buddhism  became,  and  still  remains, 
a large  political  and  moral  power  over  wide  portions  of 
the  globe,  as  did  Islam,  with  Christianity,  while  Mazda- 
worship  as  regards  its  mere  numerical  and  territorial 
predominance  was  fatally  checked  at  Nehavend,  a.d.  641, 
Buddhism  having  only  gradually  disappeared  from  India 
for  other  fields,  and  Islam  is  still  trenchant;  but  as 

^ These  focussed  a,nd  collected  points  are,  in  fact,  so  needed,  even  for 
specialists,  that  a very  able  expert  in  Avesta,  a leading  teacher  of  others, 
actually  refrained  personally  from  dealing  much  in  translations  of  the 
Avesta  because  of  its  occasional  or  frequent  obscurities,  whereas  in  any 
place  one  of  two,  three,  or  four  renderings  must  of  necessity  be  the  right 
one,  while  that  for  which  we  altogether  the  most  value  Avesta  can  never 
be  mistaken,  whichever  one  of  the  detailed  views  we  may  choose.  That 
supreme  interest  cannot  be  avoided  either  in  prima  facie  reading  or  in 
exhaustive  study. 


102  YASNA  XXX  AS.  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 

searchers  in  religions  intellectual  history  for  the  existence 
of  intense  epoch-making  ideas,  we  should  rise  above  all 
consideration  of  such  external  circumstances.  For  how 
very  narrow  has  been  the  apparent  immediate  scope  of 
many  anotlier  sublime  theory recall  alone  the  Stoa. 

V.  Philosophical  and  Liteeauy  Influence 
presents  itself  as  a reason  for  more  thorough  examination 
on  tlie  part  of  eminent  non-specialists.  Then  consider  the 
earlier  A vesta  influence  beyond  its  native  borders.  The 
susceptible  Je'ws,  who  had  scarce  a dream  of  a definitive 
Heaven  before  the  Exile,  could  not  have  escaped  hearing 
something  of  the  religion  of  that  Empire  of  Avhich  they 
became  a part  for  two  centuries,  in  the  creed  of  the  great 
Sovereigns  whose  edicts  of  restoration  fill  Ezra  with  their 
spirit,  and  awoke  Isaiah,  our  Bible  sections  often  dating 
from  their  reigns,  as  was  but  natural;  and  while  articles  of 
the  Exilic  creed  ^ may  have  arisen  spontaneously  in  Israel, 
in  parallel  development,  no  sane  expert  denies  their 
actual  identities^  with  those  of  Iran,  aside  from  all 
question  of  reciprocal  influence ; but  could  the  vast 
Persian  Church,  so  to  speak  of  its  throngs  of  hierarchy, 
have  failed  to  foster,  encourage,  and  develop,  though  it 
may  not  have  originated,  the  new-found  creed  of  its 
cherished  Jewish  fellow-citizens,  on  those  points  where 
Persia  and  Israel  were  already  one,  if  this  union  were 
indeed  already  tlms  the  fact  ? Then  recall  the  Gnosis 
(with  its  often  lofty  theories,  so  Avestic)  ; see  also  the 
pure  creed  of  Mithra  worship ; while,  as  many  hold, 
even  modern  thought  may  preserve  an  echo  of  Avesta  in 
the  Philosophy  of  limit  so  dear  to  Fichte  and  Hegel — 
this  through  Jakob  Boehme,  possibly  (?) — anticipating 
even  the  now  prevalent  acceptance  of  two  first  forces 
in  the  Universe — “it  must  needs  be  that  the  offence 

^ As  to  God-unity,  Angelology,  Sataiii  Demonology,  Immortality, 
Soteriology,  Millennium,  Judgment,  Heaven,  and  Hell. 


YASXA.  XXX  AS  THE  ^DOCnMfeNTVOF  ; 

come '' ; all  this  closes  , iii'"  ■ iBore-  - and  vmore  upon . our 
convictions,  even  where  it  niay  be  impossible  for  us  to 
Ijecome  close  experts. 

VI.  Translation  of  the  Chief  Terais, 
which.  I have  reserved  till  this  place,  is  the  crucial  question 
of  ah. 

Tills  most  urgent  point  naturallj’  involves  the  otliers, 
as  it  is  also  involved  in  them ; it  is  the  immediate 
treaimerd  of  the  chief  terms  in  actual  translation  botli 
when  those  ideas  are,  in  a sense,  personified,  whether 
rlietorically  or  literally  (as  actually  believed-in  Archangelic 
beings;  see  above),  or  also  otherwise,  when  the  words 
occur  in  their  simple,  if  epoch-making,  clear  and  natural 
verbal  force.  Some  writers  leave  the  terms  entirely 
untra/askded  whenever  they  can  be  at  all  regarded  as 
being  used,  whether  rhetorically  or  literally,  as  the 
proper  names,  but  translate  them  significantly  when  the^'" 
iiicontrovertibly  express  the  interior  ideas  aside  from 
personification — a very  defective  usage,  as  I hold.  In 
SBE.  xxxi  I hit  upon  a plan  which  I can  now  only 
partially  modify ; I translated  the  words  fulty  everywhere, 
instead  of  leaving  them  at  times  entirely  to  themselves, 
so  to  saj^^ — this,  except  in  a few  obvious  cases.  For  Asa 
I used  the  Divine  Righteousness  ”,  the  Holy  Order  ”, 
“ the  Truth  ”,  etc. ; for  VoJm  Manah  I wrote  the  Good 
Mind  ”,  printing  with  capital  initials,  however, — and  this 
last  for  the  most  part  even  where  the  ideas  were 
left  as  the  expressions  of  the  pure  mental  and  moral 
force  not  yet  personified.  As  meant  the  ‘'Divine 
Righteousness”,  “the  Holy  Law”,  “the  Truth”  in  the 
Ga^ic-Avesta  language  itself,  beyond  dispute,  and  this 
even  when  expressing  the  proper  name,  and  as  it  was 
still  so  used  in  that  sense  later  on,  why  should  not  its 
equivalent  in  English  be  used  in  the  same  application? 
Recall  the  Puritanic  English  where  persons  were  called 


104  YASNA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 

Prudence  Hope  ”,  '‘  Deliverance  ”,  etc. ; see  also 
" Sophia  If  Akt  means  ''  the  Divine  Rigliteousness  ”, 
"the  Holy  Order”,  why  should  not  the  Archangel  tiih 
be  so  called  "the  Divine  Righteousness  Holy  Order  ”, 
" Truth  ”,  " Sanctity  ”,  etc.,  which  last  I used  in  the 
Gai9as — Latin  verbatim~as  being  somewhat  more  realistic, 
because  more  ceremonial.  [What  motives  us  all  here, 
as  critical  reproducers,  is,  of  course,  our  anxiety  to  be 
well  upon  our  guard  against  the  imbecility  of  reporting 
too  much  of  the  interior  sense  of  the  words;  for  it 
would  be  fatuous  for  us  to  talk  about  the  " Divine 
Righteousness " the  Holy  Law”,  "the  Truth”,  when 
there  stood  before  us  the  mere  meaningless  name  of 
a non-existent  Archangel ; and  so  of  Volm  Manah, 
analogously;  yet,  on  the  other  hand,  to  fail  in  rendering 
these  interior  ideas  when  they  are  unquestionably  present 
leaves  the  entire  essential  force  of  the  Qadas  unexpressed 
for  the  non-specialist  reader.] 

To  resume  : The  lurking  interior  sense  of  Akt,  Volm 
Manah,  etc.,  even  when  the  words  are  used  for  the  proper 
names,  as  the  " Divine  Righteousness  ”,  " the  Good  Mind”, 
etc.,  is  not  contested  by  anyone  as  being  present  in  the 
Ga  as,  and  this  (even  w'hen  those  words  are  used  as  the 
expression  of  the  proper  names) ; no  writer,  ancient  or 
modern,  so  far  as  I am  aware,  denies  this,  for  the  words 
so  used  as  proper  names  were  immediately  after  such  an 
application  used  in  their  undisputed  inter  ior  meaning  at 
the  next  sentences ; see  above,  see  even  the  distant  and 
late  Greek  Plutarch,  who  reported  them  in  this  sense ; see 
above ; in  fact,  he,  Plutarch,  curiously  enough,  lends  us  his 
own  assistance  in  making  sure  of  the  meaning  of  Ain  ; 
see  his  aX'i]dua,  etc.' — -a  most  remarkable  side-circumstance. 
Why  did  he,  Plutarch,  not  also  write  the  untranslated 
Asa,  if  we  are  not  to  use  the  corresponding  word  in  our 
language,  as  he  did  in  his  I If,  then,  Asa  is  universally 
conceded  to  mean  originally  " the  Divine  Righteousness” 


YASNA  XXX;  AS  ./THE:-. DOCUMENT DUALISM.,  lOB 

in  its  most  interior  possible  and-;. exclusive  sense,. with  this 
sense  obviouslj"  and  iinmistakablj^,  as  also  necessarily, 
applied  practically  to  it  in  numbers  of  instances,  why 
should  we  not  use  this  meaning  as  being  still  alive 
iiiicancelled  in  the  proper  name  ? Why,  again,  Kshoiild  we 
not  use  the  translated  A vesta  word,  even  when  that  word 
is  used  as  a name,  when  wm  are  translating  the  rest  of  the 
Gai9as  into  English  ? How^  is  it  also  possible  that  this 
‘‘lurking  sense  ” should  not  have  been  actually  felt  by 
some.d  at  least,  of  the  reciters  of  the  Gafes  themselves  of 
old,  even  when  uttered  as  a proper  name,  for  the  same 
wnrd,  as  said,  ivas  immediately  afterivarclB  used  in  its  full 
interior  meaning  at  the  next  sentences ; and  this  when 
(see  above)  it  is  often  next  to  impossible  in  many  of  these 
same  occurrences  for  us  to  decide  whether  the  name,  or 
the  idea,  is  the  more  immediately  intended ; and  when, 
even  wdiere  we  fully  see  the  personification,  it  is  also  often 
next  to  impossible  for  us  to  say  whether  it  w^as  intended 
to  be  merely  rhetoiucal  like  “0  Death,  O Victory''  or  the 
literal  thing,  wdiile  the  interior  tone  of  the  entire  Hymns 
throughout^  makes  it  obvious  that  the  words  could  not 
have  failed  to  impress  upon  constant  hearers  their  interior 
meaning,  even  in  the  most  doubtful  connexions.  [Gabriel, 
God's  hero,  may  have  lost  its  meaning  to  many  a devout 
Hebrew^,  as  also  Michael,  “who  like  God.”  Recall  the 
most  significant  possible  of  all  our  proper  names  ; how 
soon  they  lose  their  force  1 But  how  could  Aki  and 
Volmi  Manah  lose  all  their  meaning  in  the  Ga^as  wdtli 
their  interior  sense  expressed  every%vhere  as  absolutely 
necessary  to  an  intelligent  sentence,  and  in  the  next 
strophe  ? (Note  how  fully  the  abstract  ideas  retain  their 
vitality  as  thoughts  even  in  our  statuesque  representations. 
Who  forgets  Justice,  Truth,  etc.,  in  the  pictures  of  them 
and  the  statues  ? So,  in  like  manner,  Am,  Volm  Manah, 

^ One  in  a thousand  would  give  an  important  aggregate  here, 

" “In  thought,  in  word,  in  deed.” 


106  YASNA  XXX  AS  THE  DOCUMENT  OF  DUALISM 

Xk(£ra,  Sbnd  Aramaiti  never  lose  their  interior  sense  in 
the  Gii^as,  even  when  used  as  the  Archangers  names,  any 
more  tlian  ‘SJustice loses  its  sense  while  holding  its 
scales  blindfolded  in  a picture  or  as  a statue.)] 

To  conclude : If,  then,  my  innovation  was  too  bold  in 
SBE.  xxxi  in  1887,  in  giving  the  words  in  intelligent 
translation  in  a book  which  was  itself  a translation,  what 
was  the  inadequacy  upon  which  it  supervened  ? Here  we 
have,  as  all  concede,  the  apex  of  all  historical  expression 
as  to  interior  religion  closely  searching  the  utmost  recesses 
of  the  will  as  to  thought,  as  to  word,  and  as  to  deed, 
and  leading  the  world  at  its  period  as  to  the  doctrine  of 
subjective  recompense  ; and  yet  some  writers  have  treated 
its  chief  terms,  etc.,  as  mere  meaningless  names  in 
one  line,  while,  in  a closely  following  sequent,  its  epoch- 
making  meaning  fully  appears,  so  leaving  the  Whole 
structure  with  half  its  keystone,  or  indeed  with  half  its 
foundation ; and  this  point  is  of  far  profounder  import 
than  any  other  in  the  subject.  I have  therefore  introduced 
the  words  Akt.Vohu  Manah,  Xsadrcty  Aramaiti,  HaurvaMt, 
and  Ameretatdt  with  the  same,  or  slightly  varied  trans- 
lations following  them,  which  I used  before  in  1887.^ 

^ I do  not  at  all  apologise  for  having  alluded  to  appreciative  notices 
above,  as  Avesta,  like  other  branches  of  Orientalism,  has  long  been 
notoriously  the  field  for  an  wholly  irresponsible  polemik. 


lY 


; A mw  YANmC  mSGRllBTmW 
By  the  Rev.  Peofessob  A.  H.  SAYCE 

riENERAL  A.  HOUTUMSGHINDLER  has  been  Idiid 
enough  to  send  me  a photogTaph  of  a new  Vamiic 
inscription  discovered  by  Count  Kanitz,  an  attache  of  the 
German  Legation  at  Teheran,  in  October,  1910,  at  a place 
called  Maku.  The  stone,  however,  had  been  brought 
from  some  ruins  10  miles  south-west  of  Makfi.  The 
photograph  was  given  to  General  Houtumschindler  by 
the  discoverer.  The  inscription,  it  will  be  seen,  belongs 
to  Rusas  II.  In  continuance  of  my  previous  notation  its 
number  will  be  XCTI. 

1.  AN  Khal-di-e  eurie  i-ni  E-BxiRA  Ru-sa-s 

For  Khaldis  the  lord  this  temple-cdtar  Rusas 

2.  y Ar-gis-te-khi-ni-s  si-di-is-tu-ni  AN  Khal-di-ni-ni 

son  of  jirg  istis  has  restored.  To  the  Khaldis  gods 

S.  us-ma-si-ni  T Ru-sa-s  f Ar-gis-te-khi-ni-s 
the  gracious  ones  Rnsas  son  of  Ar gist  is 

4.  a-li  qar-bi  sal-zi  ma-iiu-u  i-zi-e-i 

says:  the  stones  . . . in  front  of  the  . . . 

5.  is-ti-ni  si-da-u-ri  su4d  AN  Khal-di-s 
the  boundary  the  old  one  long  ago  {?)  Khcdclis 

6.  u-mas-du“du-ni  i-e-s  si-dids-tu-bi 

set  as  a fence;  I restored  {them)  ] 

7.  te-ru-bi  ti-ni  y Ru-sa-a-i  patari  TUR 

■ I erected  wJmt  is  eaZled  Rusads  little  city. 

8.  y Ru-^a-a-s  y Ar-gis-te-khi-ni-s  a-li 

Rusas  son  of  Argistis  says : 

9.  a-lu-s  i-ni  DUP-TE  tii-li-e  a-lu-vS 

whoever  this  tablet  removes,  whoever 


108 

A NEW  VANNIC  INSCEIPTION 

10. 

pi-tu-li-e 

a-lu-s 

ip-khu-Ii-e 

•removes  the  name 

ivhoever 

conceals, 

tu-ri-ni-ni 

as  for  that  person 

11. 

AN  Khal-di-s  AN  Teisba-s 

AN  Arcli-ni-s 

Khaldis  Teisbas 

(and)  Ardinis 

: : ' AN-MES-s 

the  gods 

12. 

me  ku-o-i  ti-ni 

ma-nu-ni  AN  Ardi-ni-ka-: 

his  name's  record 

p)ublish 

before  the  sun, 

13. 

y Ru-sa-a-ni 

y Ar-gis- 

-te-khi 

on  behalf  of  Rtosas 

son  of  Argistis 

14. 

erila  DAN-NU  ' 

erila 

sura-a-o-e 

the  powerful  king, 

king 

of  the  world, 

16. 

erila  MAT  Bi-a-i- 

iia-o-e  ' 

erila  erila-u-e 

king  of  Biainas,  king  of  kings, 

16.  a-lu-^i  ALU  Dhu-us-pa-e-patari 

inhabiting  the  city  of  Dhuspas. 

1.  We  should  probably  transcribe  E-BARA  asi  knltidi. 

4.  Perhaps  izei  means  '‘a  trench”:  ''in  front  of  the 
old  boundary  trench,”  like  gi  istini  sidauri,  " the  old 
boundary  wall”  (Ixxvii,  7);  giei  istini  manu~ri,^' the 
public  boundary  wall  ” (Ixxxvi,  9).  The  word  for  " old  ” 
is  sida-U'H,  not  sida-gti-on, 

5.  Snlci  is  an  adverb  like  alu-ki,  and  is  found  in 
Ixxxvi,  9.  The  root  is  probably  as  in  su-Us,  "day,” 
so  that  the  signification  of  the  word  would  be : " once 
upon  a time,”  “ long  ago.”  ^ It  may,  however,  be  connected 
with  sni,  " all,”*  and  have  the  sense  of  " wholly 

6.  Professor  Lehmann-Haupt  was  right  in  identifying 

^ Suli-mami  in  Ixxix,  15,  is  replaced  by  XJD-manu  in  Ixxviii,  Bev.  7, 
which  fixes  the  meaning  of  as  “day  Since  ~li  is  a suffix  the  root 
would  be  au.  Kurni  giinei  aidi-rmmi  would  be  “offerers  of  the  daily 
.sacrifice  in  front  of  the  day”,  i.e.  “ in  the  open  air  ” ; eH  guni  quldide  suli- 
manu,  “ the  place  of  the  daily  sacrifice  on  the  altar  in  the  open  air.” 


A XEW  VANNie  INSCBTPTIOX 


109 


tlie  fi.rst  element  in/.tlie  coinpound'.-  veil> 

with  the  Assjn-iaii ' , iimasu,  ' ■'  an . enclosure.’"  ' ■ UQiiasdti 

stands  for  iimasfM, 

We  find  a , corresponding  phrase  in  Ixxxvi,  7-”9,' where, 
my  former  . .traiivsiation  rniist  be  corrected  . as  . follows 
‘'  the  open  altar-platform  (qmrani  stde-manti)  slong 
the  public  boundary  wall  long  ago  Khaldis  set  as  a fence; 
T have  planteei  this  vine.’’ 

12.  liuoi  is  probably  intended  to  be  pronounced  koi. 
In  the  bilingual  inscription  Ivi,  35,  it  is  rendered  by  MU, 
wliicli  I was  'wrong  in  supposing  to  signify  “ gift 
It  has  its  more  usual  meaning  of  “ name  ”,  and  the  passage 
should  be  translated  : “ [whoever]  assigns  to  his  owm  name 
the  [oflbrings]  to  Khaldis  on  the  altar-platform.”  The 
word  may  occur  in  the  compound  verb  hiii-gu,  “ to 
inscribe.” 

13.  The  sense  of  the  suffix  -nf  in  the  final  formula  of 
the  inscriptions  is  made  clear  by  this  passage.  It  denotes 
what  may  be  called  the  dependent  ease,  and  was  probably 
pronounced Avithout  the  final  vowel. 

Vocabulary 

A 

A-li.  ‘He  says.’  4. 

A-lu-s.  ‘Whoever.’  9,10. 

A-lu-si,  ‘ Inhabiting.’  16. 

Ardi-ni-s.  ‘ The  vS un-god.’  11. 

Ardi-ni-ka-i.  ‘ Before  the  Sun.’  12. 

Ar-gis-te-khi-ni-s.  ‘ Son  of  Argistis.’  2,  3,  8. 

Ar-gis-te-khi.  13. 

B 

Bi-a-i-na-o-e.  ‘ The  land  of  Van.’  15. 

DH 

Dhu-us-pa-e.  ‘The  city  of  Van  (Tosp).’  16. 


110 


i.  'KEW'  TANKIG-  IKSORIPTION-; 


'■  E'"; 

Erila.,  /King.’  14,15. 

Erila'U-e.  15. 

Eurie.  ‘ Lord.’  1. 

l' 

I-e-s.  6. 

Lni.  ^This.’  1. 

Ip-kliu-li-e.  ‘ He  shall  conceal.’  10. 

Is-ti-ni.  ' Boundary.’  5. 

I-zi-e-i.  ' Trench  (?).’  4. 

K 

Ku-o-i.  'Name.’  12. 

KH 

Khal-di-s.  ' The  God  Khaldis.’  5,11. 

Khal-di-e.  ' For  Khaldis.’  1. 

Khal-di-ni-ni.  ' To  those  belonging  to  Khaldis.’  2. 

Q 

Qar-bi.  'Stones.’  4.  is  the  plural  sufBx. 
Qiurani.  ‘Altar-platform.’  Ixxxvi,  7. 

M 

Ma-nu-u.  ' In  front  of.’  4. 

Ma-nu-ni.  ' They  publish.’  12. 

Ma-nu-ri.  'Public.’  Ixxxvi,  9. 

Me.  ' Of  him.’  12. 

P 

Patari.  'City.’  7,  16. 

Pi-tu-li-e.  ' Shall  remove  the  name.’  10. 

R 

Eu-sa-s.  ' ' Rusas.’  1,  3. 

Ru-sa-a-s.  8. 

'Ru-sa-a-i.  7. 

Ru-sa-a-ni.  ' On  behalf  of  Rusas.’  13. 


A NEW  VANNIC'  INSCEIPTION  ' 111 

Sal-zi.  4. 

Si-cla-u-ri.  ' Okl/ ' fomierl  5, 

Si"di~is-t!i-bi.  I have  .restored.’  6. 

' Si-cHls~ki~ni.  ' Helms  restored.’  2. 

Sii-ki.  ‘Once  upon  a time,’  /long  ago (?).’  5.  Less 

jirobablj  'wholly’,  from  sui,  'all.’ 

Su-li-is.  'Day.’ 

Su-li-ma-mi.  ' In  the  open  air.’  Ixxix,  15. 

T 

Teisba-s.  ' ' The  Air-god.’  11. 

Te-ru-bi.  ‘ I erected.’  7.  ■ . 

Ti-ni.  ' What  is  called,’  ' a record.’  7,  12. 

Tii-li-e.  ' He  shall  remove.’  9. 

Tii-ri-ni-ni.  ' As  for  (that)  person.’  10. 

U 

IT-nias-du-du-ni.  ' He  set  a fence.’  6.  Compounded 
with  the  borrowed  Assyrian  twiastic, 

Us-ma-si-ni.  ' Gracious.’  3. 

Ideographs 

ALU  (2^atclris).  'City.’  7,16. 

AN-MES-s.  'Gods.’  11. 

BARA  (ktbhhdis).  'Altar.’  1. 

DAN-NU  {tarais),  'Powerful.’  14. 

DUP-TE  (arm<xmKs).  'Inscription.’  9. 

E (asis).  'House,’  1. 

EN  'Lord.’  1. 

(AN)  IM-s.  'Teisbas.’  11.  , 

KUR-KUR  (sums).  'The  world.’  14. 

SARRH  (eriAm).  ' King.’  14,  15. 

TUR.  ' 'Small.’ ^ ■ ' 

(AN)  UD-ni-s  {Ardinis).  ' The  Sun-god.’  11. 

(AN)  UD-ni-ka-i  (Ardmikai).  'Before  the  sun.’  12. 


112 


A KEW  yASTNIC  INSCRIPTION 


Inscription  OF  Rusas  II 

1.  ^yr  .1^  £10  I >|yyy\s  ^ 

2.  T <yHT<Ti=y  ^^y  4 iif  ^ <y-  <y^y  syy  ^y.HF?  - <y^y  ^ 

3.  ty  <y^  £„:  y >|yyy  4i  ^ y <MJ<J  A m ^ 

4.  yy  ^Ey<y  ^yyy::  t£  ^^yy  ?=£ 

5.  01  H<  ^ <y-  0y<y  -yyy=  -yy<y  i^m  -+  - <y5=y  ^ 

6.  ^yyib  >f  fi<y  !=g  ^yy  ^ <y-  <yty  0y  - 

7.  ^y  >iyyy  - h<  m J >5?  y?  ?=£  ^tyy 

8.  y >|yyy  yy  ^ y <yHy<y  ^y  ^y  4 ^ yy  ^£y<y 

9.  yy  ^y  "‘y  -£y<y  -yy  yy  My  ^ 

10.  ^y.  .-y  .fcy<y  ^yy  yy  gyy  ^ Hy  ^y<y  ^ty<y  i=yy  ^y  ^yy<y 

11.  *-+  - <yE:y  ^ -Hf-  4>yf  ^ ""y  ^ ->f  yv>»-  ^ 

12.  y-  M < ^£  -y<  m Bj  ^ m -4-  ^y  t£ 

13.  y ^0y  ^ yy  y <y-n<y  -y  ^y  4 

14.  « s^yyy  ^ 0 y—  yy  < ^yy 

15.  « 0 - yy  fy  < ^yy  « « tyyy^  ^yy 

16.  yy  lay  ^y  -^yy  hm  yy  ^yy  -^yy 


Y 


AmEMOmmCAL  EXPLOEATIOH  II*  IITBIA,  1910-11 
By  J.  Ph,  VOGEL 

rilHE  record  of  archaeological  discoveries  made  daring 
the  year  1910-11  must  of  necessity  fall  sliort  of 
the  brilliant  accounts  which  Mr.  Marshall  has  been  in 
the  hal">it  of  publishing  in  the  pages  of  this  Journal  with 
regard  to  the  work  of  previous  years.  Mr,  Marshall 
himself  was  absent  on  long  leave  during  the  whole 
period,  and  while  I was  officiating  for  him  I had  to 
devote  myself  alniost  entirely  to  questions  connected 
wdth  the  preservation  of  ancient  monuments  and  museum 
administration,  and  to  the  duties  of  oflSce  routine. 

A series  of  transfers  in  the  Department,  which  took  j>lace 
in  the  commencement  of  the  touring  season,  was  another 
circumstance  that  seriously  affected  the  opportunities  for 
research  in  the  different  circles.  Mr.  Cousens  retired  in 
the  month  of  September,  after  being  attached  to  the 
Survey  for  nearly  thirty  years.  His  work  has  been 
mostly  connected  with  the  architecture  of  Western  India. 
It  is  gratifying  to  record  that  his  activity  in  this  field 
of  research  will  not  altogether  cease  with  his  retirement, 
the  Government  of  India  having  entrusted  him  wdth  the 
publication  of  live  volumes  relating  to  (1)  the  Temples 
of  Maharashtra,  (2)  Muhammadan  architecture  of  Bijapur, 

(3)  Chalukyaii  architecture  of  the  Canarese  districts, 

(4)  Jain  architecture  of  Gujarat  and  Katliiavar,  and 

(5)  Sind  ruins. 

It  wdll  be  remembered  that  in  October,  1909,  the 
Survey  suffered  a severe  loss  by  the  lamented  death  of 
Dr.  T.  Bloch.  His  place  in  the  Eastern  (Bengal)  Circle 
has  now  been  filled  by  Dr.  Spooner,  who,  it  is  hoped, 
will  find  in  Magadha  as  rich  a field  of  research  as  that 
JRAS.  1912. 


8 


114  AIICFL^EOLOGICAL  EXPLORATION  IN  INDIA,  1910-11 


which  he  has  ^vorked  with  so  great  success  in  G^aiidhara. 
For  the  present,  iinfortnnately,  the  care  of  monuments 
in  his  new  circle  has  left  him  no  time  for  spadework. 
Dr.  Stein's  appointment  to  the  Frontier  Circle  offers 
a guarantee  that  the  "work  of  exploration  in  Gandhara 
will  be  resumed  'with  vigour.  But  it  is  not  until  December 
that  we  may  look  forward  to  his  return  to  India. 

The  sudden  death  of  Mr.  R.  Froude  Tucker,  a member 
of  this  Society,  which  occurred  on  November  1,  1910, 
on  his  return  from  leave,  was  another  calamity  which 
befell  the  Department,  and  which  added  in  no  small  degree 
to  the  difficulties  which  interfered  wdth  a successful 
campaign  of  research.  It  is  true  that  Mr.  Tuckers 
duties  were  mainly  concerned  wdth  the  preservation  of 
monuments — a task  which  he  had  accomplished  with 
great  devotion  during  the  too  short  period  he  was  attached 
to  the  Department — but  immediate  measures  had  to  be 
taken  to  carry  on  his  work  by  appointing  in  his  place 
the  officer  destined  to  become  Dr.  Spooner's  architectural 
assistant,  and  thus  Mr.  Tucker  s unexpected  death  affected 
indirectly  the  wmrk  of  research  also. 

The  foregoing  preamble  seemed  to  be  necessary  to 
account  for  a deficiency  in  results  during  the  last  year. 
This  does  not,  howmver,  imply  that  in  the  past  cold  season 
the  work  of  research  has  come  to  a standstill. 

In  the  absence  of  Dr.  vStein  on  leave  I was  fortunate 
in  securing  the  temporary  services  of  Mr.  H.  Hargreaves 
for  work  in  the  Frontier  Circle.  One  of  the  works  before 
us  was  the  excavation  of  the  Great  Stupa  of  Kanishka, 
which  had  yielded  the  famous  Buddha  relics.  This 
necessary  but  somewhat  thankless  task  fell  to  tlie  share 
of  Mr.  Hargreaves,  who  accomplished  it  wdth  the  utmost 
care.  He  has  favoured  me  with  the  followdng  resume 
of  his  operations: — 

The  principal  work  in  the  Frontier  Circle  \vas  the 
continued  excavation  of  Kanishka’s  Chaitya  and  the 


Fig.  1.  Stupa  of  Kant shk a;  stucco  frieze  of  Buddha  figures. 


ARCHJmOGIICAT^  EXPLORATION  ,IK  INDIA,  1910-11  115 

adjacent  rnonaRtery-mound  at  the  site  known  as  Sliali-ji- 
ki-dheri  ontside  Peshawar  City*  The  object  in  continuing 
the  excavation  of  the  stupa  mound  was  to  ascertain  tlie 
complete  outline  of  the  monunxeiit,  to  clear  the  immediate 
neigliboiirliood  and  disclose  the  adjacent  structures ; to 
discover,  if  possible,  the  steps  (sopdna)  which  must  have 
led  to  the  procession  path,  and,  if  in  existence,  the  path 
itself. 

'■  As  anticipated,  excavation  proved  that  the  monument 
rose  from  a square  base,  whose  sides  were  180  feet,  and 
that  four  projections,  having  a total  length  of  50  feet, 
extended  from  the  centre  of  each  of  the  four  main  walls. 
At  each  corner  of  the  main  wall  was  a circular  bastion- 
like ' structure. 

''  Of  the  main  wall  on  the  north  only  traces  remain, 
but  the  northern  projection  was  clearly  marked,  and  for 
24  ft.  6 in.  was  covered  with  stucco  ornamentation  of 
seated  Buddha  figures  (of  a late  Indian  type)  separated  by 
Indo-Corinthian  pilasters  with  capitals  of  conventionalized 
acanthus  (PL  I,  Fig.  1). 

" On  the  east  the  foundations  of  the  projection,  in 
parts  ornamented  with  stucco,  -were  entire ; but  of  the 
main  wall  nothing  but  the  merest  traces  remained,  so  that 
Dr.  Spooner’s  previous  excavations  on  the  south  and 
west  had  recovered  the  best  preserved  portions. 

" The  whole  outline  of  the  monument  has  been  disclosed; 
but  no  steps  or  path  for  p>radahshind  have  been  discovered, 
though  search  was  made  at  all  probable  places. 

“ Many  small  stupas  were  found,  but  very  little  in  the 
way  of  sculptures.  A number  of  small  terra-cotta  and 
stucco  heads  of  almost  grotesque  appearance,  with  large 
protruding  eyes,  were  discovered  on  the  east,  but  nothing 
to  indicate  their  original  position. 

" Except  in  one  particular  the  excavations  yielded  but 
little  that  had  not  been  already  indicated  by  the  previous 
investigation  of  the  site.  As  already  mentioned,  small 


116  ARCBMOWQIOJO.  EXPLOEATION  IN  INDIA,  1910-11 

stuj)as  had  been  found  near  all  four  faces  of  the  main 
stwpa,  and  these  had  been,  invariably,  simple  circular 
or  quadrangular  structures,  but  on  the  east  of  the 
monument,  14  feet  to  the  east  of  what  must  have  been 
the  base  of  the  eastern  steps  of  the  main  structure,  was 
found  a little  dwpa  oi  uncommon  shape,  a copy  in  fact 
of  the  main  monument. 

'‘This  little  stiopa  (PL  I,  Fig.  2),  the  main  sides  of 
which  are  6 ft.  71- in.  long,  was  found  less  than  4 feet 
underground,  and  the  roots  of  grasses  and  weeds  had 
destroyed  three  of  the  four  projections,  but  the  one  to 
the  south  shows  very  clearly  steps  rising  steeply  from 
the  edge  of  the  projection  towards  the  main  wall,  which 
rises  perpendicularly  to  the  same  level  as  the  top  of  the 
steps,  springing  from  the  second  of  two  narrow  platforms, 
which  run  along  the  face  of  the  monument  except  where 
they  are  broken  by  the  steps  themselves. 

"The  interest  of  this  stupa  arises  from  the  possibility 
that  it  may  be  one  of  the  two  little  stv/pas  which  Hiuen 
Tsiang  tells  us  were  on  the  southern  side  of  the  steps  on 
the  eastern  face  of  the  great  stiqKi}  It  is,  indeed,  as  the 
pilgrim  says,  of  the  same  shape  and  proportion  as  the 
great  stupa.  While  it  is  true  that  it  is  built,  not  ' carved 
or  engraved  and  lies  more  to  the  east  than  to  the  south, 
and  has  notliing  corresponding  to  the  bastions  of  the  large 
stupa,  yet  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  lo  c ho  is  best 
translated  as  ' carved  or  engraved ' ; the  direction  may  be 
considered  as  south  of  one  edge  of  the  steps,  and  there  is 
tlie  possibility  that  the  bastions  or  towers  are  a Jater 
addition  to  the  main  structure. 

" Be  that  as  it  may,  the  little  model  helps  us  to  visualize 
in  a manner  never  before  possible  the  structure  on  which 
arose  ' the  liighest  of  the  towers  of  Jarnbudvipa’,  and  also 
explains  why  no  steps  and  no  path  for  praclakshina  have 
been  discovered.  Moreover,  it  has  thrown  some  light  on 
^ Beal,  Buddhist  Record  of  the  Western  World,  vol.  i,  p.  101  and  n.  65. 


, AECHiEOLOGieAI.  EXPLORATION.  JlSr;  INDIA,;  1910-  ; 111 

the  main,  structure';  .for  when,  on  Dr.  Vogel’s  .suggestion., 
search  was  made,  above.,  the  row  of  .Buddha  figures,  on. 
the  northern  projection  for  the  platforms  shown  on  the 
miniature.  one,  of.  them  made  of  thick  stucco  was 

found  to  be  still  in  existence.  (PI.  I,  Big.  1.) 

“ Excavation  of  the  monastery  mound  resulted  in  the 
discoveiy  of  seven  more  of  the  large  brick  columns,  of 
which  four  were  found  in  1909,  of  a long  brick  wall 
65  feet  in  length.,  of  the  base  of  a semicircular  structure  and 
of  the  foundations  of  what  appears  to  have  been  a tower. 
The  end  of  the  long  brick  wall  has  not  been  reached,  but 
close  to  its  Ijase  were  found  three  interesting  articles  of 
Buddhist  origin,  a well-made  temple  ornament,  part  of 
a trU'ill,  an  ivory  (?)  seal-die  engraved  in  late  Gupta 
characters  with  the  Buddhist  foiixiula  ' FecZAamna/,  etc., 
and  a small  copper  Buddha  figure,  with  halo,  in  ahltaya- 
miidra,  of  the  usual  Gandhara  style.  It  is  the  first  metal 
image  of  the  Buddha  found  in  excavations  in  the  Frontier 
Circle.  It  is  2|-  inches  high  and  seems  to  be  of  soft 
copper. 

“ As  in  previous  explorations  the  finds  were  not  numerous, 
but  at  present  our  excavation  seems  to  be  outside  the 
buildings,  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that,  when  the 
interior  of  these  monastery  buildings  comes  to  be  excavated, 
light  will  be  thrown  on  the  fittings  and  arrangements  of 
a scrngliarama  on  the  plains  of  Gandhara. 

“ The  clearance  carried  out  along  with  other  work  at 
Takht-i-Bahi  has  proved  that  the  so-called  underground 
chambers  are  not  so  in  realit37‘.  The  removal  of  the  debris, 
lying  between  them  and  the  main  retaining  wall,  exposed 
a large  courtyard  68|  by  39  feet,  to  whicli  two  arched 
doorways  from  two  of  the  cells  gave  access.  These 
chambers,  erected  later  than  the  ^ Court  of  rnanj^  Biupcts  \ 
are  built  against  the  retaining  wall  of  that  court,  and  are 
not  in  aiw  way  bonded  with  that  structure.  The  roof  of 
these  low-level  chambers  is  covered  with  4 feet  of  earth, 


118  ARCIL^GLOGIGAL  EXPLOBATION  IN  INDIA,  1910-11 

which  iriakes  the  ground-level  above  the  chambers  the 
same  as  that  of  the  'Court  of  many  stupas’.  Built  of 
corbelled  arch  with  walls  4 feet  thick  and  having  a roof 
so  covered/these  chambers  are  exceedingljr  cool  and  may 
therefore  have  been  equally  useful  as  tahMmnas,  granaries, 
or  places  for  meditation.  During  clearance  a few  pieces 
of  sculpture,  a coin  (very  much  worn  but  apparently  of 
Apollodotos),  and  a piece  of  black  pottery  inscribed  in 
Kharoshthi  with  seven  aksharas  were  found  in  these  cells, 
but  nothing  to  enable  one  to  settle  definitely  their  original 
purpose.” 

From  an  historical  point  of  view  the  most  important 
discovery  made  during  the  year  was  no  doubt  that  of  the 
inscribed  sacrificial  post  (yupa)  at  'Isapur,  near  Mathura 
(Muttra),  on  which  a preliminaiy  note  has  already  appeared 
in  the  pages  of  this  J ournal  (pp.  1311  ff*.).  It  will,  therefore, 
suffice  to  recall  that  the  inscription  in  question,  which  was 
discovered  by  Pandit  Radha  Krishna  in  the  bed  of  the 
Jamna,  near  the  suburb  of  'Isapur,  is  dated  in  the  reign 
of  a king  called  Shahi  Vasishka,  and  in  the  year  24 
(expressed  both  in  words  and  figures).  It  consequently 
proves  the  correctness  of  Dr.  Fleet’s  assumption  that 
between  Kanishka  and  Huvishka  there  reigned  (at  Muttra 
at  least)  a ruler  of  the  name  of  Yasishka. 

This  prince  is  also  mentioned  in  a Sanchi  inscription,^ 
apparently  dated  in  the  year  28.  The  figure  expressing 
20  is  unfortunately  damaged  and  therefore  uncertain. 
It  was  read  70  by  Cunningham  and  also  by  Dr.  Btihler, 
who  first  felt  inclined  to  read  20.  The  latter  reading, 
adopted  by  Dr.  Fleet,  is  most  likely  correct  and  would  well 
agree  with  the  testimony  of  the  Tsapur  inscription. 

Another  interesting  point  to  be  noted  in  connexion  with 
this  record  is  that  it  is  Brahmanical,  and  is  the  earliest 

^ Of.  H,  Liiders’  ‘‘List  of  Brahmi  Inscriptions”,  JtJp.  hid,,  vol.  x, 
appendix,  p.  26,  No.  161. 


APX1IJ50L0GIC1L  , EXPLORATION  IN  INDIA:,  1.910-11  119 

inscription  in  pure  Sanskrit  which  has  hitherto  come 
to  light. 

The  ywpa  of  tisapiir  was  by  no  means  the  only  discovery 
iiiade  by  Pandit  Radha  Krishna  during  the  year  1910-11. 
Among  the  many  sculptures  accjuired  by  him  for  the 
Miitliiira  Museum  I wish  particularly  to  note  a Bodliisattva 
statuette  which  bears  the  following  inscription  : — 

1. 1.  [Sam  10  + 'I  7 va  . . . etasa  piirvdya  Dharmakasa 
sovamkasa  ktitiihiriiye} 

1.  2.  vp[dsi]kd  Ahiga2yiyd  (S]u\A^dga2yriyd)B6d^^^^ 
pratithdpMi  svakdyd  child- 

1.  3.  yd  kali  ye  achdryana  Bhmmiagivtakdna  prafAgvahe. 

'‘  In  the  year  1 (?)  7 . . . on  that  date  Nagapiya, 
a lay-member  and  the  wife  of  the  goldsmitli  Dharmaka 
erected  a Bodliisattva  [image]  in  her  own  sanctuary/^ 
This  Avork’^  is  for  the  acceptance  of  the  teachers  of  the 
Dharmagupta  sect.” 

Of  the  image  unfortunately  the  AAdiole  upper  portion 
above  the  Avaist  is  missing.  The  remaining  part  sIioaals 
that  the  Bodliisattva  AA^as  seated  cross-legged,  his  left  hand 
resting  on  the  knee.  We  may  assume  that  the  right 
AAms  raised  to  the  shoulder  in  the  attitude  of  protection 
(Sanskrit  abhayamwd^'^d).  The  style  of  the  image  is 
similar  to  that  of  the  Any  or  and  Kliatra  statuettes  in  the 
Mathura  Museum.  On  the  base  are  figures  of  human 
worshippers,  two  men,  two  women,  and  tAvo  childi-en  ; all, 
except  the  children,  carrying  lotus-floAvers  as  offerings. 
On  either  end  is  a lion  sejant  in  the  typical  conventional 
style  of  the  Kushan  period. 

“ The  has  been  omitted  over  the  ^nQXalcsha7-'asoi  Bddhisv(.ttva, 

svahclyd,  chitmjd,  achdryana  (read  dchdrydtidni),  and  Bliay'magidalcdna 
(read  '^gufakdndrh).  The  curious  aJcshara  sva  in  Bodhisvatvct,  evidently 
a clerical  error  for  sa,  has  been  found  elsewhere  in  Mathura  inscriptions. 

The  word  chitd  {or  chetd  7)  is  apparently  synonjunous  here  with 
Sanskrit  caitya, 

^ The  reading  lead'  yE  is  doubtful.  I suppose  that  it  corresponds  to 
Sanskrit  hrtir  yaih,  and  have  translated  accordingly. 


120  AECHilLOLOGICAL  EXPLORATION  IN  INDIA,  1910-11 


Under  tlie  supervision  of  Pandit  Eadlia  Krishna  some 
trial  excavations  were  carried  out  on  various  ancient  sites 
round  Mathura  out  of  funds  provided  by  the  Government 
of  India. 

The  hrst  site  examined  was  that  of  Mora,  7 miles 
west  of  Mathura  city,  well  known  to  epigraphists  as  the 
find-place  of  tlie  .so-called  Mora  well  inscription,  now  in 
the  Matliura  Museum.^  The  expectation  that  images  of 
the  Pandavas,  apparently  referred  to  in  that  inscription 
as  m/mndm  'pvaimmh,  would  come  to  light,  has 

not  befui  fulfilled. “ 

The  most  important  discovery  made  at  Mora  consists  of 
eight  fragments  of  large-sized  bricks  (I6i  bj^  8 by  2-1-  in.), 
bearing  dedicatory  inscriptions  in  BrMinii  characters  of 
the  Mauiya-Suiiga  period.  From  the  different  fragments 
we  obtain  the  following  legend,  in  which  one  missing 
akshara  lias  been  supplied  (PI.  II,  Fig.  1)  : Jivaputciye 
Rcijahharydye  BTi]idsvdtionifxi[dhi]  ho  ^ Yam  matdye 
kdritam,  “Made  hy  order  of  Yasamata,  the  daughter  (?) 
of  Brihasvatimita,  the  king’s  consort  [and]  the  mother  of 
living  sons,” 

I propose  to  identify  the  Brihasvatimita  of  these 
inscriptions  with  Bahasatimita  (Sanskrit  Brihaspati- 
mitra),  whose  coins  have  been  found  at  Kosam,  about 
thirty  miles  south-west  of  Allahabad,  and.  at  Ramnagar 
(Ahichchhatra)  in  Rohilkhand.^  His  daughter,  Yasamata, 
was  evidently  the  wife  of  the  ruler  of  Mathura,  whose 
name  unfortunately  is  not  mentioned.  On  account  of  the 
character  I feel  inclined  to  assign  these  inscriptions  to  the 
third  or  second  century  B.C.,  which  is  the  approximate  date 
adopted  for  Bahasatimita. 

^ Cf.  Catalogue  of  the  Archmological  Mumim  at  Mathnrd  (Allahabad, 
1910),  pp.  184  tf. 

“ Cf.  JRAS. 

^ The  i stroke  of  the  syllable  preceding  tu  is  still  partly  preserved.. 

V.  A.  Smith,  Catalog^ie  of  the  Coim  in  the  Indian  Mmmm,  Calcutta, 
Oxford,  1906,  pp.  146,  155,  185. 


Inscribed  bricks  from  Gaimshra,  Mound  No. 


AECHiKOLOGICAL  EXPL0RA1TON-AN\  IKDIA,.  1910-11  121 

. Tlieasecond  site  exaroiri.ed'was  that-of  Ganeslira,  a village 
situated  some  three  ■ miles 'west  of  ■Mathura  city,  to  the 
north  of,  the  road  to  Govardhan.  . It  was  here  that 
Dr.  Flihrer  discovered  a very  fine  Bodhisattva  statue,  now 
pre.served  in  the  ■ Lucknow  Museumd,  This  statue,,,.  I in  a}' 
remark  in  passing,  is  especially  interesting  on  account  of 
its  evident  relationship  to  the  Bodhisattva  type  of 
Gandhara. 

The  site  of  Ganeshra  comprises  three  distinct  mounds. 
The  mound  nearest  the  village  yielded  numerous  red 
sandstone  fragments,  which  must  have  belonged  to  a 
small-sized  railing.  One  of  these  fragments  bears  an 
incomplete  inscription  in  one  line  which  1 .read/Bhagava 
pQXisdda.  The  character  is  Brahmi  of  the  third  or  second 
century  B.c, 

Another  incomplete  inscription  in  two  lines  on  a rounded 
piece  of  red  sandstone  (PL  II,  Fig.  2)  found  in  the  second 
Ganeshra  mound  reads  as  follows (1)  . . . sa  Ksliaha- 
■rdfxtsa  Ghatdkasa  . . . , (2)  ...  ye  thiipa  pcdi  . . . 
Notwithstanding  its  very  fragmentary  state  this  short 
record  is  of  interest  for  tw'O  reasons.  First  of  all  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  it  records  the  constitution  of 
a stupa  (Prakrit  thupa).  The  wmrd  following  tliupa 
may  be  safely  restored  as  (Sanskrit  pratisli- 

thdpitah).  We  may  add  that  the  monument  in  question 
was  in  all  probability  Buddhist.  A stone  parasol  which 
was  found  lying  at  the  foot  of  the  mound,  and  which  had 
previously  been  taken  to  the  Museum,  perhaps  once 
surmounted  the  referred  to  in  the  inscription. 

The  second  point  of  interest  is  the  word  KshxJuirdta, 
which  occurs  in  the  first  line.  This  term  is  well  known 
from  some  of  the  Western  Cave  inscriptions  which 
mention  the  Kshaharata  king  and  Satrap  Nahapana. 
The  Kshaharata  clan,  according  to  Mr.  V.  A.  Smith, 

^ It  is  figured  in  V.  A.  Sinith,  The  Jain  Stupa  of  MatMird^  pi.  Ixxxvii  ; 
cf.  also  my  Mathura  Ckitalogue^  p.  39. 


12,2  ABCK^EOLOGieAL  EXPLOBAM^  IN  INDIA,  1910-11 

probably  a branch  of  the  Sakas,  held  sway  in  Western 
India  in  the  end  of  the  first  and  in  the  beginning  of  the 
second  century  of  our  era.  It  is  of  some  interest  to  find 
a Kshaharata  mentioned  here  in  an.  inscription  from 
Mathura.  Unfortunately  the  epigraph  is  too  fragmentary 
to  allow  our  drawing  any  certain  conclusions  from  it. 
It  may,  however,  be  assumed  that  the  word  immediately 
preceding  Kshaharatasa  was  hsliatrapasa,  if  we  may 
judge  from  what  remains  of  the  missing  letters. 

The  syllable  ye  preceding  the  word  tliwpOj  would  seem 
to  indicate  that  the  stupa  was  not  founded  by  the 
Kshaharata  satrap  Ghataka  himself,  but  by  one  of  his 
female  relations.  The  name  of  Ghataka  does  not  seem  to 
occur  on  coins  or  in  any  other  epigraphical  documents. 
The  character  of  the  inscription  agrees  closely  with  the 
Brahmi  used  in  the  records  of  the  reign  of  Kanishka ; 
it  may  even  be  earlier. 

The  same  mound  produced  twenty-four  inscribed  bricks 
and  brickbats.  Two  of  them  are  complete  (13|  by  10|  b}?" 
3 inches),  and  contain  the  following  legend:  Rohadevasa 
Kolcadalsal  (PI.  II,  Fig.  3).  Portions  of  the  same  word,, 
sometimes  in  reversed  order,  occur  on  several  of  the 
brickbats.  On  some  of  the  broken  bricks  we  find  the 
name  Gomita  (Sanskrit  Gomitra)  or  the  compound 
Gomitdmacha  (Sanskrit  GdmUrdondtya),  usually  in  the 
instrumental  case,  the  word  kdritam  following  (PL  II, 
Fig.  4).  In  one  case  we  have  Gomitasa  amach[ena'],  and 
in  another  . . . chena  Kohade[na],  which  I propose  to 
complete  as  Gdmitdmachena  Kohadena  kdritam.  We 
may  infer  that  Rohadeva  Koliada  ( = Kohala  ?)  was  the 
minister  {amdtya)  of  Gomita,  and,  as  it  follows  that  the 
latter  was  in  all  probability  a local  ruler,  it  is  very 
tempting  to  identify  him  with  the  Gomita  or  Gomitra 
whose  coins  have  been  found  at  Mathura.^  The  date  of 


^ Of.  V.  A.  Smith,  Catalogue^  pp.  190,  194. 


ARCILEOLOGICAL  EXPLOBATIOX  IN  INDIA,  1910-11  128 

'.tlie,'  inscribed  bricks  must- : -be  the  third  •.or  ..second 
century  b,.g.  , 

' The  third  'site  examined  -was  that  of  Jaisiiighpura, 
3 miles  north  of  Mathura  city,  to  the  west  of  the  road 
to  Briridaban.  iftiat  this  site  also  marks  the  spot  of  an 
ancient  Buddhist  sanctuary  is  evident  from  the  numerous 
sculptural  remains  founcl  in  the  course  of  excavation. 
They  include  fragments  of  Buddha  images  and  of  veiy 
elaborate  haloes,  the  former  apparently  belonging  to  the 
Kuslian  and  the  latter  to  the  Gupta  period,  further  lions, 
two  Garudas,  and  fragments  of  a stone  railing. 

The  Mathura  excavations,  though  not  as  productive  as 
iiiiglit  have  been  hoped,  have  yielded  some  interesting 
results,  and  Pandit  Radha  Krishna  deserves  great  credit 
for  his  care  in  supervising  them. 

The  archaeological  excavations  at  Kasia  in  the  Gorakhpur 
district  of  the  United  Provinces  were  resumed  this  year  in 
the  month  of  January  and  carried  oil  till  the  middle  of 
April.  During  this  period  the  Eamabhar  and  Nirvana 
stupas  were  examined  and  several  parts  of  the  site 
excavated.  Pandit  Hirananda,  who  was  in  charon  of  the 
work,  has  sent  me  the  following  resume  : — 

''After  fixing  the  centre  of  the  Ramabhar  Stupa, it 
was  found  that  the  shaft  that  had  been  sunk  by  some 
civil  officer  long  ago  was  not  very  wide  of  the  mark. 
Digging  was  carried  down  to  a depth  of  47  feet  from  the 
top  of  the  extant  portion  of  the  stupa  down  to  virgin  soil, 
but  did  not  reveal  any  deposit  whatsoever.  I came  upon 
water  at  the  depth  of  47  feet  and  had  to  stop  work  at 
a further  depth  of  about  4 feet.  To  the  south  of  the 
stupa  the  basement  of  a ruined  structure  was  completely 
opened.  This  building,  the  nature  of  which  is  not  yet 
clear,  must  have  been  very  fine,  as  is  evident  from  the 

For  the  local  topography  vide  V.  D.  Smith,  The  Bemains  near  Kasia^ 
Allahabad,  1896,  and  my  notes  ASR.,  1904-5,  pp.  43  IF.  ; 1905-6, 
pp.  61  JF.  ; and  1906-7,  pp.  44  jff.  [J.  Ph.  V.]. 


124  AUCHJ50L0GICAL  EXPLOEATIGN  m INDIA,  1910-11 

large-sized  ornamental  bricks  found  in  large  numbers  on 
the  spot.  From  the  nature  of  the  carving  on  them  it 
would  appear  that  they  vvere  joined  in  such  a way  as 
to  form  human  and  other  figures  (PL  III,  Fig.  1).  They 
are  all  bored  right  through  either  to  receive  wooden  dowels 
or,  what  is  more  probable,  for  baking  purposes,  as  they  do 
not  correspond  with  one  another. 

“Near  the  enclosure  wall  of  the  main  site  towards  the 
nortli  and  opposite  Monastery  E,  excavated  in  previous 
\mars,  a monastery  built  on  to  the  latter  and  evidently 
co-existent  with  it  was  entirely  opened.  Like  E it  is 
paved  with  large  brick  tiles.  It  must  have  contained 
several  shrines,  as  is  shown  by  the  remains  of  pedestals  in 
the  cells.  A large  room  on  the  south  side  (26  ft.  9 in.  by 
13ft.  Sin.)  has  several  fire-places  in  it,  and  must  have 
served  as  a kitchen.  At  the  north-west  and  south-west 
corners  of  this  monastery  ancient  walling  running  towards 
the  west  was  partly  exposed.  This  part  of  the  site  did 
not  yield  any  antiquities,  except  some  personal  and  a few 
Alalidparinirvdna  sealings.  Excavation  opposite  the 
Nirvana  temple  to  a depth  of  some  9 feet  revealed  a 
series  of  monastic  cells.  The  structure  of  which  they 
form  part  must,  on  account  of  its  low  level,  be  one  of  the 
oldest  on  the  site.  It  was  here  that  minor  antiquities  of 
considerable  interest  were  found,  such  as  the  Malidpari- 
nirvana  seals  with  Buddha^s  coffin  between  the  twin  sal 
trees  (PL  III,  Fig.  2),  large  bricks  of  unusual  size  (25  bj" 
14  by  3J-  in.),  terra-cottas,  and  a silver  coin  which  appears 
to  be  that  of  a Satrap  king.  Digging  here  involved  much 
labour  in  consequence  of  the  depth  at  which  tlie  building 
was  reached. 

“ In  view  of  a proposal  made  by  the  Buddhist  community 
of  Calcutta  to  repair  the  sMjpa  behind  the  Nirvana  temple, 
it  was  tliouglit  necessary  to  ascertain  whetlier  it  contained 
any  remains  that  might  thi'ow  some  light  on  the  great 
topographical  problem  of  the  supposed  identity  of  Kasia 


AR.CI1  /EOLOGICAL  EXPLORATIOK ' -.IN  ■I.NBI A, , , 1 9 1 0-11  125 

with  Kiisinaifi.  CJoiiHequeiitly  - the'  .top,,  portion  ..of  ' the 
clriim,.  .(about  25  feet  high)  was-  disinaiitled  and.  „a  shaft 
sunk  .in  .the  centre  of  this  structure.  , At  a depth  of 
14  feet  ,a  circular  pit,  2, ft.  .1  in.  wide  and  deep,,  was 
reached,  which  prove.d  to  , be  ■ a- -'relic,  ■chamber.  Here 
a copper  vessel,  the  rnoutli  covered . with  a copper-plate.,., 
was  found  placed  in  a layer  of  sand  containing  many  small 
cowries.  The  plate  bears  several  lines  of  wniting,  but  its 
written  surface  being  unprotected  and  turned  upwnirds  it 
wnrs  badly  corroded.  It  is  curious  that  the  first  line  alone 
is  engraved^  the  remaining  lines  being  all  w-ritten  in 
black  ink.  The  plate  has  been  sent  to  Dr.  Hoernle  for 
examination.  The  contents  of  the  vessel,  excepting  tlie 
precious  stones,  etc.,  are  two  copper  tubes.  One  contained 
a white  greasy  substance  and  the  other  some  silver  coins 
of  Kumaragupta,  the  son  and  successor  of  Chandragupta  II, 
some  ashes,  pieces  of  charcoal,  precious  stones,  pearls,  and 
a silver  tube.  The  latter  enclosed  a gold  tube  wliich  had 
some  minute  particles  of  a brownish  substance  and  two 
drops  of  liquid. 

“ In  the  supposition  tliat  this  was  perhaps  a later  deposit, 
tlie  shaft  was  continued,  though  lessened  in  w'idtli,  and 
carried  down  to  virgin  soil,  which  was  reached  at  a depth 
of  34  feet  from  the  top  of  the  monument.  Here  near  the 
centre  a well-preserved  little  stupa  with  a niclie  enshrining 
a terra-cotta  Buddha  facing  west  was  exposed.  The 
examination  of  the  interior  of  this  little  structure  did  not 
yield  anything  of  interest.  Evidently  this  chaitya  stood 
on  the  site  before  the  large  stWpa  was  built  over  it.  The 
difterence  in  their  age,  ho’wever,  does  not  appear  to  be 
considerable,  as  bricks  of  the  Gupta  period  are  used  in  both. 

It  wull  be  remembered  that  Mr.  A.  C.  L.  Carlleyle  in 
the  course  of  Ms  Kasia  excavations  in  1875-7  discovered 
a shrine  in  wdiich  originally  the  colossal  Bodlii  image 

^ This  line  is  the  Sanskrit  version  of  the  nsual  introduction  to  the 
Pali  sitOTis  [J.  Ph.  Y.]. 


126  ARCHiKOLOGICAL  EXPLORATION  IN  INDIA,  1910-11 

locally  known  as  Matha  Knar  innst  liave  been  enshrined. 
Here  he  found  also  a stone  inscription,  now  in  the  Lucknow 
Museum,  from  which  it  appears  that  the  founder  was  a 
scion  of  the  Kalachuri  race.  The  inscription  belongs  to 
the  eleventh  or  twelfth  century.^  The  recent  excavations 
have  revealed  the  interesting  fact  that  the  shrine  in  question 
is  not  a detached  building,  but  is  in  reality  the  chapel  of 
a monastery  very  similar  in  design  to  the  Saheth  ]\Ioiiastery 
No.  21,  in  which  the  copper-plate  of  Govindacliandra  was 
found  in  1908.  The  pedestal  in  the  chapel  was  fullj^  laid 
bare,  and  the  image  of  Buddha  referred  to  was  retixed  and 
restored  to  its  original  position.  Except  a few  votive  clay 
seals  with  the  ' Buddhist  Creed'  formula,  and  a Kushan 
copper  coin,  nothing  was  found  here,  a circumstance  leading 
one  to  surmise  that  these  later  buildings  were  gradually 
deserted  when  Buddhism  lost  its  hold  on  the  people  and 
its  votaries  were  no  longer  worshipped  or  honoured  witli 
gifts." 

It  is  soniewliat  disappointing  that  the  exploration  carried 
on  at  Kasia  by  Pandit  Hirananda  lias  not  led  to  the 
solution  of  the  problem  of  the  supposed  identity  of  the  site 
with  tliat  of  Kusinara.  The  only  documents  found  in  the 
course  of  last  jmar  s excavation  Avhich  have  a distinct 
bearing  on  this  question,  are  the  three  inscribed  clay 
tablets  showing  Buddhas  coffin  between  the  twin  sal  trees 
o^^er  the  legend  : 3Iahdparinirv&na-hhikshusang]Lasya,  or 
ilakCqoarinirvdna  hhikshusangha. 

The  three  tablets  belong  to  twm  different  dies.  Their 
date  must  be  the  same  as  that  of  the  similar  objects  found 
by  me  in  the  season  1 905-6, ^ but  it  should  be  noticed  tliat 
the  latter  represent  again  another  die  -with  a somewhat 
different  legend.  In  each  case  we  find  the  same  emblem  : 
the  coffin  between  the  sal  trees.  It  will  he  remembered 

^ F.  Kielhorn,  “ Epigraphic  Notes/’  No.  8,  in  Kachrichten  cUr  K. 
Geselhcha/t  der  Wissenschaften  zu  QoUingeUi  Phil.  Hist.  Klasse,  1903, 
Heft  3,  pp.  300  ff. 


. AHCH/F/)LO(UCAL  EXPLORATION  IN  INDIA,  19l0-il.  127 

that  in,  the  coni'se  oi*  my  excavatioins  of  1905-aV^  one 
clay  tablet  was  found  showing  a flaming  pyre,  with  tlu* 
legend  SV7-J/uhi6hi6a7idM  ' 

Now' the  alhiinpo.rtant  question  is:  what  wa.s  the  iise  to, 
which,  tliese  clay  tablets  were  put?,'  Were  they  atta.ched 
to  letters  or  parcels  addressed  to  the  Co.ii vent  of  Kasia,  or 
were  they  meinentoes  manufactured  locally  for  the  use  of 
pilgrims  ? Tlie  tablets  themselves  do  not  enable  us  to 
answer  this  question,  as  in  some  cases  they  show  traces  of 
ha,ving  been  attached  to  some  object,  and  in  other  cases 
they  are  perfectly  smooth  at  the  back. 

The  circumstance  that,  with  two  exceptions,  all  the 
sealings  of  this  kind  belong  to  the  Convent  of  tlie  Great 
Decease,  renders  it  very  tempting  to  conclude  tliat  their 
find-spot  is  indeed  the  Monastery.  Unfortunately,  no 
seal-die  has  been  discovered  with  a similar  legend.  On 
the  contrary,  a seal -die  belonging  to  the  Buddhist 
community  of  Yishnudvipa  (Pali  VefJiacUpa),  wliich  was 
found  in  my  excavation  of  1906-7,  adds  to  tlie  un- 
certainty. In  the  circumstances  it  will  be  wisest  to  hope 
that  further  explorations  will  yield  at  last  decisive  proof. 

Owing  to  the  unfavourable  circumstances  referred  to 
above,  no  special  %vorks  of  antiquarian  research  could 
be  undertaken  either  in  the  Eastern  or  in  the  Western 
Circle.  At  Sitahati  in  the  Burdwan  (aneient  Yardliamfina) 
district  of  Bengal  a copper-plate  was  discovered  which 
was  examined  by  Dr.  Spooner.  It  records  a grant  of 
land  by  Vilasadevi,  the  mother  of  King  BalJalasena,  and 
is  apparently  dated  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his  reign. 

Babu  R.  D.  Banerji,  of  the  Indian  Museum,  reports  the 
discovery  of  eight  inscriptions,  seven  on  copper  and  one  on 
stone.  He  has  also  found  three  other  stone  inscriptions, 
which  had  only  been  noticed,  but  wliich  deserve  to  be 

^ Cf.  this  Journal  for  1907,  pp.  365  ff.,  and  ASPw.  for  1905-6,  p.  83. 


128  AECHA^mOGICAL  EXPLOEATION  IN  INDIA,  1910-11 

published.  The  kings  represented  in  these  eleven 
inscriptions  are — 

(1)  Madhyamaraja,  of  the  Sailodbhava  family,  whose 
date  is  the  year  88,  probably  of  the  Harsha  era. 

(2)  Dliruvaiianda,  of  a hitherto  unknown  family  of 
Orissa,  whose  date  is  the  tenth  century  of  the  Vikraina  era. 

(3)  Gayadatuiiga,  of  the  Tuhga  family,  an  inscription 
of  whose  reign  has  already  been  published  by  Professor 
Nilmoni  Chakravarti  in  the  Journal  of  the  Bengal  Asiatic 
Society  (vol.  5,  p.  347). 

(4)  Ranabhahja,  of  the  Bhahja  familj?^  of  Orissa,  who, 
according  to  Mr.  Banerji,  seems  to  have  reigned  for  not 
less  than  fifty-four  years. 

(5)  Kulastambha,  of  the  Sulki  family,  of  whose  time 
two  other  grants  have  been  published. 

(6)  Asakendra,  of  the  Naga  family,  whose  date  is 
Vikrama-Samvat  1336. 

(7)  Gopala,  of  the  Pala  dynasty  of  Bengal,  identified  on 
palgeographical  grounds  with  Gopala  III. 

(8)  Narayanapala,  in  whose  ninth  year  a Buddhist 
monk  from  the  Andhra  country  made  a gift  of  the  image 
on  which  the  inscription  is  engraved. 

(9)  Nayapala.  The  inscription  is  dated  in  the  fifteenth 
year  of  the  king,  and  was  composed  by  Vaidya  Vajrapani. 

(10)  Mahendrapala,  of  the  Pratihara  family. 

Mr.  D.  B.  Bhandarkar  reports  the  discovery  of  two 
Brahmanical  temples  in  EajputanA  One  dedicated  to 
Mata  is  found  at  Fosal  in  the  Kishangarh  State. 
According  to  Mr.  Bhandarkar  it  belongs  to  the  tenth 
century,  the  spire,  except  the  lowermost  portion,  being 
modern  and  plastered.  The  hack  niche  contains  a much 
disfigured  image  of  the  Sun-god,  seated,  as  usual,  on 
a chariot  drawn  by  seven  prancing  horses.  The  other 
temple  is  found  at  Khed,  which  was  the  ancient  capital  of 
the  Rathors  before  they  settled  at  Jodhpur.  The  porch 


ARCHyE0L0C4ICAL  EXPLORATIOK  IN  INDIA,  1910^11  129 


of  the  temple/'  Mr.  Bhandarkar  writes,  contains  pillars  of 
the  second  half  of  the  ninth  century,  which  have  been 
rebuilt  (PL  IV,  Fig.  1).  The  pillars  oi  sahliamwnclc^^^^ 
(PL  IV,  Fig.  2)  represent  eleventh  century  work,  and  are 
of  the  same  style  as  those  in  the  temple  of  Vimala  Sa  on 
Mount  xibu.  One  of  the  ceilings  is  an  almost  exact  copy 
of  a similar  one  in  the  temple  just  referred  to.” 

In  the  Southern  Circle  Mr.  Rea  explored  the  rock-cut 
caves  at  Perungalam,  nearly  eight  miles  to  the  south-east 
of  Tellicherry  railway  station,  and  the  prehistoric  site  of 
Kaniy^ampuiidi,  situated  at  a distance  of  nearly  two  miles 
to  the  east  of  Mangalam  railway  station.  He  also 
continued  his  excavation  of  the  ruined  Buddhist  Monastery 
at  Ramatirtham.  As  an  account  of  his  operations  will 
shortly  appear  in  the  Annual  Progress  Report  of  the 
Southern  Circle,  it  will  be  unnecessary  to  go  here  into 
further  detail. 

In  Burma  Mr.  Taw  Sein  Ko  resumed  his  excavations 
at  Yathemyo  in  the  Prome  District,  but  his  researches 
did  not  result  in  any  such  discoveries  as  would  seem  to 
call  for  immediate  publication. 

All  account  of  inscriptions  discovered  in  the  Northern 
Circle  has  been  given  in  the  course  of  these  pages. 
Mr.  Venkayya  has  favoured  me  with  the  following  resume 
of  epigrajjhical  discoveries  made  in  the  South : — 

'(In  Southern  India  two  'hero-stones'  {vmigaV)  were 
found  at  Odclappatti  in  the  Salem  District.  They  bear 
Vatteluttu  inscriptions  of  the  7th  and  27th  year  of 
Sripurusha  or  Sripurushavarman,  identical  probably  with 
the  Western  Gahga  king  Sripurusha-Muttarasa,  who, 
according  to  Dr.  Fleet,  flourished  between  xi.D.  765 
and  805. 

" At  Vellaliir,  near  Coimbatore,  were  copied  two  epigraphs 
of  about  the  ninth  century  A.D.  One  of  them  belongs  to 
Kokkandan  Viranarayana  and  the  other  to  Kokkandan 
Ravi.  Both  of  them  claim  to  be  ' the  sovereign  jewels  of 


130  ARCH/EOLOGICAL  EXPLORATION  INDIA,  1910-11 

the  lunar  and  vsolar  races  ’.  According  to  the  plates  of 
Vira-Chola  noticed  in  the  Madras  Epigraphical  Report  for 
1905-6,  paragraphs  31  and  32,  the  Cheras  belonged  to 
the  solar  race.  The  Wo  kings  mentioned  in  the  Yellahlr 
records  seem  to  be  Chera  kings  related  to  the  Pandyas, 
who  belonged  to  the  lunar  race.  This  was  probably  how 
the  two  kings  came  to  call  themselves  ^ jewels  of  the  lunar 
and  solar  races  The  inscription  mentioning  Kokkandan 
found  by  me  at  Tillasthanam  in  the  Tanjore  District  in 
February  last  supports  my  surmise,  originally  based  on 
the  Vira-Chola  plates,  that,  during  the  period  of  Chela 
ascendancy  in  Southern  India,  the  Cheras  had  probably 
become  their  feudatories.  It  is  just  possible  that 
Kokkandan  Ravi  of  the  Vellalur  inscription  is  identical 
with  No.  8 Ravi  of  the  genealogical  table  of  the  Cheras 
given  on  p.  74  of  the  Madras  Epigraphical  Report  for 
1905-6. 

/^At  Dharmapuri  in  the  Salem  District  were  discovered 
two  more  Nolamba  inscriptions  which  add  to  our  know- 
ledge of  the  history  of  the  family.  Mahendra  and  his 
son  Ayyapa  are  reported  to  have  married  Gaiiga  princesses. 
Ammanaraya  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  enemies  of 
Ayyapa.  As  the  Eastern  Chalukya  king  Chalukjm- 
Bhima  II  claims  to  have  killed  Ayyapa  between  A.D.  934 
and  945,  we  may  identify  Ammanaraya  wdth  Ammaraja  I 
(a.d.  918-25).  Ayyapa’s  Anniga  had  for  his  queen  tlie 
Chaliiki  princess  Attiyabbarasi.  His  son  and  successor 
was  Irula,  whose  date  is  Saka  853.  As  his  paternal  uncle 
Diliparasa  was  reigning  at  the  time,  it  has  to  be  supposed 
that  Irula  was  governing  the  eastern  portion  of  the 
Nolamba  dominions  in  which  Tagadai-nadu  (Tagadfir 
being  the  ancient  name  of  Dharmapuri,  -where  tlie 
inscriptions  \vere  found)  was  probably  included. 

‘‘Another  important  find  of  the  season  is  the  Veliir- 
palaiyam  copper-plate  inscription  of  the  Pallava  king 
Nandi varman  III,  a brief  account  of  which  has  already 


::  ABCHiEOLOGieAL.  EXFBOEATIGN"  IK  INDIA,  1910™11  131 

'appeared  iii'  tliis  Journal  ,(pp.  521-4)..  , Nandivarmari  III, 
also  called  Ko-Vijaya-Naiidivarinan  in,  tlie  Tamil  portion, 
was  apparently  the  grandson  of ' Nandivarman  .Pallava- 
malla,  wlio  usurped  the  Pallava  kingdom  on  the  death  of 
PaiBmesvaraxuirman  II.  It  is  clear  that  on  the  death  of 
Parainesvaravarinan  II  there,  was  a war  of  succession.  .i,n. 
whicli  the  DraBiila  princes  (i.e.  the  Pandyas  and  perhaps 
also  the  Cholas)  apparently  took  up  the  cause  of  the 
descendants  of  the  deceased  king.  Eventually,  Pallava- 
malla  was  ''  chosen  ’’  by  the  subjects^  to  use  the  words  of 
tlie  Kasakudi  plates.  In  the  same  plates,  he  is  said  to 
belong  to  the  brancli  of  Bhima  ^ (Bhimavargyo),  evidently 
to  distinguish  him  from  the  other  Pallava  princes  who 
claimed  descent  from  Pararnesvaravarman  II,  and  some  of 
whom  were  perhaps  living  at  the  time.  This  Pallavamalla 
obtained  the  kingdom  by  conquest,  and  his  descendants 
appear  to  have  chosen  the  epithet  vAgaya  and  tlie  suffix 
Vikrmnavcmnan  to  distinguish  themselves  from  the  other 
Pallava  princes,  who  were  defeated  in  the  war  of  succession, 
as  well  as  their  descendants.  The  latter  could  only  boast 
of  their  descent  in  the  Bharadvaja-^oj^ra. 

The  village  of  Tiruvadandai  in  the  Chingleput  District, 
one  of  the  108  sacred  places  of  the  Vaishnavites,  was 
examined  during  the  last  field-season.  An  inscription  of 
a certain  Eajamarayar,  ‘'wdio  took  the  head  of  Vira- 
Pandjm,”  was  found  here  along  with  ancient  Chola  records 
and  epigraphs  of  the  Rashtraktita  king,  Krishna  III. 
Perhaps  Eajamarayar  was  a chief,  who,  like  Parthivendra- 
varman,  helped  the  Chola  king  Aditya  Kaiikala  in  his 
war  against  Vira-Pandya. 

''From  the  Hoysala  inscriptions  copied  in  the  Salem 
District  Mr.  Krishna  Sastri  determines  the  initial  dates 
of  Vira-Narasiiiiha  II  (viz.  A.D.  1220),  Vira-Sornes vara 
(viz.  A.D.  1223),  and  Vira-Eamanatha  (viz.  a.d.  1255).  The 

^ South  Indian  Inscriptions,  vol.  ii,  p.  357,  verse  27. 

^ Ibid.,  verse  30. 


132  ARCH.i:OLOGICVVL  EXPLORAllON^^^^m  1910-11 

initial  date  of  the  last  king  was  found  by  the  late 
Mr.  Dikshit  to  lie  between  June  16  and  July  20,  A.D.  1255 
{Ep.  IqicI,  vol.  hi,  p.  10). 

“ In  tlie  Burma  Circle,  two  fragments  of  stone  inscriptions 
were  discovered  when  clearing  the  debris  round  the  Baw- 
bawgyi  Pagoda  at  Hmawza  in  the  Prome  District.  The 
alphabet  of  these  fragments  is  about  the  6th  or  7th 
century  A.D.  The  language  is  Pali  and  the  subject-matter 
is  evidently  Buddhist  doctrine. 

“ During  the  excavations  at  Tawadeintha  Pagoda  at  the 
same  ];>lace  two  inscribed  clay  votive  tablets  were  found, 
Mr.  G.  0.  Blagden,  to  whom  estampages  of  the  inscriptions 
were  submitted,  thinks  that  the  script  is  Pyu.  Mr.  Taw 
Sein  Ko  adds:  'It  seems  probable  that  this  language  was 
spoken  somewhere  on  the  Northern  fringe  of  the  Talaing 
language  sphere,  which  at  that  time  must  have  extended 
nearly  to  the  latitude  of  Prome.' 

" Mr.  Taw  Sein  Ko  has  been  studying,  from  an  impression, 
the  Burmese  inscription  at  Bodh-Gaya  for  the  purpose  of 
editing  it  in  the  Epigrap)hia  loidica.  His  paper  on  the 
subject  is  now  in  the  press.  He  thinks  there  is  no  doubt 
that  the  initial  date  is  657  = A.D.  1295  and  the  final 
660  = A.D.  1298.  From  considerations  based  on  Burmese 
history  he  concludes  that ' the  last  repairs  to  the  Mahabodhi 
temple  alluded  to  in  the  inscription  were  carried  out  under 
the  auspices  of  a king  of  Arakan 


¥I 


' THE  PICTORIAL  ASPECTS  OF  AHCIEHT  ARABIA!* 

POETRY 

By  Sm  CHARLES  J.  LYALL,  K.C.S.I.,  LL.D. 

(Read  November  14,  1911) 

A FEW  months  ago  I endeavoured  to  give  to  an 
audience  in  this  room  some  account  of  an  ancient 
Arabian  poet,  ‘Abid  of  Asad,^  whose  remains,  recently 
recovered  from  the  oblivion  of  the  past,  are  now  being 
printed.  I explained  the  great  position  -which  the  poet 
occupied  in  old  tribal  Arabia : how  his  championship  in 
verse  was  as  important  to  the  interests  of  tlie  clan  as 
the  prowess  in  arms  of  its  men  of  war;  and  how  in  the 
southern  deserts  he  held  a place  scarcely  inferior  to  that 
of  the  prophet  in  tribal  Israel.  It  was  his  business  to 
extol  the  deeds  of  the  warriors,  to  inspire  the  members 
of  the  tribe  with  fortitude  and  devotion  to  its  interests, 
to  maintain  its  cause  in  all  contentions,  to  strike  its 
enemies  with  biting  satire,  and  to  uphold  the  heroic 
ideal  of  conduct  to  wdiich  all  should  aspire  by  praise  of 
the  worthy,  and  especially  by  consecrating  the  memory  of 
the  valiant  dead  in  those  noble  laments  which  form  the 
most  beautiful  and  touching  monuments  of  old  Arabian 
verse. 

I wish  now  to  dwell  for  a short  time  upon  another 
aspect  of  ancient  Arabian  poetry,  its  expression  of  the 
artistic  life  of  the  race — that  ''natural  magic’’  which,  as 
Matthew^  Arnold  used  to  say,  is  the  essential  element  in 
all  great  poetry,  the  art  by  wdiich  the  seer  makes  others 
see,  and  compels,  out  of  common  life,  the  emergence  of 

^ See  JRAS.,  April,  1911,  p.  581.  The  paper  was  not  printed,  because 
the  information  contained  in  it  will  shortly  be  published  in  an  edition  of 
the  poems  now  in  the  press. 


i:]4  PICTOlilAL  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIENT,  ABABIAN  POETEY 

eapdiin!  which  In’in^’s  home  even  to  us,  so  far  I'eiijovcd  in 
turn  aiH;l  clreuiiistance,  the  touch  of  natiii'e  wliich  makes 
,‘ili  isH*u  kin. 

Arabia  is,  and  always- has  been,  one' of.  the  poorest 
f»r  the  earths  surface.  It  is  a land  of  desert  and 
drou;4’lit-,  <>i.‘  liun^t’er  and  thirst,  of  rock  and  sand,  of  sheets 
o[  la,\'a  and  stony  plains;  the  conditions  of  life  at  their 
bt.'st  adiiiit  of  little  luxury,  and  the  constant  change  of 
place  which  is  required  by  the  necessity  of  seeking  fresh 
pasture ‘ for  the  herds  of  camels  and  sheep  in  which  the 
tribal,  wealth  consists  precludes  the  growth  of  those  arts 
which  can  flourish,  only  in  regions  of  ample  livelihood  and 
settled  habitation.  The  Arab's  home  is  the  moving 
village"  tas  Doughty  calls  it)  of  black  haircloth.  His 
possessions,  apart  from  his  herds,  are  such  things  as  he 
can  carry  with  him  on  his  camels.  His  furniture  is 
scanty  and  rude,  his  raiment  none  too  costly,  liis  ornaments 
few  and  insigniticant.  Almost  the  only  possessions  of 
which  he  makes  his  boast  are  his  arms  and  armour — the 
slender  spear  of  Indian  bamboo,  the  sword  of  Indian 
steel,  tl.ie  mail-coat  of  Persian  in ake,  the  peaked  helmet 
(/c&u'o?)  of  Roman  pattern,  the  bow  and  arrows  well 
fashioned  of  desert-grown  woods.  With  these  he  ranks 
that  wliich  down  to  the  present  day  forms  the  chief  glory 
of  Arabia,  the  matchless  strain  of  horses  bred  there— the 
Friend  brought  up  in  his  tents,  more  to  him  than  his 
cliildren,  and  preferred  to  them  in  the  distribution  of  the 
precious  camels'  milk  which  forms  the  daily  sustenance 
of  both. 

In  such  a life  there  was  no  room  for  the  growth  of  art 
in  the  materia]  sense.  Architecture  was  impossible  to 
those  who  dwelt  in  houses  of  hair ; painting  and  sculpture 
were  admired  only  as  far-off  glories  of  the  settled  life 
wliicli  lay  beyond  the  bounds  of  tribal  Arabia.  Embroidery 
and  textile  work,  such  as  existed,  were  not  the  product  of 
Arabian  fingers,  but  were  brought  from  abroad,  chiefly 


PICTORIAL  ASPECTS  OF  AXCIEKT  ARABIAK  POETRY  135 

from  the  ciiltiire-Iaiid  of  the  yamaii.',  ■ Chased  work  of 
silver  aiid  gold,  of  wluch  we  hear  chiefly  in  connexion 
witli  wine  and  re\'ehy,  came  from  tliat  great  nation,  of 
artists,  the  empire  of  Persia.  Wlien  we  speak  of  Arab 
art,  we  are  speaking  of  a thing  which  is,  in  its  esseiitial 
cluiracteristies,  not  Aralnan  at  all,  but  the  prodiict  of 
tliose  culture-lands  over  whicli,  in  the  great  outpouring  of 
the  Arab  coiiq nest,  the  race  spread  itself,  and  on  wliicli  not 
Arabian  genius,  but  the  niighty  impress  of  Islam,  tlie  new 
faith  of  tlie  Propliet  of  Mecca,  stamped  itself  and  gave  it 
cliaraeter  and  purpose.  Arab  art  has  nothing  to  do  witli 
the  period  of  the  ancient  poetry. 

Yet  this  life,  so  poor  in  material  luxuries,  so  liard  in  its 
conditions  of  comfort,  had  its  compensations.  Tlie  pure 
air  of  the  desert  was  favourable  to  longevity,  and  in  itself 
a great  source  of  liealth.  The  Arab  was  of  nolde  breed, 
handsome  and  well-knit,  and  among  the  women  beauty 
wUvS  common.  The  practice  of  constant  wai'fare  and  tribal 
feud  produced  a manliness  and  self-reliance,  joined  to 
wariness  and  self-control,  which  fitted  the  people  so  trained 
for  tlieir  great  destiny  in  the  conquests  of  Islam,  The 
enormous  leisure  of  the  desert  marches,  where  the  means 
of  living  had  to  be  gathered  from  the  reluctant  soil, 
stimulated  to  the  highest  degree  the  faculty  of  observation. 
In  this  great  monotony  of  life  such  things  as  emerged  took 
a quite  exceptional  importance.  The  varying  features  of 
the  landscape, — mountains  and  stony  plains,  black  sheets 
of  lava  and  dunes  of  shifting  sand,  the  rare  springs  and 
pools,  the  scanty  trees  and  shrubs,  the  great  storms  of 
lio-htning  and  rain,  which  in  a short  time  transformed  the 
face  of  the  wilderness  and  brought  a sudden  glory  of 
spring,  and  especially  the  wild  creatures  wdth  which  their 
constant  movement  made  the  tribesmen  familiar, — all 
these  things  were  an  interest>and  bore  a meaning  whicli, 
in  a richer  and  more  ample  condition  of  life,  might  not 
have  made  themselves  felt.  Out  of  this  material  they 


IM  PfCT^miAL  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIENT  ARABIAN  POETRY.. 

constructed  their  poetry,  and  it' is.  of  .the  artistic  aide' of 
this  poetiy  that  I wish  to  speak  this  ■afternoon. 

Tiie  Arabian  ode  reflects  this  monotony,  but  it  also 
refh.'cts  tlie  keen  sense  of  observation  with  which  its 
aiitliors  were  gifted.  Of  the  human  aspects,  of  the 
piciures  of  life  and  conduct  which  it  displays,  there  is 
niiidi  to  say,  lait  these  are  not  now  iny  theme.  What 
I wish  to  set  before  you  are  those  little  landscapes,  chiefly 
of  animal  life,  wliich.  appear  to  me  to  represent  that  art 
which,  in  otlier  lands  finds  expression  in  painting,  which 
follows  similar  methods,  and  which  brings  before  us  the 
scene  with  a strengtli  and  sudden  vividness  wdiich  can  be 
matched  in  few  otlier  literatures. 

As  in  the  Homeric  poetiy,  these  passages  commonlj- 
present  themselves  as  similes,  and  tliey  are  mostly  used  to 
illustrate  tlie  swiftness  of  the  poet’s  horse  or  camel.  For 
this  purpose  be  chooses  the  fleetest  among  tlie  fauna  of 
the  desert — tlie  swooping  eagle,  the  oryx  or  white  antelope, 
the  wild-ass,  or  the  ostrich  and  his  mate ; and  of  eacli  in 
its  surroundings  he  makes  a picture,  as  faithful  and 
characteristic  as  he  is  able,  in  wliicb  every  stroke  is 
intended  to  heighten  the  impression  of  matchless  speed 
which  tlie  animal  puts  forth.  The  first  of  these  pictures 
which.  I wish  to  set  before  you  is  that  of  the  eagle  and 
the  fox,  taken  from  'Abid,  a poet  who,  as  I explained 
before,  is  one  of  tlie  earliest  of  whom  we  have  any  remains. 
He  is  describing  the  swiftness  of  his  mare  ^ — 

“ She  is  like  an  eagle,  swift  to  seize  her  quarry — in  her  nest  are 
the  hearts  of  her  victims  gathered. 

She  passed  the  night  on  a way-mark,  fasting,  still,  upright, 
like  an  aged  woman  whose  children  ail  are  dead; 

And  at  dawn  she  stood  in  the  piercing  cold,  the  hoarfrost 
dropping  from  her  feathers. 

Then  she  spied  on  the  moment  a fox  far  off — between  him 
and  her  was  a droughty  desert ; 


^ ‘A  bid,  DlwaUi  i,  vv,  35-45. 


PICTOBI A Jj. ASBEGTS  .;OP  • AKCIEKT.'  ■ AB ASIAN  FOETE Y 1 S 7 


Then  she  shook  her  feathers  and  stirred  herself,  ready  to  rise 
and  make  her  swoop. 

He  raised  his  tail  and  quailed  as  he  saw  her — so  behaves  his 
kind  when  fright  takes  hold  of  them. 

She  rose,  and  swiftly  towards  him  she  sped,  gliding  down, 

' making,  for  him  her  prey. 

He  creeps,  as  he  spies  her  coming,  on  his  belly ; his  eyes  show 
the  whites  as  they  turn  towards  her. 

Then  she  swoops  with  him  aloft,  and  casts  him  headlong,  and 
the  prey  beneath  her  is  in  pain  and  anguish  ; 

She  dashes  him  to  earth  with  a violent  shock,  and  all  his  face 
is  torn  by  the  stones  ; 

He  shrieks — but  her  talons  are  in  his  side  ; no  help ! — with 
her  beak  she  tears  his  breast!” 

The  words  are  few,  but  the  scene  is  presented  with 
astonishing  vividness.  Tliis  poem  Avas  probably  composed 
betAveen  510  and  530  A.D. 

The  next  piece  I Avould  ask  you  to  consider  may  be 
a hundred  years  later  in  date.  It  is  taken  from  the 
celebrated  poem  by  Labid  of  ‘Amir,  one  of  the  MvJallaqat. 
Labid  AA^as  an  older  contemporary  of  Muhammad,  and  in 
his  old  age  became  a Muslim,  but  the  poem  belongs  to  his 
pagan  days.  In  it  lie  compares  his  riding  camel,  first,  to 
a wdld-ass,  and  afterAAwxls  to  that  beautiful  animal  of  the 
Arabian  AAulderness,  the  Avhite  oryx,  Avhich  the  Arabs 
called  the  Avild-cow.  The  wild-ass  is  one  of  the  SAviftest 
■of  the  Arabian  fauna,  and  has  not  so  far  (to  my  knoAv ledge) 
been  observed  by  European  travellers  in  Arabia.  The 
poets  are  specially  fond  of  taking  it  as  a typo  of  speed, 
and  throughout  the  old  poetry  you  meet  it  constantly. 
Sometimes  it  is  a pair,  as  here,  male  and  female ; soine- 
times  the  male  has  several  mates.  He  grazes  AAdtli  them 
in  the  lush  meadows  filled  Avith  springing  pasture  by  the 
Avinter  rains,  having  no  need  to  drink,  so  juicy  is  their  food, 
until  the  oncoming  of  summer  dries  up  the  herbage,  and 
they  haA’e  to  seek  the  water-springs.  But  the  male  is 


i:'}8  FicmiuiAL  aspects  of  ancient  Arabian  poetry 

warjj  and  keeps  Im  mates  together  on  a rising  ground 
from  wlneli  hi?  can  scan  the  coiintry  round,  until,  with  tlie 
seltiijg  of  the  sun  and  the  conhiig  on  of  dusk,  he  thinks  it 
safe  to  nuiki?  fur  the  water.  In  many  of  these  pictures, 
lait  not  in  lluit  which  is  given  by  Labid,  a Eiinter  lies  hid 
in  ;i  booth  of  reeds  hy  tlie  side  of  the  spring,  and,  as  the 
wild-ass  anil  ]u>s  mates  come  down,  shoots  at  them.  In 
nearly  every  picture  he  misses,  but  the  surprise  sends  the 
wild -asses  galloping  away  with  frantic  speed. 

She  is  like  a wild  she-ass  great  with  young,  mated  to  a white- 
bcdlied  male,  thin  and  spare  from  his  fights  with  the 
staliioii  asses,  on  whom  he  has  fallen  with  hoof  and 
teeth. 

He  takes  his  w’ay  woth  her  to  the  uplands  among  the  hills,  his 
sides  all  scarred,  with  jealousy  in  his  lieart  roused  by  her 
rebellion  and  her  desire, 

To  the  broken  ground  of  ath-Thalabiit,  wiiere  he  scans  from 
the  heights  thereof  the  wilderness  of  rolling  uplands,  in 
dread  lest  the  guide-stones  should  hide  a foe. 

At  last,  when  they  came  to  the  end  of  the  six  months  of 
winter — and  nought  had  they  need  to  drink  for  the  long 
time  of  their  sojourn  there, 

They  resolved  to  turn  again,  and  seek  with  a steady  purpose 
th(3  w’ater-springs : and  the  ww  to  gain  one’s  end  is  to 
set  the  heart  firm  ! 

Their  pasterns  WTre  pricked  by  the  awns  of  the  barley  grass, 
and  there  sw^ept  over  them  the  fierce  blasts  of  summer,  in 

their  swiftness  and  their  heat ; 

And  they  raised  as  they  galloped  along  a train  of  dust  whose 
shadow^s  fieeted  like  the  smoke  of  a blazing  fire  with,  its 
wwd  w’rapped  in  ruddy  flame, 

Fanned  by  the.  north  wind,  its  dry  sticks  mixed  with  moist 
stems  of  'arfaj\  with  its  volumes  of  rolling  smoke  that 
rise  over  the  tongues  of  flame. 

He  sped  along,  thrusting  her  before  him — a custom  it  w\as  of 
his,  w^hen  she  turned  aside  from  the  road,  to  thrust  her 
on  in  front. 


PlCTOKIAIi  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIENT  ...A'EABUX  POETKT  IW 

And  they  plunged  together  by  .'.the. 'bank  of  the  rivulet  into 
a pool,  brirnining,  set  close  with  rushes,  and  splu.shed 
aboiU'  its  waters : 

A pool  set  rouiid  with  reeds  that  screened  it  from  tlie  sun — 
those  of  them  that  lay  in  a tangle  on  its  surface,  and 
those  that  stood  upright.”  ^ 

Then  he  turns  to  another  simile,  that  of  the  oryx. 
Tills  animal  has  often  been  seen  by  Europeans,  and  in 
Mr.  Doughis  Cari-uthers’  account  of  his  journej^  in  Xortliern 
Arabia  in  the  wdnter  (Januaiy-March)  of  1909,  publislied 
in  the  Journal  of  the  Ro^^ai  Geographical  Society  for 
March,  1910,  there  is  a photograph  (p.  240)  of  two  oryx 
wdiicli  he  had  shot:  he  obtained  five  spiecimens  in  all. 
The  Arabian  animal  is,  according  to  the  native  aiitlioiities, 
of  two  species,  one  wdiite,  tlie  other  dust-coloured,  the 
former  inhabiting  the  mountains,  the  latter  the  sands. 
Both  male  and  female  liave  long  and  straiglit  horns,  most 
formidable  weapons.  In  the  Natural  History  Museum 
you  may  see,  in  the  collection  of  African  antelope, 
a specimen  of  the  Oryx  heisa,  which  is  the  African  species, 
differing  from  the  Arabian  (Oryx  heatrice)  in  colour,  in 
greater  size,  and  in  the  horns  being  curved ; but  the 
wnry  in  which  the  specimen  is  mounted,  with  the  liorns 
couched  forward  in  defence,  slio\vs  the  attitude  whicii 
Labid  describes.  The  name  of  this  animal  in  Arabic, 
ri'm,  corresponds  wdth  the  Hebrew  re'ern,  Assyrian  renm 
(A.V.  “unicorn  ” ),  but  it  is  believed  that  the  latter  denotes 
the  wild-ox,  a bulkier  and  fiercer  animal  than  the  oryx. 
Sometimes  the  poets  describe  a solitary  male,  sometimes, 
as  here,  a female  left  behind  by  the  herd,  which  generally 
consists,  apparently,  of  a number  of  female  oryx  with, 
only  one  male  in  attendance.  The  picture  always  includes 
an  attack  on  the  animal  by  a hunter  or  hunters  with  dogs, 
and,  as  in  tlie  former  case  of  the  wild-ass,  the  attack  fails, 

^ hixbld,  3fii^aUaqahyYv,  2D--Bo, 


1.40  PlCrOHIAL  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIENT  AEABfAN  POETRY 

iiml  the  oryx,  uft<.‘r  dispatching  some  of  the  dogs  with  his 
speardike  horns,  Hies  away'to.-.variish  into  the  wilderness. 

Is  she.  like  my  camel,  or  shall  I compare  her  to  a wikl-cow 
that  has  lost  her  calf,  who  lingers  behind  the  herd,  its 
leader  ami  its  stay? 

Flat-nosed  is  she:  she  has  lost  her  calf,  and  ceases  not  to 
roam  about  the  marge  of  the  sand-meadows,  and  cry 

For  her  youngling  just  weaned,  white,  whose  limbs  have 
been  torn  by  the  ash-grey  hunting  wolves,  who  lack 
not  for  food. 

They  came  upon  it  while  she  knew  not,  and  dealt  her  a deadly 
woe — verily,  when  Death  shoots,  his  arrow  misses  not 
the  mark ! 

The  night  came  upon  her,  as  the  dripping  rain  of  the  steady 
shower  poured  on,  and  its  continuous  fall  soaked  the 
leafage  through  and  through  ; 

She  took  shelter  in  the  hollow  roots  of  a tree  that  spread  this 
way  and  that,  on  the  skirts  of  the  sand-hills,  where  the 
line  sand  sloped  her  way. 

The  steady  rain  poured  down,  and  fell  on  the  ridge  of  her 
back,  in  a night  when  thick  cloud-masses  hid  away  all 
the  stars; 

And  she  shone  in  the  face  of  the  mirk  with  a ivhite  glimmering 
light,  like  a pearl  born  in  a sea-shell  that  has  dropped 
from  its  string, 

Until,  when  the  darkness  was  folded  away  and  morning 
dawned,  she  stood,  her  legs  slipping  in  the  muddy 
' ..earth.-  ■ ■ ‘ 

She  wandered  distracted  about  all  the  pools  of  Su'a’id  for 
seven  nights  twinned  with  seven  whole  long  days, 

Till  at  last  she  lost  all  hope,  and  her  full  udders  shrank — the 
udders  that  had  not  failed  in  all  the  days  of  her  suckling 
and  weaning. 

Then  she  caught  the  sound  of  men,  and  it  filled  her  heart 
with  fear — of  men  from  a hidden  place : and  men,  she 
knew,  were  her  bane. 

She  rushed  blindly  along,  now  thinking  the  chase  before  and 
now  behind  her  : each  was  a place  of  dread, 


PICTOKIAL  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIENT  ARABIAN  POETRY  141 


Until j when  the  archers  lost  hope,  they  let  loose  on  her 
trained  honncls  with  hanging  ears,  each  with  a stiff 
leather  collar  on  its  neck  ; 

They  beset  her,  and  she  turned  to  meet  them  with  her  horns, 
like  to  spears  of  Samhar  in  their  sharpness  and  their 
length, 

To  thrust  them  away:  for  well  she  knew,  if  she  drove  them 
not  off,  that  the  fated  day  of  her  death  among  the  fates 
of  beasts  had  come  ; 

And  among  them  Kasabi  was  thrust  through  and  slain,  and 
rolled  in  blood  lay  there,  and  Siikham  was  left  in  the 
place  wdiere  he  made  his  onset/’  ^ 

(Sarnliar  is  said  to  be  the  name  of  a maker  of  spears; 
and  Kasabi,  “ the  Winner;”  and  Snkliam,  Blackey  ” are 
the  names  of  hounds.) 

The  Arabian,  poets  kne\v  intimately  the  liabits  of  the 
ostrich.  They  describe  its  manner  of  laying  out  its  nest — 
by  heaping  up  a ring  of  sand  wdtli  its  feet.  They  tell 
us  how  the  eggs  are  marshalled  in  this  circle,  and  how 
the  male  ostrich — alone,  I believe,  among  birds — does  the 
principal  part  of  the  hatching.  They  draw  for  us  the 
male  bird,  with  his  heavy  black  plumage,  and  small  head 
set  on  a long  featherless  neck,  comparing  him  to  a young 
camel,  unskilfully  laden  by  the  handmaids  (who  in  Arabia 
to  this  clay  do  the  packing-up  and  pitching  of  the  tents) 
with  the  bundles  containing  the  tents,  so  that  these 
bundles  of  black  haircloth  hang  loosely  on  either  side, 
and  seem  in  danger  of  slipping  off.  During  the  daytime, 
while  a female  bird  guards  the  nest,  but  does  not  sit 
on  the  eggs  (which  are  left  to  he  kept  ^Yarm  by  the 
sun),  the  male  and  one  of  his  mates  roam  over  the 
country,  seeking  the  food  on  which  they  live — the  seeds 
of  the  colocynth  or  bitter  gourd,  and  other  plants 
known  to  us  only  by  their  Arabic  names.  Then,  in 
the  afternoon,  rain  begins,  at  first  a drizzle,  changing 

^ Mii'allaqah,  vv.  36-52. 


142  PICTORIAL  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIENT  ARABIAN  POETRY 


to  u ho.i!ivi(‘r  siKnver  lightning  and  hail,  and  the 

oftti’iclu'S  Inirry  towards  the  nest.  Tlie  description  of 
i!ds  PcU-e*,  *‘)gain.sl  the  weatlier  is  the  occasion  which 
hrings  tlieiii  into  tlie  poems  as  a type  of  iin paralleled 
swiftness,  Tlie^  stride  of  a male  ostrich  at  full  speed 
is  said  to  reaclj  to  24  feet.  I sliould  like  to  have  given 
you  tlie  most  ancient  passage  which  draws  for  us  this 
picture,  in  a flue  poem  ^ by  ‘Alqamah  of  Tamirn ; but 
unfortunately  the  text  is  not  in  good  condition,  and  the 
passage  contains  several  words  of  which  the  ineaning 
is  uncertain.  I will  give  you  instead  an  extract  from 
a famous  ode  by  Ghailau,  called  r)hu*r-Kumniali,  of 
the  tribe  of  h\di  h.  'Abd  Manat,  wlio  died  in  735  A.B., 
aged  40,  the  last  of  the  classical  desert  poetsc 

In  the  evening  the  male  ostrich  sets  out  to  visit  his  brood ; 
they  are  neither  so  far  away  that  he  should  despair  of 
reaching  them  nor  close  at  hand. 

He  hastens  along  under  the  shadow  of  a cloud  flasliirig  with 
lightning,  driven  ever  to  gi-eater  speed  by  the  howling  of 
a fierce  rising  wind,  with  its  skirts  sweeping  gravel  into 
the  air; 

And  by  his  Bi<le  speeds  his  mate,  small-headed,  mixed  black 
and  white,  low  in  stature,  and  they  swiftly  put  behind 
them  the  space  that  parts  them  from  their  nestlings. 

She  shoots  along,  like  the  bucket  of  a well  which  the  drawer 
has  toiled  to  raise,  till,  just  when  he  sees  it  at  the  brink, 
the  rope  >snaps,  and  down  it  falls. 

Ha  ! what  a night  journey  ! the  wind  blows  and  whirls  them 
on,  and  the  rain  beats  noisily  down,  and  the  night  draws 
on  apace. 

The  twain  spare  nought  of  their  strength,  but  push  unwearied 
on,  until  the  skins  of  both  of  them  are  nigh  to  bursting. 

And  wheresoever  they  pass  through,  in  the  race  that  they  run 
together,  the  speed  that  they  accomplish  is  a marvel. 

^ Mufaddaih/df,  No.  cxx. 

2 Bhu-r-Rummah’s  haHyahi  w.  119^30  (Smeiid’s  edition). 


FICTOlllAL  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIEKT  ARABIAX  POETFiY  143 


They  fear  for  the  night-prowling  heasts  or  the  danger  of  the 
hail,  if  (larknesB  besets  them  before  they  reach  their 
clamouring  brood, 

That  have  come  forth  from  the  egg  with  scanty  liluniage,  and 
nongi.it  to , shield  them  but  only  the  level  earth,  and 
a motlier  fond,  and  a father— 

Eggs  from  which  when  s])lit  they  came  forth  in  tlie  wilderness 
like  dry  bare  skulls,  or  colocynths  emptied  of  tbeir  seeds : 

They  burst  and  gave  birth  to  chickens,  crook-backed,  with 
limbs  bent  together,  as  though  their  skins  were  covered 
with  a scab ; 

Their  beaks  gape  like  split  billets  of  lote-wood,  set  in  hea/ls 
like  round  balls  of  clay,  on  which  310  down  has  yet 
sx)  routed.” 

And  here  I may  be  f)ermifcted  a digression.  Classical 
Arabic  poetry,  as  we  know  it,  belongs  to  the  century 
before  Muhammad  and  the  century  after,  that  is,  roughly, 
the  period  from  about  500  to  700  A.D.  The  earliest  poeins 
that  we  j)ossess  come  before  us  full-grown : everything 
is  settled — laws  of  metre  and  rhyme,  choice  of  subjects, 
language,  order  of  treatment.  It  is  impossible  to  suppose 
that  these  poems,  so  fixed  in  their  conventions  and  so 
regular  in  their  style  and  w^orkmanship,  are  not  the 
product  of  long  development,  of  wdiich,  liowever,  owing 
to  the  fact  that  they  were  handed  down  by  memory 
only,  and  w^ere  not  written,  no  record  now  remains. 
But  if  Arabic  literature  and  its  history  can  give  us  no 
information  as  to  the  birth  and  growth  of  this  poetry, 
we  have,  in  the  literature  of  Israel,  as  Dr.  George  Adam 
Smith  pointed  out  last  December  in  his  Schweich 
Lectures,  evidence  that  a similar  treatment  of  similar 
themes  prevailed  among  that  people,  which  makes  it 
no  extravagant  hypothesis  to  suppose  that  the  com- 
mencement of  the  elaboration  of  a common  Semitic  form 
of  poetic  treatment  may  date  back  to  the  time  when 
the  IsTortliern  Arabs  and  their  cousins  of  Israel  dwelt 


144  PICTOBIAL  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIENT  ARABIAN  POETRY 


together  in  the  mother  country  of  the  Semites.  In  the 
(^arly  poihry  of  tlie  Hebrews  we  ha\n  the  most  striking 
analogies  to  the  poetry  of  ■classical  Arabia.  On  this 
suhjeei  I have  only  to  refer- you  to  Dr.  Smith.  But  I wish 
to  point  out  here  that  hire  four  animals  which  the  Arabs 
selected  as  types  of  .speed  are  used  for.  precisely,'  the 
same  purpose  in  the  39th  chapter  of  the  Book  of  Job. 
The  wild-ass  is  dealt  with  in  vv.  5-9 — ^ 

“ Who  hath  sent  out  the  wild  ass  free, 

or  who  hath  loosed  the  bands  of  the  wild  ass, 

Whose  house  I have  made  the  wilderness, 
and  the  salt  land  his  dwelling-place? 

The  range  of  the  mountains  is  his  pasture, 
and  he  searcheth  after  every  green  thing.” 

The  wild-ox,  the  pa'em,  is  depicted  in  vv.  9-12,  and 
the  ostrich  in  vv.  13-18 — ■ 

^‘“What  time  she  rouseth  herself  up  to  flight, 

She  scorneth  the  horse  and  its  rider.” 

The  eagle  is  described  in  vv.  27-30— 

‘‘She  dwelleth  on  the  rock  and  hath  her  lodging  there, 
upon  the  crag  of  the  rock,  and  the  strong  hold; 
From  thence  she  spieth  out  the  prey ; 

her  eyes  behold  it  afar  off. 

Her  young  ones  also  suck  up  blood, 
and  where  the  slain  are,  there  is  she.” 

The  next  piece  I wish  to  lay  before  you  is  a passage 
from  tluit  magnitjcent  poem  by  ash-Shanfara  of  Azd, 
wliicii  is  the  pride  of  Arabia  and  the  despair  of  translators. 
It  has  been  essayed  in  French  by  Silvestre  de  Sacy  and 
Fulgenee  Fresnel;  in  German  by  Riiekert,  Kosegarten, 
Edw.  Reuss,  and  Weil ; and  in  English  in  the  Journal  of 
this  Society,  many  years  ago,  by  Sir  James  Redliouse, 
besides  another  version  by  a venturous  hand  ^vKich 
I cannot  at  present  identify.  Here  there  is  no  question 
of  speed.  The  poet,  a hardy  brigand,  bent  upon  the 
^ The  quotations  from  Job  are  taken  from  the  Revised  Version. 


PICTORIAL  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIENT  ARABIAN  POETRY  145 


destruction  and  spoiling  of  his  foes,  compares  liimself  to 
the  wolf  which  he  draws  for  us — ^ 

I go  forth  in  the  morning  trusting  to  1)ut  little  food,  as  goes 
forth  a wolf,  lean  of  flank,  grey  of  fell,  whom  the  deserts 
lead  on  from  wild  to  wild. 

He  goes  forth  at  dawn  a-hungered,  lifting  his  head  to  scent 
the  breeze  as  he  trips  along,  darting  down  the  tails  of  the 
ravines,  and  running  with  long  strides. 

Then,  when  the  hope  of  food  fails  him  in  the  place  where  he 
looked  for  it,  he  lifts  up  his  voice  and  calls,  and  there 
answer  him  his  fellows,  like  himself  lean  and  spare, 

Thin  and  scant  of  flesh,  white  in  face  with  eld,  restless  as 
though  they  were  arrows  in  the  hands  of  a player  who 
tosses  them  to  and  fro, 

Or  as  a-  swarm  of  bees  on  the  wing,  who  have  been  driven 
forth  from  their  nest  by  the  rods  which  the  honey-seeker 
climbing  up  has  thrust  therein  ; 

Wide  and  yawming  are  their  mouths,  as  though  their  jaws 
were  billets  of  wood  cleft  in  twain ; dreadful  and  fierce 
of  face. 

So  he  howls,  and  they  howl  after  him  in  the  empty  wilderness, 
as  though  he  and  they  were  wailing  women  on  a hill 
weeping  for  children  dead. 

He  is  silent,  and  they  hold  their  peace;  he  takes  comfort  from 
them,  and  they  from  him — starving  wretches  whom  one 
as  poor  consoles,  a wretch  strengthened  by  comrades  as 
forlorn : 

Tie  complains,  and  they  plain  -with  him  ; then  he  forbears, 
and  they  alike  forbear  ; and  sooth,  when  complaining 
brings  no  help,  to  bear  is  the  fairest  thing. 

So  he  returns  to  his  lair,  and  they  to  theirs,  vying  one  wfith 
another  in  speed;  and  each  of  them,  in  spite  of  his 
gnawing  hunger,  puts  a good  face  on  that  which  his  heart 
hides.” 

The  next  scene  I wish  to  set  before  you  is  very 
different.  It  is  the  work  of  one  of  the  most  interesting 

^ Lcimiyah  of  ash-Shanfara,  vv.  (Constantinople  ed.,  ISOO,  with 

commentaries  of  az-Zamakhshari  and  al-Mubarrad). 

JRAS.  1912. 


10 


140  PILTOIIIAL  A.SPECTB  OF  ANCIENT  AlUlUAN  POETRY 


of  the  personalities  of  the  Prophet’s  own  time,  Maimun 
al-A'sha,  of  tlic  tribe  of  Qais  ibii  Tha'labah,  who  died 
in  d2f)  A.D.,  and  whose  home  was  in  the  mountains 
of  Central  Arabia,  near  the  modern  Eiyad,  the  capital  of 
the  Wahlifibi  rulers  of  the  House  of  oSa^ud.  Al-A/sha  was 
a^  travelled  )nan  of  much  experience,  who  spent  his  life 
in  journeys  from  place  to  place,  praising  those  who 
entertained  him  well,  and  reaj^ing  rich  rewards.  He 
knew  the  style  of  Persian  banquets,  and  draws  them  for 
us,  with  tlieir  wealtli  of  flowers,  in  a Bianner  which  shows 
tliat  tiie  luxuiy  denounced  by  Horace  survived  to  his 
day.  He  was  familiar  witli  the  Court  of  al-IIirah.  in  the 
north,  and  witli  tlie  Christian  Bishops  of  Najrto  in  the 
soutii ; lie  had  lieard  talk  of  religion  and  philosojihy,  and 
was  ready  to  set  his  verse  to  the  taste  of  those  he  had  to 
praise.  One  cliief,  for  instance,  he  extols  for  bis  Christian 
charity,  because  lie  successfully  rescued  from  death  a 
Jmndred  of  his  hereditary  enemies  (who  had  raided 
a caravan  destined  for  the  Persian  king,  and  had  been 
trapped  by  the  governor  of  the  frontier  fortress),  as 
'"an  Easter  offeriiig  before  God”.  The  poem  of  which 
I shall  give  you  a specimen  is  a panegyric  upon  a Kindite 
prince,  Qais  sou  of  Ma^dikarib,  of  Hadramaut  in  the  far 
south  of  Arabia,  the  father  of  al-Aslflath,  a personage  who 
figures  ratlier  conspicuously  in  tlie  early  establishment  of 
Islam  in  the  Yainan.  The  poem  opens,  as  all  these  odes 
do,  witli  the  praise  of  the  poet’s  mistress,  a lady  of  the 
tribe  of  Mfilik — 

*hLike  a silvery  pearl  is  she  which  a man  has  won — 
a diver  deft,  from  the  tumbling  Ocean’s  wave: 

One  stout  of  heart,  the  chief  of  a crew^  of  four, 
men  diverse  in  colour,  diverse  in  stock  and  kin; 

They  had  striven  together,  until  at  last  they  joined 
in  casting  on  him  the  collar  of  captaincy. 

^ The  passage  will  be  found  in  the  Khizdnat  al-Adah,  voL  i,  p.  544. 


PICTORIAL  ASPECTS  OP  ANCIEKT  AEABIAK  POETRY  147 


They  sped  on  a bark  well-balanced,  fleet  as  the  wind,^ 
that  bore  them  swiftly  into  the  Ocean’s  trongli ; 

Until,  when  their  hearts  grew  cold  with  their  labour  lost, 
and  month,  after  inontli  siied  by,  and  nothing  won, 

He  cast  tlie  anchors  right  o’er  a perilous  deep — 

the  anchors  held,  and  the  craft  lay  still  in  the  flood. 

Then  plunged  he,  long  and  lithe,  his  hair  a shock, 

his  teeth  clenched  firm,  determined  to  brave  the  worst: 

He  touched  the  bed,  spitting  oil  from  his  mouth,  and  groped, 
athirst,  his  heart  ablaze  with  the  fire  of  want; 

This  pearl  had  slain  his  father:  he  said,  ‘And  I 
will  follow  his  road,  or  win  to  the  World’s  Desire.’ 

Full  half  a chvy  the  waters  covered  him  up  : 

his  comrades  knew  not  what  he  wrought  in  the  deej); 

Then  won  he  his  longed-for  prize,  and  upward  lie  bore 
the  Pearl  in  its  shell,  that  shone  like  a burning  coal. 

Pull  heavy  the  price  they  offered  : he  -would  not  sell ; 

'Wilt  thou  not  deal  with  ns?’  said  they;  he  answered,  ‘No!’ 

There  mightst  thou  see  the  chapmen  worshipping  bow, 
while  he  clutched  close  to  his  throat  the  precious  prize. 

E’en  such  is  my  Lady  of  Malik’s  stock,  what  time 
she  shows  us  the  glory  of  her  bright  face  unveiled.” 

Once  more  a comparison  ivith  Job  suggests  itself; 
al-Atsha  seeks  a fit  similitude  for  his  lady’s  face  in  a pearl, 
and  straightway  tells  us  the  story  of  liow^  this  pearl  was 
%von  from  the  deep.  Job,  in  chapter  xxviii,  has  to  extol 
Wisdom,  and  compares  it  to  other  things  most  precious — 

“ Surely  there  is  a mine  for  silver, 

and  a place  for  gold  Avhich  they  refine.” 

Then  follows  that  marvellous  passage  wliich  sets  before 
us  in  detail  the  craft  of  mining,  as  practised  in  the  lands 
known  to  the  poet.  Is  it  fanciful  to  trace  the  same 
impulse  in  botli  authors— the  tendency  to  digress  and 
to  describe,  or,  as  I should  rather  say,  to  draw  and  paint 
pictures,  when  a word  suggests  a theme  out  of  which 
a picture  may  he  rnade  ? 

^ Reading  Mdhimah  (or  hhddhiinah)  for  the  unsuitable  Ichddimah  of  the 
text,  as  suggested  by  Professor  Bevan, 


148  inCTOlUAL  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIENT  AHABiAN  iT)ETEY 


The  last  of  the  passages  which  I shall  bring  forward 
in  proof  of  iny  proposition  is  the  great  description  of 
a storni  which  closes  the  Mit'allaqak^  of  Iiiira’al-Qais, 
tin?  Prince  of  Kindali,  “the  Standard-bearer  of  the  Poets 
in  Hell,'’  as  the  Prophet  called  him.  Storms  bringing 
nnich  rain  occur,  tlioiigh  rarely,  during  the  winter  in 
Nortliern  Arabia,  and  when  they  come  great  masses  of 
water  till  the  wdSis  or  valleys,  at  other  times  dry,  which 
score  its  surface.  In  January  1910,  as  we  read  in  the 
newspapers,  siicii  a storm  came  while  the  Khedive  of 
Egypt  was  travelling  on  the  pilgrimage  betw^een  Mecca 
and  Meflina,  and  detained  his  caravan  for  three  whole 
da^'s  ]:)efore  tlie  waters  subsided.  An  Indian  friend  of 
mine,  who  was  making  the  pilgrimage  that  year,  and 
was  waiting  at  I\Iecca  for  carriage  to  take  him  to 
Jeddaii,  experienced  the  same  storm,  and  I sliould  like 
to  quote  his  account  of  it — 

“Early  on  the  morning  of  the  5th  January  there  was 
a lieavy  downpour  of  rain  for  about  an  hour,  and  then 
a little  later  waiter  rushed  down  in  torrents  from  the 
surrounding  hills.  The  wdiole  town  was  inundated,  and 
the  J/ardm  was  deluged,  the  water  round  the  Ka'hah 
being  in  places  eiglit  or  nine  feet  deep.  The  Black  Stone 
and  the  Zainzam  Well  lay  for  some  hours  submerged  in 
water,  and  it  \vas  not  till  next  day  that  the  Hardm 
was  completely  drained,  partly  by  manual  labour  and 
partly  hy  openiiig  out  the  old  underground  passages, 
which  had  become  choked.  The  vast  deposit  of  silt, 
Iiowever,  took  more  than  a week  to  remove.” 

Later,  tlie  same  pilgrim,  on  February  25,  on  his  way 
from  Medina  to  Yamboq  encountered  another  rain-storm : 
and  t].r;)Ugh  little  rain  fell  in  his  immediate  neighbourhood, 
he  had  again  the  sight  of  torrents  of  water  coming  down 
from  the  higher  lulls,  and  at  almost  every  turn  of  the 

^ Mu^allaqah,  vv.  71-82.  The  version  is  quoted  from  my  Translations 
of  A?icient  Arabian  Poetry^  published  in  1885. 


PICTORIAL  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIENT  ARABIAN  POETRY  149 


valleys  saw  great  collections  oi:  luiil  by  tJie  roodsido, 
Siicb  phenomena,  in  droughty  Arabia,  imtnrally  strike 
the  beholder  wibli  wonder  and  admiration,  and.  afford 
apt  material  for  poetry.  Imra’al-Qais’s  poem  ina.}''  be 
dated  at  about  the  same  time  as  tliat  of  ‘'Abl^l,  the  first 
of  my  extracts,  between  510  and  530  a.d.  Both  poets 
have  many  passages  descriptivx*  of  >storms. 

0 Friend,  see  the  lightning  there!  it  flickered,  and  now  is  gone, 
as  though  flashed  a pair  of  hands  in  the  pillar  of  crowned 
cdoiid.  ' 

Nay,  was  it  its  blaze,  or  the  lamps  of  a liermit  that  dwells 
alone, 

and  pours  o’er  the  twisted  wicks  the  oil  from  his  slender 
cruse? 

We  sat  there,  my  fellows  and  I,  ’twixt  Darij  and  al-Ahihaib, 
and  gazed  as  the  distance  gloomed,  and  waited  its  oncoming. 

The  right  of  its  mighty  rain  advanced  over  Qatan’s  ridge ; 
the  left  of  its  trailing  skirt  swept  Yadhbul  and  as-Sitar: 

Then  over  Kiitaifah’s  steep  the  flood  of  its  onset  drave, 

and  headlong  before  its  storm  the  tall  trees  were  borne  to 
ground; 

And  the  drift  of  its  waters  passed  o’er  the  crags  of  ai-Qanfai, 
and  drave  forth  the  white-legged  deer  from  the  refuge  they 
sought  therein. 

And  Taima — it  left  not  there  the  stem  of  a palm  aloft, 
nor  ever  a tower,  save  one  firm  built  on  the  living  rock  ; 

And  when  first  its  misty  shroud  bore  down  upon  Mount 
Thabir, 

he  stood  like  an  ancient  man  in  a grey -streaked  mantle 
wxapt. 

The  clouds  cast  their  burden  down  on  the  broad  plain  of 
al-Ghabit, 

as  a trader  from  al-Yaman  unfolds  from  the  hales  his  store; 

And  the  topmost  crest  on  the  morrow  of  al-Mujaimir’s  cairn 
was  heaped  with  the  flood-borne  wrack  like  wool  on  a distaff 
wound. 

At  earliest  dawn  on  the  morrow  the  birds  were  chirping  blithe, 
as  though  they  had  drunken  draughts  of  riot  in  fiery  wune  ; 


150  PICTORIAL  ASPECTS  OF  AKCIEKT  ARABIAN  POETRY 


And  at  even  tbe  drowned  beasts  lay  \vliere  the  torrent  had 
borne  them,  dead, 

hii^ds  ii]s  on  the  valley  sides,  like  earth-stained  bulbs  of 

. ■ sc|uiils.”  ■ ' ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ 

Hei‘e,  it  seenus  to  me,  is  true  pictorial  art  of  the  finest 
kind,  and  I must  confess  to  wonder  at  tliose  scholars  wdio, 
like  Wellhansen,  deny  to  the  ancient  Bedouin  poetry  poetic 
interest/  or,  like  Professor  D.  B.  Macdonald,  tell  us  that 
'‘the  idea  that  the  Arab  tribes  respected  their  poets  [for 
the  l)eauty  or  vigour  of  their  verses] — in  the  first  instance 
at  least — because  of  their  keen  artistic  sense,  their  appre- 
ciation of  the  beauties  of  poetry,  must  be  given  up 
Wliatever  may  Iiave  been  tlie  origin  of  poetry  among  the 
Arabs,  or  the  Semites  in  general,  it  appears  to  me  to  be 
clear  tliat,  by  the  time  wiien  the  classical  poets  flourished 
— the  two  centuries  from  500  to  700  A.D. — it  wuis  precisely 
for  their  literary  qualities  that  their  work  was  admired, 
and  tliat  poets  were  ranked  in  the  order  of  merit. 
Professor  i\[acdonald,  basing  his  theoiy  on  Professor 
Goldziher  s treatise  on  the  origin  of  Arabian  Satiric  poetry, 
in  Part  I of  his  Ahh/mdlnngen  zur  Arabisclien  Philologie, 
imagines  that  the  Arabs  thought,  and  that  the  poets 
themselves  thought,  that  " their  verses  came  to  them,  out 
of  tlie  sky  apparently,  apart  from  their  labour  and  vvilP  — 
that  they  \vere  the  product  of  a kind  of  cataleptic  seizure, 
“from  which  the  poet  returned  wdth  strange  words  in  his 
mouth.’’  “The  Oriental  poet,”  he  says,  “cannot  rid 
himself  of  the  faith  that  verses  come  from  without.”  All 
tliese  utterances  appear  to  me  to  proceed  from  a mis- 
apprehension of  Professor  Goldziher’s  meaning  in  the 
treatise  referred  to.  That  great  scholar  recognizes  as 
fully  as  anybody  else^  that  the  wmrks  of  tlie  classical 
age  of  Arabic  poetry  must  be  regarded  as  products  of  art, 

^ The  passage  is  in  Skizzen  imd  Vorarheiten^  i,  p.  105. 

- The  Religious  Attitude  Life  in  Islam,  Chicago,  1909,  p.  2:1. 

^ See  p.  16. 


PICTORIAL  ASPECTS  OF-AKGIENT  ARABIAN  POETRr  151 


and  not  of  external  inspiration,  Tiie  anecdotes  of  the 
connexion  of  tlie  Jinn  with  tlie  work  of  tlie  poets,  as 
he  notes  on  p.  2,  are  to  be  ascribed  to  tbt,^  limnorons 
imagination  of  ingenious  litertxry  speculators  of  later  ages, 
who  ]}ad  no  real  touch  with  the  times  of  heatlienism. 
Many  of  them  are  collected  in  a work,  tlie  preface  to  the 
Jarnliarat  Askar  al-Arah,  which  is  a pseudonymous 
compilation  of  late  date  and  of  no  authority  whatever. 
They  are,  moreover,  without  exception  stories  told  ahout 
the  poets,  not  utterances  of  the  poets  tliemsel  ves,  who 
again  and  again  boast  of  their  skill  in  composition,  and 
undoubtedly  take  the  credit  of  their  work  to  their  own 
account.  It  is  in  the  past,  before  the  beginning  of  the 
age  of  whicli  the  poetry  has  come  down  to  us,  that 
Professor  Goldzilier  seeks  the  facts  on  which  lie  bases 
his  contention  tliat  the  Arabs  thought  that  poetic  creation, 
and  especially  tlie  inspiration  of  satire,  was  the  work,  of 
higher  powers,  external  to  the  poet.  On  p.  42  lie  expresvsly 
states  that  no  specimen  of  such  inspiration  has  descended 
to  us  from  that  ancient  time.  He  proceeds,  however,  to 
argue,  from  the  story  of  Balaam  in  the  Book  of  Kumhers, 
that  such  a belief  must  at  one  time  have  existed. 
Whether  it  did  or  not,  the  materials  gathered  liy  him 
relate  to  a field  of  poetry — that  of  satire  (hija) — which  is 
outside  our  present  subject,  and  have  little  or  no  bearing 
upon  those  presentments  of  artistic  workmanship  which 
I have  been  endeavouring  to  lay  before  you.  I repeat 
that,  in  the  age  of  the  classical  poetry,  whatever  may 
have  been  the  case  centuries  before,  the  poet  was  valued 
for  his  art,  and,  as  in  Eoman  poetry  of  the  golden  and 
silver  ages  the  carmen  of  the  early  time  had  lost  its 
religious  or  magical  import  and  become  a product  of  pure 
literature,  so  it  was  in  Arabia  from  the  days  of  Imra’ah 
Qais  to  those  of  Dhu-r-Rummah. 

W’hen  I spoke  of  ‘Abid  in  February  last,  one  of  my 
, critics  observed  that  the  Prophet  had  said  that  poetry  was 


152  PICTOKIAL  ASPECTS  OF  ANCIENT  ARABIAN  POETRY 


magic.  This  is  not  precisely  the  form  of  the  tradition,' 
whiich  tin*  word  magic  (si7/r)  not  of  poetry  (shiJr), 

hut  c)f  (do^nenco  {hayan).  The  words  are  related  to  have 
been  spoktm  after  hearing  some  venses  recited  winds 
1‘xtuil.ed  M iihamiiiad’s  admiration  : Verily  in  eloquence 
there  is  a jsiagic,  ainl  in  vei'se  there  is  a compelling  power  ” 
ilfjikrivjn,  or  accorrling  to  ariotlier  reading,  hlkmatan. 
‘da  mighty  .skill”).  It  seems  to  me  evident  that  by  these 
words  tlie  rroplset  meant  no  more  than  to  expre-ss  his 
wonder  and  delight  at  the  verses  lie  had  heard,  and  that 
he  us*.‘d  the  word  “magic  ” iu  no  other  sense  than  that  in 
wliich  we  might  use  it  ourselves.  He  had  grievanee>s 
agaiiLst  the  poets,  and  in  the  Quran‘*^  they  are  denounced 
as  liars,  inspired  by  tlie  Devils,  wandering  in  every  valley 
distrauglit  as  they  compose  their  verses.  But  to  argue 
from  such  a passage  that  there  was  no  appreciation  of 
poetry  as  literature  and  artistry  among  the  Arabs,  seems 
to  me  to  press  tlie  words  far  beyond  what  they  will  bear. 
We  possess  the  poetry  and  can  test  it  for  ourselves ; we 
know  from  innumerable  anecdotes  how  poets  were  esteemed 
and  judged  by  their  hearers;  and  I am  convinced  that, 
in  the  times  of  the  elassical  poetry,  the  decision  dealt  with 
artistic  merit,  just  as  it  did  at  Rome  in  the  days  of 
Augustus,  or  does  among  ourselves  at  the  present  time. 

^ See  tlie  })refuce  to  Tibrizi’s  commentary  on  the  HaMclsah^  p.  1, 
11.  P2~19  ; also  Maidani,  Froverbst  i,  1. 

- Chap.  XXV,  vv.  221“7. 


¥II 


■OH:  :sO:M:E  BEAHMI'  IHSOEIPTIOHS'  im  the  luokmow 
PROVmCIAL  MUSEUM- 

By  Professor  H.  LUDEES 

l^iST  a recent  number  of  the  E^p.  Tnd.,  vol.  x,  p.  106  ftb 
Mr.  R.  D.  Banerji  lias  edited  twenty -“One  Bral nn! 
inscriptions  of  tlie  “ Scythian  ” period,  of  wlrich  nine 
liad  been  already  ‘ published  b}"  him,  unden*  the  name 
of  R.  E).  Bandliyopadhyaya,  in  the  Journal  of  the  Bengal 
Asiatic  Society,  N.s.,  vol.  v,  pp.  243  f.,  271  tf.  We 
certainly  owe  a,  great  debt  of  gratitude  to  liini  for  making 
these  records  accessible,  although  the  way  in  whicli  lie 
has  acquitted  himself  of  his  task  cannot  meet  with 
unreserved  praise.  I do  not  undervalue  tlie  difficulties 
which  beset  these  inscriptions.  I know  that  it  cannot 
be  expected  that  the  first  reading  and  interpretation  of 
an  inscription  of  tliis  class  should  be  alwaj^s  final.  But 
what  may  be  reasonably  exj)ected,  and  what,  I am  sorry 
to  say,  is  wanting  in  Mr.  Banerji ’s  paper,  is  that  carefulness 
and  accuracy  that  have  hitherto  been  a cliaracteristic  feature 
of  the  publications  in  the  Epigrapliia  Indica,  It  would 
be  a tedious  and  wearisome  business  to  correct  almost 
line  for  line  mistakes  that  might  have  been  easily  avoided 
with  a little  more  attention.  The  following  pages  will 
show^  that  this  complaint  is  not  unjustified. 

All  the  twenty-one  inscriptions  are  in  the  Provincial 
Museum  of  Lucknow.  Of  eight  of  them  the  find-place 
is  unknown;  nine  are,  or  are  said  to  be,  from  Mathura; 
while  four  are  assigned  by  Mr.  Banerji  with  more  or 
less  confidence  to  Rtoinagar.  Among  the  Mathura  in- 
scriptions there  are  three,  No.  7 = B,  42  ; ^ No.  10  — B,  66  ; 

^ B refers  to  my  “List  of  Brahmi  Inscriptions”  in  Ep.  Ind.^  vol.  x, 
appendix,  where  the  full  bibliography  is  given. 


154 


BHAHMl  INSCEIPTIOXS 


'No.  11  = B,  75,  which  were  previously  edited  by  Biihler, 
As  fnr  ns  the  dates  are  eoncenied,  Mr.  Eaiierji's  readings 
are*  iiudoubte'dly  au  iroproveuient  on  tliose  oi'  liis 
predecessor  (adapmm  instead  of  40  4 hcma  in  No.  7, 
hffimini  J instea<l  of  liana  va  1 in  No.  10,  sam  90  9 
niid  <li  10  0 instead  oi*  smh  90  o and  di  10  S in  No.  11). 
But  tlie  rest  of  his  new  readings  sc‘ems  to  me  only  partly 
correct.  I will  quote  here  only  one  point  which  is 
linguisticall}'  interesting.  In  No.  11  the  name  of  the  niiii 
at  whose  request  the  gift  was  made,  read  Dhdma[tlM]i/e 
hy  Biihler,  is  read  Dhama[si]r[i]ye  b}"  Mr.  Banerji,  who 
adds  that  the  reading  of  tlie  third  syllable  is  certain 
though  tlie  ci'ossbar  of  the  m is  not  distinct  in  the 
impression.  Mr.  \h3nkayya  lias  already  remarked  in 
a note  that  in  the  plate  the  reading  appears  to  be 
BhamadJiamye.  The  impression  before  me  leaves  no 
doubt  that  it  !*eally  is  Dharraadharaye.  This  is  a new 
instance  of  the  lengthening  of  an  a before  r + consonant 
in  the  Mathura  dialect,  on  which  I hav'e  commented, 
Briiclistmke  Buddhist ischer  Drameii,  p.  31. 

Of  the  rest  of  tlie  Mathura  inscriptions,  No.  2 = B,  88, 
and  No.  6 = B,  52,  were  brought  to  notice  by  Growse,  and 
No.  13  = B,  140,  by  Dowson;  No.  14  = B,  109,  was  read 
by  Mr.  Y.  A.  Smith ; No.  18  was  mentioned  by  Biililer, 
E'p,  Irul,  vol.  ii,  p.  311.  I Avill  pass  over  Nos.  2,  6,  and 
18,  as  I have  no  impressions  of  them.  But  of  the  very 
interesting  inscription  No.  13,  wliich  is  engraved  on 
a large  slali  of  red  sandstone,  there  is  an  impression 
among  the  materials  collected  by  Dr.  Hoernle  for  tlie 
intended  second  volume  of  the  Corpus  Inscriptionum 
Indiearum.  It  is  not  a very  good  one,  but  it  is  never- 
theless very  valuable  as  it  was  taken  at  a time  when 
the  inscription  was  in  a more  complete  state  than  at 
present.  I read  it : — 

1.  , . .apavane^  Brikunde^  svake^  vihare  Ivakatikanam 
pacanah  niyatakali'^  nahatra  vastussi*"*  sailikka- 


BHAHMI  iKSCRIPTiONS 


155 


Jayitavyati  sanghaprakitelii  vyavaharilii  iipail'iapito 
yesaiR  ni[pa]*l 

2.  . . [ya]  StJiavarajafcra— B[ii]d[dh]aiRksita— Jivasiri 

— Biidd  liada.sa  — Saiigharaksi  ta 

3.  — Dlianiimavarmiiia® — Buddhadeva — AkJiila'*^ 

1.  Bn.  namiue\.  As  to  tlie  first  letters,  the  impression  entirely 
differs  from  the  collotype.  The  impression  reads  as  above,  but 
the  vowel  of  the  lost  ahsara  may  have  been  an  o of  which  only 
the  right  half  is  preserved.  Above  the  last  ahmra  there  is 
a short  stroke  which  I should  take  to  be  meant  for  the  aniisvura 
if  this  were  not  grammatically  impossible. 

2.  Bn.  reads  Srikm^de,  adding  that  ‘‘the  word  may  he  taken 
to  be  ka^dk^  ”•  This,  of  course,  is  impossible  as  the  nde  is  just 
as  distinct  as  tlie  u of  Im. 

3.  Bn.  reads  stake^  adding  that  the  word  may  be  read  as  svaka. 
The  reading  svake  is  beyond  doubt. 

4.  On  this  word  Bn.  makes  a note  which  really  seems  to 
apply  to  the  |/a.  However,  it  is  superfluous  as  there  is  no 
^-stroke  at  the  top  of  the  ya.  The  two  large  horizontal  strokes 
left  unnoticed  by  Bn.  I take  to  be  the  cmusvara,  though  they  are 
rather  below  the  line, 

5.  Bn.  has  w^rongly  separated  these  words.  Perhaps  the  true 
reading  is  vdstussi, 

6.  The  last  aksam  is  uncertain.  It  may  have  been  also 
ha  or  la, 

7.  The  ya  is  mutilated  and  uncertain. 

8.  Bn.  Dliamima^,  but  the  d-stroke  is  distinct ; cf.  ahove, 
|).  154. 

9.  Bn.  sii[khci\la.  The  vowel-sign  of  the  kha  undouhtedly  is  i. 

Mr.  Baiierji  has  not  translated  this  inscription,  because 

'At  contains  some  peculiar  words''.  I venture  to  offer 
a translation,  although  owing  to  the  mutilated  state  of 
the  inscription  the  connexion  between  the  first  and  the 
second  line  is  not  clear,  and  inoreover  the  exact  meaning 
of  some  terms  cannot  yet  be  settled- — 

" The  fixed  cooking-place  of  the  Kakatikas,  not  to  be 
put  up  in  any  other  house,  . , , in  tine  grove  ...  at 


156 


BRAHMI  INSeBlPllONS 


SrikiuH.la  ijSrTkiiyda),  in  fcbeir  own  Viluu’a,  has  been  set 
np  by  the  niereliciiits  entrusted  with  (taking  care  the 
Oi-dei',  whose  . . . Sthavarajatra,  Euddliaraksita,  Jivasiri 
(Jinfsri j,  Biiddltadnsa,  Saiigharaksita,  DliarmBmvarinraa 
{iJhur'uHi ntruMj'ii),  Buddhadeva,  Akhila  . . . 

Tlie  jmumi  whicli  forms  tlie  object  of  the  donation 
apparently  is  the  slab  itself,  and  I do  not  see  liow  the 
word  can  Iiave  any  other  meaning  but  ''  cooking-place 
altliougli  tlie  Sanskrit  dictionaries  assign  that  meaning 
only  to  jJiicana  as  a neuter.  The  words  wlnatra  vastussi 
s^ihik]ad.tufii(ivtjah,  which  apparently  stand  in  contrast  to 
niyatakah,  seem  to  represent  Sanskrit  nanyatra  vdstimi 
sarld:idayiiaiyj(jJi,  but  I am  by  no  means  sure  that  in 
translating  them  I luive  hit  the  right  meaning.  The 
term  occurs  several  times  in  the  Buddhist 

inscriptions  of  Mathura  edited  by  Dr.  Vogel  in  the 
Catalogue  of  the  Arc! geological  Museum  at  Mathura. 

Probably  the  names  in  lines  2 and  3 are  the  names  of 
these  miigltaprakrtas.  It  is  more  dilBcult  to  say  who 
is  meant  by  Kakaf/ikdnam.  I take  this  to  be  a proper 
name,  and  as  a cooking-place  in  a Vihara  can  hardly 
be  intended  for  anybody  but  the  monks  living  there, 
Kakafika  would  seem  to  be  the  name  of  those  monks, 
though  I cannot  say  wliy  they  were  called  so.  Srikunda, 
where  the  Vihara  was  situated,  is  mentioned  as  the  name 
of  a Hriha  in  tlie  Mahabharata  (iii,  5028),  but,  of  course, 
it  does  not  follow  that  the  two  localities  are  identical. 

Ko.  14,  incised  on  the  waistband  of  a female  figure,  was 
read  by  Mr.  Banerji : — 

1.  Pusabalaye  dane  Dhama- 

2.  vadhakasa  [bhajyaye 

But  in  the  impression  as  well  as  in  the  plate  the  first  word 
is  clearly  PvJahalaye  PusyabaldyaJi)  and  the  last 
hharydyd. 


BHAHMI  liS’SCKIPTIONS 


IM: 


We  next  turn  to  the  inscriptions : of  unknown  origin. 
Nos,  3,  5,  12^  15,  17,  19,  20,  21.  In  No.  S,  incised  on  the 
base  of  a Jaina  image,  the  arrangement  of  the  lines  is 
irregular.  It  seems  that  it  was  intended  at  first  to  record 
only  tlie  gift  and  that  the  statement  about  tlie  niva/dmia 
was  added  afterwards  to  the  left.  I read  the  inscription 
from  an  impression  : — 

1.  siddham  saiii  9 he  3 di  10  Grahamitrasya  diiitii 

Avasirisya^  vadhue  Kalalasya^ 

2.  kutubiniye  ^ 

3.  ' Graliapalaye dati — ^ 

4 Koleyato^'^  ganato,^ 

6.  Thaniyato  kiilato  Vairato®  [sakhajto 

6.  Aiya-Taraka[s]ya  ^ 

7.  [n]iva[r]tana 

1.  Bn.  reads  Slvasirisya  and  adds  that  “the  first  syllable  of 
the  ^YOvd  Smisiri  may  also  be  read  as  AvaMri  [,sk  /I  The  first 
syllable  of  the  word  is  imdoubtedly  a. 

2.  Bn.  reads  mdhti  Ehradalasya  and  remarks  that  the  last 
word  may  also  be  Ehradalasya,  There  is  certainly  no  subscript 
m,  blit  there  is  a small  horizontal  stroke  which  makes  the  ha 
almost  look  like  him.  As,  however,  the  word  cannot  begin  with 
a double  consonant,  it  is  apparently  accidental.  The  second 
letter  of  the  word  is  la\  see  my  paper  on  the  lingual  la  in 
the  Northern  Bruhmi  script,  above  1911,  pp.  1081  ff. 

3.  Bn.  hufdi\vdMmy(^,  but  there  is  no  trace  of  the  amisvdra, 

4.  Bn.  Galiapaldyc,  The  subscript  ra  is  quite  distinct,  but 
there  is  no  a-stroke  attached  to  the  la. 

5.  Bn.  does  not  take  any  notice  of  the  sign  of  punctuation. 

6.  Bn.  Kottiydto.  Cf.  note  2 above. 

7.  Bn.  gandto.  There  is  no  trace  of  the  ^-stroke. 

8.  Bn.  Tlumiyaio  hiddto  Yaif[i^to.  There  is  not  the  slightest 
trace  of  an  d-  stroke  in  the  three  words. 

9.  Bn.  Tar[i\ha[s\ya.  The  i»sign  is  not  visible  in  the 
impression. 

“ Hail  I In  the  year  9,  in  the  3rd  month  of  winter, 
on  the  10th  day,  the  gift  of  Grahapala  (Grahapdld),  the 


158 


BRAHMI  IXSCRiraiOXS 


daiigbtBr  of  the  daughter-in-law  of  Avasiri 

the  wife  of  Kalala,  at  the  request  of  the 
ven4‘r;shle  "F.iralca  out  of  the  Koleya  gana,  the  Thaniya 
{AflHriuga  ) kffiffj  the  Yaim  ( luy^xi)  mWm!' 

Of  tiie  slHjrt  iuvscription  between  the  feet  of  tlie  statue 
I haA'e  no  ini|>r<‘.ssion.  It  seems  to  refer  to  Grahapala  and 
to  cliaraeterize  her  as  tlie  pupil  of  some  Jaina  monk. 

No.  5 is  engraved  on  the  pedestal  of  a Jaina  statue. 
1 I’ead  it  from  an  impression : — 

1.  mahrirajasya  Hiiveksasya^  savacara"  40  8 va  2 d[i]  10  7 

etasjox  puvayam  K[o]][i]ye  gana'^  Baiiia . . 

2.  [si]ye  k[ii]]e'''  Pacanagariya sakhaya  ^ Dhaiiavalasya  ® 

sisiniya*^  Dhanasiriya^^^  nivatana 
8.  Budhikasya^^  vadlmycG'*^  Savatratapotriya^*^  Yasaya^^ 
dana  Sa[m]b]iavasya  prodiina  pra- 
4.  t[i]8tapita^" 

1.  Bn.  Huvaksanya,  but  the  ^-stroke  is  quite  distinct. 

2.  Bn.  Hci[m]vitcar[e].  There  is  no  trace  of  the  anusvdra  in 
the  impression,  and  the  last  letter  is  distinctly  rd. 

B.  Bn.  Kioitijye  [gane].  Regarding  the  first  word  see  note  2 on 
p.  157.  The  last  letter  is  clearly  iid,  not  wa,  though  gane,  of 
course,  wcaild  be  the  correct  form.  Above  the  line,  between  the 
ye  and  the  ga,  there  is  a small  ia.  Perhaps  the  engraver  intended 
to  (iotmci  Koliye  gam  into  the  ordinary  KoUydto  gandto,  hut 
gave  the  task  up  again. 

4.  The  7na  is  missing  in  the  impression,  but  distinct  on  the 
])late.  Read  Bamadd\ 

5.  The  Jcic  is  very  small  and  has  been  inserted  afterwards. 

0.  Bn.  Aiagariye,  but  there  is  no  trace  whatever  of  the  ^^-stroke. 
Read  Ucajuuja ri  ya, 

7,  Bn.  mkdya.  This  certainly  wais  the  original  reading,  but 
the  kd  has  been  altered  afterwards  to  khd, 

8.  Bn.  DJiujhavalas[yal  The  second  letter  is  as  clearly  as 
possible  na,  and  there  can  be  only  a doubt  whether  the  small 
stroke  at  the  top  is  to  be  read  as  d or  not.  The  first  letter  may 
be  dku,  but  as  the  prolongation  of  the  vertical  line  in  the  dha 
occurs  again  in  Budhikasya,  where  it  cannot  denote  u,  and  as 


BRAHMI  INSCRIPTIONS 


159 


Dhimdvalafifja  would  be  an  etymologically  unaccountable  form, 
I am  convinced  that  it  is  dha. 

9.  Bn.  but  the  c-stroke  is  quite  iin])rol3aI)le. 

10.  Bn.  D]i[irjJias\iny[e\.  The  remarks  on  the  first  two  a haras 
of  Dliandvalasya.  apply  also  to  the  first  two  aksaras  of  this 
word.  There  is  no  5-stroke  on  the  ya, 

11.  Bn.  [BujdJiiikasija.  See  note  8;  the  i-stroke  is  distinct. 

12.  Bn.  mdhuye.  The  d-stroke  of  vd  is  perfectly  clear, 

IB.  Bn.  Savatrana{'>)pofr[i]y[^^^^  The  d-stroke  of  tru  is  distinct. 
The  fourth  aksara  is  clearly  td;  cf.  e.g.  the  word  nivatana. 
There  is  no  c-stroke  on  the  ya, 

14.  Bn.  Yasdifiel  There  is  no  c-stroke  on  the  ya, 

la.  Bn.  daiia.  The  d-stroke  is  distinct. 

16.  Bn.  proirma,  hut  the  second  aksara  is  undoubtedly  di ; 
pro,  of  course,  is  a mistake  for  pra. 

17.  Bn.  '’‘ta{ii)Hiaj)e{pi)ta,  The  f- stroke  of  ii  is  rather 
indistinct. 

In  the  year  48,  in  the  2nd  month  of  the  rainy  season, 
on  the  Ivili  day,  of  mahdrdjd  Huveksa,  on  tliat  (date 
specilied  as)  ahove,  at  the  request  of  Dlianasirl  (Dhanajasri), 
tlie  female  pupil  of  Dhafiavala  (I)hanydv(dt^^^  m the 
Koliya  fjana,  the  BaTna[da^]siya  {Brahmf/ddsilan  hula, 
the  BiiQamigiirl  {UeedndpjCirl)  image  of  Sambha\'a 

was  set  up  as  the  gift  of  Yasa,  the  daughter-in-law  of 
Budliika,  the  granddaughter  of  Savatrata  (Bivutrdfd  ‘()d 

Mr.  Baiierji  talces  Pacandgarl  as  a Prakrit  form  of 
VajTaMagarl.  Leaving  aside  the  plionetical  difliciilties, 
tins  interpretation  is  impossible  as  the  Yajranagari,  or 
ratlier  Varjanagari,  mklm  is  a subdivision  of  tlie  Varana 
gana.,  not  of  the  Koliya  gama.  There  can  Ije  no  dou])t 
that  Facarudgariya  is  a mistake  of  the  engraver  for 
Laxtndgariya. 

The  remaining  inscriptions  of  unknown  origin  are  but 
small  fragments.  No.  12,  which  consists  of  but  two  words 
and  a half,  is  correctly  read.  No.  15,  incised  on  the 
fragment  of  a slab,  is  read  by  Mr.  Banerji : — 

Gosalasj^a  dliita  Mitraye  [danaiii^] 


160 


BRAHMt  JNSCKIPTIONN 


Lio^(iu.stif:a]]y  aiid  pa] geographically  the  foriii  Gomlasyw 
m striking.  In  m>,  fa,  tra,  the  d is  expressed  by  a long' 
slantijig  line,  whereas  in  syd  the  sign  would  seem  to 
consist  of  a short  and  peiiectly  vertical  stroke.  Now, 
on  tlsie  reverse  of  tlie  two  impressions  before  me  just 
this  stroke  is  entirely  invisible,  whereas  the  rest  of  the 
inscription  is  quite  distinct.  I have  therefore  no  doubt 
that  it  is  only  an  accidental  scratch.  Why,  at  the  end, 
danarh  should  be  supplied  instead  of  dcmmh,  is  un- 
intelligible to  me.  I read  : — 

Gosalasya  dhita  Mitraye  ... 

[The  gift]  of  Mitra,  the  daughter  of  Gosala.’’ 

Of  Nos.  17,  19,  20,  and  21, 1 have  no  impressions.  But 
in  the  case  of  No.  19  even  the  collotype  is  sufficient  to  show 
that  Mr.  Banerji’s  readings  are  incorrect.  He  reads  : — 

1.  . . . sya  [vjrta  Kii[tu]kasya  ku[tu][ihbini^]  . . . 

2.  . . . na  putrelii  dliitihi  natti  pau[ttrehi*]  . . . 

The  collotype  shows  : — 

1.  . . . sya  . rtakundakasya  kutu  ... 

2.  . . . na  putrehi  dhitihi  nattipau  ... 

. of  the  wife  of  [Ghjrtakundaka,  . . . sons, 
daughters,  daughter’s  sons  (or  great-grandsons  ?)  and  son’s 
sons  ...” 

It  is  extremely  unlikely  tliat  the  second  cdcmra  of  the 
first  line  should  have  been  vr,  as  the  base  of  the  letter 
is  far  too  long  for  a va.  Nor  will  it  appear  likely  to 
anybody  familiar  with  these  inscriptions  that  the  Iiiisband 
of  the  donatrix  should  bear  the  epithet ‘Hhe  chosen  ” as 
supposed  by  Mr.  Banerji.  I would-  restore  the  name  to 
Ghrtakundaka. 

On  No.  20  Mr.  Banerji  remarks— The  inscription  is 
of  some  interest  as  it  contains  the  number  800  expressed 
])ot]i  in  words  and  by  numerical  symbols,  viz.  by  the 
symbols  for  8 and  100  [sidy  This  statement  refers  to 
the  second  line  of  the  fragment,  which  rims — 


iiil A HM I INSCEI PT10K8 


. . . Hi  = astasa,ta  100  8 garidld  , . . 

The  .two  syiiibok  are  not  joined  in  any  way,  and  it 
therefore  appears  to  nie  impossible  that  tliey  slionld 
represent  800.  The  term  aM/mita  is  ambiguous.  It 
certain]}^  may  mean  800,  but  just  as  well  it  may  mean 
.108,  as  pro\^ed  bj  the  pa>ssages  quoted  in  the  PW.  mb  voce 
aMan,  Under  these  circumstances  I cannot  admit  tliat  we 
liave  here  an  instance  of  the  symbol  for  800. 


Tlie  most  iniportant  inscriptions,  from  aii  liistorical  point 
of  view,  would  seem  to  be  that  group  which  is  supposed  to 
come  from  Eamnagar.  Before  we  can  discuss  them,  it  will 
be  necessary  to  enter  into  the  history  of  the  Eamnagar 
excavations,  though  I do  so  reluctantly.  It  certainly  is 
an  unpleasant  task,  but  it  must  be  performed  as  we 
cannot  allow  science  to  be  led  astray  by  statements  which 
apparently  are  not  true. 

In  the  Progress  Report  of  the  North-Western  Provinces 
and  Oiidh  for  1891-2,  Epigraphical  Section,  Dr.  Fiihrer 
gives  a short  account  of  the  excavations  at  Ramnagar 
in  the  Bareli  District.  He  first  describes  tlie  remains  of 
two  Saiva  temples.  With  these  \ve  are  not  concerned 
].iere,  as  no  inscriptions  were  found  in  them.  He  then 
speaks  of  the  excavation  of  a mound  which  broxight 
to  liglit  the  foundation  of  a brick  temple,  dedicated  to 
Farsvanatha,  . . . dating  from  the  Indo-Scythic  period”. 
These  statements  rest  on  epigraphical  finds  about  which 
Fiihrer  says — During  the  course  of  the  exca\'ations 
a great  number  of  fragments  of  naked  Jaina  statues  were 
exhumed,  of  which  several  are  inscribed,  bearing  dates 
ranging  from  Sam  vat  18  to  Sam  vat  74,  or  a.d.  96  to  152. 
An  inscription  on  the  base  of  a >sitting  statue  of  Neminatha 
records  the  following: — 'Success!  The  year  50,  second 
month  of  winter,  first  day,  at  that  moment,  a statue  of 
divine  Neminatha  was  set  up  in  the  temple  of  the  divine 

jEAs. 


162 


BRAHMI  INSCEIPTIONS 


lord  lYirsvanatba  as  a gift  of  the  illustrious  Indrapfila  for 
tin?  worsldp  of  the  Arliats  and  for  the  welfare  and  happiness 
(j[  the  donor's  parents  and  of  all  creatures.”' 

In  uiv  opinion  there  can  he  no  doubt  that  this  inscription 
has  btMui  invente.d  by  the  author  of  the  Report.  The  date 
has  b(sni  copitsj  from  the  Mathura  inscriptioip  Ep.  ImL, 
vol.  ii,  p.  209,  No.  36,  which  is  dated  [sonn.]  oO  he  di 
1 asya  p)iirvvayfi.  The  name  of  the  donor  and  the  pi i rase 
“ for  tlie  worsliip  of  the  Arhats  ” have  been  taken  from  the 
Matliura  inscription,  E'p.  Jrid,  vol,  ii,  p.  201,  No.  9,  which 
records  tlie  gift  of  Idrapala  (Indrapala),  the  son  of 
a Got!  (Ga'upti),  for  the  worship  of  the  Aiiiats.  And 
the  phrase  “ for  tlie  welfare  and  happiness  of  tlie  donor's 
parents  and  of  all  creatures"  lias  probably  been  taken 
from  the  Buddliist  Karrian  inscription,  Ep.  hid.,  vol.  ii. 
p.  212,  No.  42,  wliich  ends:  mdtapyitfmrh  sarvvasa{ta‘\m 
ca  hitasiikhdritha,  “ for  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  (the 
donors)  parents  and  of  all  creatures"  (Biiliiers  trans- 
lation). 

Tlie  account  of  the  excavation  of  the  Jaina  mound  is 
followed  by  tlie  description  of  “another  extensive  mound, 
. . . which  on  exploration  was  found  to  hide  the  remains 
of  a very  large  Buddhist  monasbuy,  called  Miliiravihara, 
and  dating  from  the  middle  of  the  first  century  A.i).  . . . 
Externally  the  temple  was  decorated  with  elaborate  brick 
carvings  and  numerous  figures  of  terra-cotta,  representing 
scenes  from  the  life  of  Buddha,  some  of  which  bear  short 
inscriptions  and  masons'  marks.  . . . An  iiLScriptioii  on 
the  base  of  a terra-cotta  statue  of  Buddha  records  the 
following : — ‘ Success ! In  the  year  31  (a.d.  109),  in 
the  first  month  of  the  rainy  season,  on  the  tenth  day,  at 
that  moment,  a statue  of  divine  Sakyamuni  w-as  set  up 
within  the  precincts  of  the  Miliiravihara  as  a gift  of  the 
monk  Nagadatta,  for  the  acceptance  of  the  Sarvastiv^din 
teachers,  for  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  donor’s 
parents  and  of  all  creatures/" 


BEAHMI  INSCBIFTrONS 


163 


III  this  case,  also,  the  doeiiment  sopposed  to  f(ive 
<;videnee  f<jr  the  iianBi  and  the  date  of  the  huildiiiti^  has 
heeii  jiuuiiiFuctnred  hy  Fuhren  The  date  comes  from  the 
Maihrira  inscription,  Ep.  Ind,,  vol.  ii,  pp.  202  f.,  No.  15, 
which  is  dated  sa  SO  1 va  1 10,  The  rest,  with  the 

exception  of  tlie  name  of  the  donor,  is  an  almost  literal 
copy  of  the  Kaman  inscription  just  ineiitioned,  or  rather 
of  Biihler  8 translation  of  tluit  inscription  : “ . . . at  that 
inoment,  a statue  of  divine  Sakyamnni  (Htikyamurti, 
-arjfi  set  up  as)  tlie  gift  of  the  monk  Nandika  in  the 
Miliiraviliara,  for  tlie  acceptance  of  tlio  SarvastivMi 
iS(n*vdsikxi(H'ih)  teaeliers,  for  tlie  welfare  and  hap2)iness  of 
iOte  donors)  parents  and  of  all  creatures/’ 

Fulirer  next  announces  the  discovery  of  another 
Buddhist  monastery : — The  carved  briclcs  found  on  the 
spot  are  of  the  same  period  a.8  those  of  the  Mihiravihara, 
as  they  show  the  same  patterns  aiid  bear  sliort  donative 
inscriptions.”  And  he  reports  that  ‘‘  during  these  excava- 
tions 1,930  relics  of  antiquities  have  been  exlnimed  and 
deposited  in  the  Lucknow  Provincial  Museum”,  and  again 
he  states  that  the  collection  comprises  among  other 
tilings  “ numerous  carved  bricks  and  terra-cotta  statuettes 
of  Buddha  and  Siva,  inscribed  ”,  and  “ inscribed  Jaina 
images  of  red  sandstone 

To  the  inscriptions  on  the  carved  bricks  and  terra-cottas 
lie  devotes  a special  paragraph^  where  the  audacity  of  the 
author  emulates  the  clumsiness  of  liis  fabrication.  Tlie 
whole  paragraph  is  nothing  but  an  abstract  of  Biililer’s 
introduction  to  his  edition  of  tlie  Saiici  inscriptions,  Ep). 
hid.,  vol.  ii,  pjp.  91  ff.,  with  a few  alterations  necessary  to 
serve  the  new  purpose.  In  order  to  sliow  tliat  this  is  not 
saying  too  much  I put  the  two  accounts  side  hy  side — 
Fiihrer  Biihler 

Theinscriptions  on  the  carved  Turning  to  the  contents  of 

bricks  and  terra-cottas  offer,  in  the  inscriptions,  the  latter  offer, 
spite  of  their  brevity,  a good  in  spite  of  their  extreme  brevity, 


lU 


BRAHMt  INSCIilFnONS 


many  points  of  interest  Borne 
record  donations  by  corporate 
1 todies  or  families,  others  give 
the  names  of  individual  donors, 
as  }sionks,  nuns,  or  laymen. 


As  the  Buddhist  ascetics 
could  not  [tossess  any  property, 
they  must  have  obtained  by 
begging  the  money  required  for 
constructing  the  large  temples 
and  monasteries  of  Adhichhatra. 
This  was,  no  doubt,  x)erniissible, 
as  the  purpose  was  a pious  one. 
But  it  is  interesting  to  note  the 
different  i^roceedings  adoi)ted  by 
the  Jaina  ascetics  of  Mathura 
and  Adhichhatra,wbo  as  a rule 
were  content  to  exhort  the 
laymen  to  make  donations, 
and  to  take  care  that  this  fact 
was  mentioned  in  the  votive 
inscriptions. 

Among  the  indi- 
vidual monks  named  there  are 
none  who  can  be  identified 
with  any  of  the  great  men  in 
Buddhist  scrixniires.  xis  regards 
the  persons  who  are  not  marked 
as  monks,  and  presumably  were 
laymen,  the  specifications  of 
their  i)osition,  which,  are  some- 
times added,  possess  some 
interest.  To  the  highest  rank 


a good  many  points  of  interest 
. . . there  are  ten,  recording 
donations  ].)y  corporate  bodies 
of  families.  The  remainder 
give  the  names  of  individual 
donors  . . . we  find  among 
them  fifty-four  monks  and 
thirty -seven  nuns,  as  well  as 
ninety -one  males  and  forty-five 
or  forty -seven  females,  who 
probably  were  lay-members  of 
the  Buddhist  sect  ...  As  the 
Buddhist  ascetics  could  not 
possess  any  property,  they 
must  have  obtained  by  begging 
the  money  required  for  making 
the  rails  and  j)illars.  This 
was  no  doubt  xjermissible,  as 
the  purpose  was  a pious  one. 
But  it  is  interesting  to  note 
the  different  proceedings  of  the 
Jaina  ascetics,  who,  according 
to  the  Mathura  and  other 
inscriptions,  as  a rule,  were 
content  to  exhort  the  laymen 
to  make  donations  and  to  take 
care  that  this  fact  was  men- 
tioned in  the  votive  inscriptions 
. , . Among  the  individual 
monks  named  in  the  inscriptions 
there  are  none  who  can  be 
identified  with  any  of  the  great 
men  in  the  Buddhist  scriptures 
...  As  regards  the  persons 
who  are  not  marked  as  monks, 
and  presumably  were  laymen, 
the  specifications  of  their  social 
position,  which  are  sometimes 
added,  possess  some  interest. 


BRAHMI  IKSCKIPTIONS 


165 


I )£>] oiig’s  I riil  rn  pdk  ^ ; flesceiicliiig 
lo\v(*r  In  llic*  Hoeiul  scale,  we 
hare  a tillage  land  bolder, 
(laliaiiali  ; next  we  find 
iiuiiaa'ous  poi*soDS  ]>eariBg  tbe 
title  seflil  or  alderman  ; simple 
traders,  canika\  a royal  scribe, 
rdjalipikam  : a professional 
winter,  Ipliiaka  ; a royal  fore- 
man of  artisans,  dresani  ; a 
troojier,  (mivdrika  ; a.nd  a 
linni])l{3  workman,  kaviika,  are 
mentioned. 


The  premlence  of 
merchants  and  traders  seems, 
to  indicate,  what  indeed  ma.y 
be  gathered  also  from  the 
sacred  hooks  of  the  Buddhists, 
that  this  class  was  the  chief 
stronghold  of  Buddhism.  The 
mention  of  professional  writers 
is  of  some  importance  on 
account  of  the  great  age  of 
the  inscri p ti ons . Among  the 
epithets  given  to  females  the 
repeated  occurrence  of  the  old 
Pali  title  pajdvaU,  literally  “ a 
mother  of  children  ”,  is  not 
without  interest,  and  the  fact 
that  some  females  are  named 
merely  the  mother  of  N.N.  ”, 
and  that  others  proudly 
associate  the  names  of  their 
sons  with  their  own,  is  worthy 


To  the  higla^st  rank  Indongs 
the  Vakaladevi  . . . Bcisctmding 
lower  in  tlie  socird  scabs  ue 
have  a gahttpuii  or  ^'i!lage 
landliolder  . . . Next  we  find 
nunierons  persons  hearing  the 
title  sefhi,  shcfh,  or  alderman 
. . . Simple  traders,  vdju'ja 
or  vdnika^  are  mentioned  . . . 
A royal  scribe,  rdjaJipihara, 
occurs  . . a professional  writer, 
lelcliaka  . . . , a {roijal)  fore- 
man of  artisans,  dcesani^  . . . 
a trooper,  asavdrika,  . . . and 
ahumbieworkmaiij/tY^az/lYi  . . . 
Tlie  pi’evalence  of  merchants 
and  traders  seems  to  indicate, 
what  indeed  tniiy  he  gathered 
also  from  the  sacred  hooks  of 
the  Buddhists,  that  this  class 
was  the  chief  strongiiold  of 
Buddhism.  Tbe  mention  of 
professional  writers  is  of  some 
importance  on  account  of  the 
great  age  of  the  inscriptions. 
Among  the  epithets  given  to 
females  the  repeated  occurrence 
of  the  old  Pali  title  pajdvati, 
literally ‘^a  mother  of  children”, 
...  is  not  without  interest, 
and  the  fact  that  some  females 
are  named  merely  ‘‘the  mother 
of  N.N.  ”,  and  that  others 
proudly  associate  the  names  of 
their  sons  with  their  own,  is 
worthy  of  note  . . . The 


^ Indrapala  apparently  refers  to  the  donor  of  the  inscription  of 
Saiiivat  oO.  The  author  has  entirely  forgotten  that  he  has  represented 
this  man  as  a Jaina  layman. 


166  BEAHMl  iKSCKIPTIONS 


of  note,  Tlic  names  of  various 
lay  donors  a.nfl  of  a few  monks 
furniBli  also  some  valuable 
iirfornaition  regarding  the 
esisteiice  of  the?.  Paiiranik 
worship  during  the  second  and 
iirst  centuries  B.c* 

There  are 

so  Die  iianiGs,  such  as  Agni- 
sarrna,  Brahiiuidatta,  Visva- 
deva,  Yamarakshita,  etc.,  which 
are  closely  connected  with  the 
ancient*  Vedic  worship ; and 
some,  as  Nilga,  Nagadatta,  and 
so  forth,  bear  witness  for  the 
existence  of  the  snake-wnrship, 
which  was  common  to  the 
Brahmariists  and  the  heterodox 
sects.  Finally,  names  like 
Vishnudatta,  Balamitra,  furnish 
evidence  for  the  development 
of  Vaishnavism,  while  Nandi - 
gupta,  Kiimaradatta,  Siva- 
nandin,  do  the  same  service 
to  Saivism.  The  occurrence 
amongst  the  Buddhists  of 
Adhicbhatra  of  names  con- 
nected with  the  ancient  Vedic 
religion,  as  well  as  of  such  as 
are  connected  with  Vaishnavism 
and  Saivism,  has,  no  doubt,  to 
be  explained  by  the  assumption 
that  their  bearers  or  their 
ancestors  adhered  to  these 
creeds  before  their  conversion, 
and  that  they  received  their 
names  in  accordance  with  the 
established  custom  of  their 
families. 


namevS  of  various  lay  donors 
and,  I may  add,  of  a fe^v 
monks,  furnish  also  some 
valnalde  information  regarding 
the  existence  of  the  Pannu.iik 
worship  during  the  third  and 
second  centuries  b.c.  . . . 
There  are  further  some  names, 
such  as  Agisima  {AgnikLrrnd)^ 
. . . Babadata  (BraJmadatta)^ 
. . . Visvadeva,  Y^amarakhita, 
"which  are  closely  connected 
with  the  ancient  Vedic  Avorship ; 
and  some,  Nagjl, . . .Nagadatta, 
and  so  forth,  bear  witness  for 
the  existence  of  the  snake- 
worship,  wliich  was  common 
to  the  Brahmanists  and  the 
heterodox  sects.  Finally,  the 
names  Vinhuka,  an  abbreviation 
for  Vishiiiidatta  . . . Balamitra 
. . . furnish  evidence  for  the 
development  of  Vaishnavism, 
w^hile  Nadiguta  {Nandigtqyta) , 

. . . Samidata  {Svetmi-,  i.e. 
Knmdrci-datta) j . . . Sivanadi 
{Simnandi)  do  the  same  service 
to  Saivism.  The  occurrence 
among  the  Buddhists  of  names 
connected  with  the  ancient 
Vedic  religion,  as  w^eil  as  of 
such  as  are  connected  with 
Vaishiiavism  and  Haivism,  in 
these  early  inscriptions,  has  no 
doubt  to  be  explained  by  the 
assumption  that  their  bearers 
or  their  ancestors  adhered  to 
these  creeds  before  their  con- 
version, and  that  they  received 


BKAHMl  IKSCBIPTIONS 


167 


Tlie  j'ules  regarding 
the  giving  of  riaineB  were 
prohfihiy  then  as  lax  amongst 
tlio  IVuddliistB  as  they  are  in 
the  present  day  among  the 
betei'odox.  sects  of  India.,  which 
by  no  means  restrict  them- 
selves to  the  lists  of  their 
particnlar  saints  or  deities. 
Their  historical  vahie  consists 
therein  that  the>'  form  a,  link 
in  the  chain  of  evidence  wliich 
enahles  us  to  trace  the  exist- 
ence, na>%  the  prevalence  of 
Vaisbnavism  and  Sai^ism,  not 
only  during  the  second  and  first 
centuries  B.c.,  but  during  much 
earlier  times,  and  to  give  a firm 
support  to  the  view  now  held 
by  a number  of  Orientalists, 
according  to  which  Vaisbnavism 
and  Saivism  are  older  than 
Buddhism  and  Jainism. 


their  names  in  accordance  with 
the  established  custom  of  tlieir 
families.  Tlie  rules  i-egarding 
the  giving  of  names  wviv. 
probably  tlum  as  lax  among 
the  Buddhists  as  they  are  in 
the  present  day  among  the 
heterodox  sects  of  India,  which 
by  no  means  restrict  them- 
selves to  the  lists  of  their 
particular  saints  or  deities. 
Their  historical  value  consists 
therein  that  they  form  a link 
in  the  chain  of  evidence  which 
enables  us  to  trace  the  exist- 
ence, nay  the  ])re valence  of 
Yaishuavism  and  JSaivism,  not 
only  during  the  third  century 
B.C.,  but  during  much  earlier 
times,  and  to  give  a firm 
support  to  the  view  now  held 
by  a number  of  Orientalists, 
according  to  whicli  Vaishnavism 
and  Saivism  are  older  than 
Buddhism  and  Jainism. 


I liave  quoted  tliis  paragraph  at  full  length  in  order  to 
establish  clearly  the  nature  of  this  Report.^  It  is  highly 
desirable  that  some  competent  person  should  give  us  an 
account  of  the  real  results  of  the  excavations  of  Ramnagar. 
Meanwhile,  as  all  statements  about  epigraphical  finds  that 
admit  of  verification  have  proved  to  be  false,  it  is  very 
probable  that  no  inscriptions  at  all  have  turned  up  at  that 

^ At  first  sight  my  assertion  would  seem  to  be  in  conflict  with  the  fact 
that  Fiihrer’s  Report  is  dated  July  16,  1892,  whereas  parts  x aiid  xii  of 
Ep.  hid.,  vol.  ii,  containing  Biihler’s  papers  on  the  Safici  and  Mathura 
inscriptions,  were  issued  in  August  and  December,  1802,  respectively. 
But  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Fiihrer  was  assistant  editor  of  the  first 
two  volumes  of  the  Ep.  hid,,  and  in  this  capacity  knew  Biihler’s  papers 
befoi-e  they  were  published. 


168 


BUA  HM I 1 XSCHIPTIONS 


pkicH*.  Ai  any  rate,  it  Keeias  to  uie  iiiipo.ssible  to  nuike 
this  the  base  of  auy  identification  as  3fr.  Banerji 

does.  On  p.  107  he  says:- — ''None  of  tlie  inscriptions 
from  Rfunnao-ar  liave  ever  been  properly  edited.  Trans- 
lations of  throe  of  tlicia  have  appeared  in  J')r.  Fiihrers 
Report  of  tin*  Fpi;L!;i*aplucaI  Section  for  1901-2,  out  of 
which  only  om.^  lias  been  found.  The  rest  could  not  be 
traced  eitliei-  in  the  ,<j'aileries  or  the  TaJjl'Iuma  of  the 
Lucknow  Provincial  Museum.”  Tliese  remarks  are  full 
of  inaccuracies.  In  1902  Fiihrer  could  write  no  reports, 
because  lie  was  no  longnr  in  tlm  Government’s  service. 
So  Mr.  Banerji  apparently  refers  to  the  Report  for 
1891-2.  Tliis  Report,  however,  contains  translations  of 
only  two  inscriptions,  and  tliat  the  originals  of  these 
cannot  be  ti'aced  will  cause  no  surprise  after  what  has 
been  said  above.  Now  from  the  introductory  remarks  on 
No.  9,  dated  in  Saiiivat  74,  it  ap>pears  that  this  is  the 
inscription  tliat  Mr.  Banerji  supposes  "to  have  been  found”. 
He  says: — "The  discovery  of  this  inscription  was  amiounced 
by  Dr.  Fiihrer  in  liis  Progress  Report  for  the  year 
1891-2.  But  all  the  details  have  been  omitted.'’  As 
there  is  no  particular  reference  to  tins  inscription  in  the 
Report,  Mr.  Baiierjis  statement  can  refer  only  to  the 
general  plirase  ([noted  above,  that  "a  great  nimiber  of 
fragimmts  of  naked  Jaina  statues  were  exhumed,  of 
wliich  several  are  inscribed,  bearing  dates  ranging  from 
Sam  vat  .18  to  Sam  vat  74”.  I need  not  repeat  why  this 
identification  carries  no  weiglit.  There  is,  moreover,  an 
internal  reason  that  makes  it  almost  impossible  that  the 
inscription  should  come  from  Ramnagar.  The  inscription, 
whicli  is  engraved  on  the  four  sides  of  a pedestal  of 
a HarvatohJLadrika  ^ image  of  a Tirthaiiikara,  runs  according 
to  an  impression  : — 

^ Mr.  Banerji  calls  it  a cafurmuhha  image,  referring  to  Biihler  as  his 
atitliority.  Biihler,  it  is  true,  occasionally  used  this  term  (e.g.  Up.  Ind. , vol.i, 
p.  382,  n.  oI),but  as  far  as  I know  it  is  not  warranted  by  the  inscriptions. 


BHAHMt  JKSCRIPTIOKS 


100 


A.  L [sioii  70j^  4 1 di  5 aya-Vara.nato  ,i;ana[to]  . , . . 

2.  [kn]!rito‘n'^ajariakailfco“^  Hakha4oaya-Birikft[to]  . . , . 

B.  'I.  . . . luKlliariaf^ya  vacaikafsya  ^isiaiye a[ryya]  . . . . 

2 siLsa  

0.  I . ( JfrjaluivilayfA  panatidliariye  sisiiiiy<^  A[r]]iadri.siy[e  f 

" 2.' . . . ■"  ^ 

D.  I . . . . sya  kutii])iniye  Dhamvalaye  dati 

..  2.  . . . . . . . sasiiye.' 

1.  d'be  sa  ixml  the  syinliol  for  70  are  indistinct  in  the 

..;iiixp,ression. 

2.  Bn.  f/m  ; lait  the  r is  as  distinct  as  possible, 

B.  Bn.  .ku  'Jafo  ; ])ut  the  d -stroke  is  quite  distinct, 

4.  Bn.  Vajariakarito,  Here,  again,  the  d-stroke  of  nd  is 
distinct.  As  there  is  a flaw  in  the  stone  below  the  ja,  the  true 
reading  may  he  T-7:/,/;vB. 

5.  The  stroke  to  the  riglit  on  the  top  of  the  j/a  seems  to  be 
acciderita]. 

0.  Bn.  .sdsa  ; lait  the  //-stroke  of  the  first  letter  is  beyond 
doubt.  The  second  aksara  may  ])e  se. 

7.  Bn.  (raJiavalflije.  The  subscriixt  ra  is  not  quite  distinct, 
but  probable.  The  Bstroke  of  the  third  akmra  is  certain.  The 
impression  does  not  show  an  d-stroke  attached  to  the  la, 

8.  Bn.  Aryaddsiye.  The  second  akmra  is  not  quite  distinct, 
but  it  cannot  ])ossibly  be  rya, 

9.  Bn.  ldeva]sya, 

10.  Bn.  kiifubh’lhmi ye ; but  there  is  not  the  slightest  trace  of 
an  anusmra. 

11.  Bn,  DJiaravaldye,  The  d-stroke  of  ru  is  distinctly 
visible. 

12.  Bn.  dati.  The  d-stroke  attached  to  the  middle  of  the 
mdtrkd  is  perfectly  clear. 

“In  the  year  74,  in  the  first  month  of  summer,  on  the 
fifth  day,  [at  tlie  request]  of  Arhadasi  (Arhaddas'i),  the 
female  pupil  of  the  panatidliarl  Grahavila  . . . venerable 
. . . the  female  pupil  of  the  preacher  . . . nadhana  out  of 
the  venerable  Varan  a {Vdrana)  gcina,  the  . . , kula,  tlie 
Vajanakari  (Vd/rjaiidgarf)  sdkhd,  the.^  venerable  Birika 


110 


BKAHMI  1NSCEIPTI0X8 


(Hnka)  [i^tfyhi.hlfOjja],  . . . the  gift  of  Jiharavulru  tlie  wife 
o!  . . . the  mother-in-law  (?)  . . 

Tfa?  style  of  this  inscription  is  exactly  the  same  as  that 
<d*  the  .laiaa  inseriptioirs  from  Mathura.  Tlie  inscription 
elos<‘ly  agrees  in  particular  with  B/k  Inch,  vol.  ii,  j).  209, 
Xo.  th),  where  Biihler  s reading  of  thf3  tljird  line  . . va- 
sya  lJ(uar(ti'‘ffa  si  Hint  ayya-Jinadasi-iKnyitidliarlta^^^ 
sisindf,  . . lias  to  be  corrected  to  . . vasya,  Dinarasya 
sisinl  ayyn-Ji'uadasl  jmmtidhari  tdya  ftsiid  o[yyaY  . . . 
Of  greater  importance  and  almost  decisive  is  the  ineiitioning 
of  tlie  Sirika  sa/iUhhofjcL  The  SrJgrha  or  Srika  smiibhoga 
has  hitherto  been  found  only  in  Mathura  inscriptions,  and 
as  it  is  probably  the  name  of  a territorial  division  it  is 
extremely  unlikely  that  it  should  ever  be  found  outside  of 
that  territory.  If,  in  the  absence  of  all  outward  testimony, 
internal  evidence  may  claim  any  credit,  the  inscription  has 
to  be  assigned,  not  to  Kfimnagar,  but  to  Matliura. 

A second  inscription  that  Mr.  Banerji  supposes  to  come 
from  Ramnagar  is  No.  4 of  his  pajier.  He  says : — 
''  Nothing  is  known  about  the  provenance  of  this  image. 
It  is  now  standing  on  a masonry  pedestal  without  a label 
close  to  the  entrance  of  the  Jaina  section.  In  Ids  report 
for  the  month  of  April,  1892,  Dr.  Fiihrer,  as  tlie  Curator 
of  the  Lucknow  Museum,  reports  tlie  presentation  of 
' 1 pedestal  [sic]  of  a statue  of  a Tirthamkara,  inscribed 
8aka-Saiiivat  10,  excavated  from  the  ancient  site  of 
a Digambara  temple  at  Eamnagar  in  Rohilkhand.'  ^ 
It  is  possible  that  our  image  is  referred  to  by  these 
words  of  Dr.  Fiilirer.”  I am  quite  at  a loss  to  understand 
Iiow  it  is  possible  to  arrive  at  sucli  a conclusion.  The 
report  speaks  of  a pedestal  with  an  inscription  of 
Saihvat  10.  Here  we  have  the  statue  of  a seated  Jina 

^ This  passage  shows  that  also  in  the  inscription  above  panaiidhariijf'. 
is  the  epithet  of  OralmvUaye  and  not  of  minty e Arhadcmye.  The  real 
meaning  of  pamiidharl  has  not  yet  been  found. 

- N.  W.P.  and  Oudh  Provincial  Museum  Minutes,  vol.  v,  p.  6, 
Appendix  A.  This  book  is  not  accessible  to  me. 


BRAHMl  IK8CR1PTIONS 


171 


completely  ])resei‘ved  with  the  exceptioB  ol*  tlie  left  arm. 
and  tlifj  iuHcription  whicli  is  engraved  on  the  upper  and 
.lower  .rim  of  tlie . tlirone  is  dated  in  Saiiivat  12d  I ij:.niy 
afld,  perhajis,  tliat  I should  consider  it  a waste  of  time 
to  search  for  that  inscription-  of  Saiiu’at  10.  We  may 
rest  assured  that  it  existed  jnst  as  little  as  the  inso'iptions 
mentioned  in  the  Progress  Eeport.  Mr.Baiierji’s  inscriptioii 
itself  is  intei'esting  as  being  of  an,  iinnsnal  type.  I read  it 
from  an  impression:— 

. sa[3ii]^  10  2 va  4 d[i]  10  1-  eta[s]ya  pxirvv[a]yam^ 
Koliyato  gainito  ^ Ba[in]blia[d]asiyfito  kulato 
U[ce]- « . * ' . , 

2.  raigarito^  sa[kb]ato  gani[s]ya  Aryva-PusiLnsya  sisini 
I)e[\'a]  panatihari  Nand[i]sya®  bhaginiye"^  ni[va]- 
S,  rtaiia  savikilnam  vaddhaddbiiiinarh  Jinadasi  Rudra- 
deva^‘^  JOattagah'd'^  Rndradevasarnini^-'*  Rud[r]ad.  . 
data  '^ 

4.  Kiimarasiri  Vamadasi  Hastisena  Graliasiri  Rndradata 
Jayadasi  Mit[r]asiri  . . . 

1.  There  is  an  indistinct  symbol  before  sarJi,  not  noticed  by  Bn. 

2.  The  last  figure  is  possibly  2. 

8,  Bn,  purvvdydfh.  There  is  no  d-stroke  on  the  ya  in  the 
impression. 

4.  Bn.  KoUiyMo,  Regarding  my  reading  see  note  2 on  p.  157. 

5.  Bn.  [ga\pato.  The  d-stroke  iswdsible  in  the  impression. 

6.  Bn.  Ulceiia]- ; but  the  wa  stands  clearly  at  the  beginning 
of  line  2. 

7.  Possibly 

8.  Bn.  Datila  . ti  HafinmAdQBya.  There  is  a distinct 
vowel-stroke  on  the  first  da,  but  it  may  be  i.  The  vd  is  not 
certain.  In  the  rl  the  length  of  the  vowel  is  not  quite  certain, 
but  probable.  The  d-stroke  of  nd  is  pretty  clear,  but  the  i-stroke 
of  ndi  is  indistinct. 

9.  Bn.  hhagmiye.  The  length  of  the  vowel  of  the  third 
syllable  is  very  probable. 


^ The  symbol  for  2 is  quite  distinct. 


172 


BEAH-Mi;  .;'mSCEIPT10KS:. 


10.  Jin.  vij'ar^']'.  The  va  is  not  visible,  Init  tlie  r is  (jiiite 
♦listiiict  at  the  top  of  the  ia  of  the  following  lino. 

11.  I In.  s(l  rihlntm . There  is  no  a -stroke  in  tlie  last  a hm  rn . 

T2.  Ibi.  reu.ds  vaddlui\liwvmam^  assimiing  that  the  1:1  was 

i'oiTe-etetl  from  ka  by  the  engraver  himself.  The  second  aksara 
shows  at  the  top  adoiig  stroke  to  the  left  which  may  be  accidental. 
The  tliird  ak^am  b(>ars  no  reseniblance  whatever  to  hi,  althongh 
the  reading  ddhi  cannot  be  called  absolutely  certain. 

Vd.  Properly  lludradova,  but  the  second  stroke  of  the  may 
be  accideiitaL 

14.  Ilm  DilUiUjcdci,  The  vowel-sign  of  the  last  letter  is  clearly 
/ or  possibly  Z.  The  third  a/mm  may  b 

15,  lln.  The  reading  ni  is  certain. 

10.  About  Ion r a /osr/m.s' are  missing. 

17.  Bn,  omits  these  two  aAmms  are  distinet  in  the 

impression. 

18.  Bn.  [Chill  n mi  lira . The  d -stroke  is  not  quite  certain. 

19.  Bii.  omits  this  word.  Only  the  lower  portion  of  the  first 
two  ahuintH  is  preserved. 

20.  Bn.  reads  KumCurmri,  Cjralumri,  Jai/addsi,  Mil[r}ashi, 
hut  in  all  these  cases  the  length  of  the  final  vowel  is  distinct  in 
the  im])ression.  Bn,  besides  Vamadasi.  The  d-stroke  is 
distinct. 

In  the  1 2,  in  the  foiirtli  month  of  the  raiii}^ 

season,  on  the  eleventh,  day,  on  that  (date  specified  as) 
above,  at  the  request  of  Deva,  tlie  the  sister 

of  Nandi  (Nandin),  the  female  pupil  of  t].ie  venerable 
Pusiia  {Fus7jfda),  the  f/anin  out  of  tlie  Koliya  gana, 
the  Baiiibhadasiya  (Brahmaddsika)  kida,  the  Ucenagarl 
(Uecairnag(f.ri)  mkhd,  [a  gift]  of  the  female  lay-liearers, 
the  'mddhaddhints(l),  Jinadasi,  Kudradeva(?),  ]3attagali(?), 

Rudradevasamini  Csvdmim),  Rudrad.  . . data 

Cdatfd),  Gahamiti*a  {Graliamitrd),  Rudra  . . n.a, 
Kumarasiri  Vamadasi,  Hastisena,  Grahasiri  (°sr7), 

Rudradata  {°daUd\  Jayadasi,  Mitrasiri  ...” 

For  parjatiltarl  = panatidhari  cf.  •pariatiliara  in 
E'p.  Ind.,  vol.  ii,  p.  209,  No.  36,  line  4,  and  tlie  remarks 


]}R ABM  [ i N.SCR IPaiOKS 


17 


iibovin  The  terRi  vaddh<:iddhinl  I caoiiot-  explain.  It 
may  be  a,  family  name  or  the  designation  of  a.  easie 
or  profession  oi‘  a geographical  name.  I ha\'e  remarked 
a!r(*ady  that  Mr.  Banerji's  reading  tufddhakl it canimt 
be  npljeldoind  ea'en  tlie  vsnpposition  tliat  vaddhaddlt  i itlnmih 
is  a ciej*ica]  error  for  tndjlh(d:ininam  is  quite  impiT>ba])]e 
as  the  \Yord  in  the  Prakrit  dialects  always  sliows  a lingual 
(Idh.  In  the  list  of  the  srCivilus  the  names  from  Rudradevn 
to  Riidradfymsam'm  present  some  difficulties.^  Perliaps 
Rndradeva  and  Ddftaf/nli  form  one  word,  dditagidi 
lias  some  meaning  unknown  to  me.  At  any  rate,  if 
Rudrad^'-ra  Mas  the  name  of  a srdvikd,  \ve  oiiglit  to 
expect  Itiidradeva,  and  IkltfagCdi  sounds  rather  strange 
as  a proper  name.  Mr.  Banerji's  translation  Rudrade.va- 
sami  {Rticlradevasvdnii/n)  oi  Dattagala’h  partly  liased  on 
wrong  readings  of  course  is  impossible.  Tlie  name  of 
a mah^  peison  wanild  be  quite  out  of  place  in  this  list  of 
fema]<‘  lay-liearers.  pjossibly  belongs 

to  the  following  name,  now  lost,  and  means  '‘the  \vi£e  of 
Riidradeva.” 

The  third  inscription  tliat  Mr.  Banerji  assigns  to 
Ramnagar  is  liis  No.  16.  In  the  heading  lie  speaks  of 
a “'fragment  from  tlie  low'er  part  of  an  image  from 
Ramnagar ’V  but  on  p.  107  he  says  \vith  regard  to  the 
inscription  : “while  another  inscription  (No.  xvi)  evidently 
from  the  same  place  refers  to  tlie  name  of  the  capital 
city  [Adhijchchhattra.  The  identity  of  Ramnagar  witli 
Adhichchhatra  seems  to  be  certain.”  From  these  words 
it  appears  that  the  find-place  is  by  no  means  ^Yarrarited 
by  any  original  document,  but  is  merely  conjectural. 
And  the  only  reason  why  the  inscription  is  held  to 

^ Mr.  Banerji  thinks  it  possible  that  the  two  names  Jinadusi  and 
R;udradeva  have  to  he  taken  as  one  name,  Jinadasi-RudradevcT.  He 
sa3's : The  mother's  name  might  have  been  prelixed  to  dibtinguish 

her  from  others  bearing  the  name  Budradeva.’'  I am  not  aware  that 
anything  of  this  kind  ever  occurs  in  the  inscriptions,  and  it  is  therefore 
hardl}^  necessary  to  discuss  this  opinion. 


174  BEAHMl  INSCRIPTIONS 

come  from  Eriimiagar  seems  to  be  the  mentioning  of 
Adhicehiittra,  wliidi  is  ■ ■supposed , to  be  identical  with 
Ramnagar.  Before  we  can  examine  this  argument^  we 
must  turn  to  tlte  text  of . the . record  itself.  Strange  to 
sa.};,  Mr.  Baaierji  expressly  states  that  “the  inscriptiGn 
consists  of  a single  line  while  immediately  afterwards 
he  gives  the  text  as  standing,  in  the  ■ original  in  two  lines. 
He  reads : — 

1.  ...  naka  gaiia  (?)  Dhananyanasya  ta  . . . aya[ye] 

...  [ye  A]d]i[i]cch.atrakaye 

2.  [nivaw’^Jtaiia. 

It  is  self-evident  that  this  cannot  be  correct.  The  first 
words  yield  no  sense  at  all,  and  it  requires  l^ut  a very 
slight  familiarity  witli.  the  language  to  see  that  a form 
like  l)li(tnaiiy(.inasy(r^  with  a guttural  ii  before  ya, 
is  simply  impossible.  IWy  own  reading,  based  on  an 
impression,  is : — 

1.  . . . ni[i]kat[o]Mvu[Ia]t{o- Vajra]nagar[i]to"  [sakhatjo'^ 

ayaye'''’  . . .t.[s]iy[e] [A]dli[i]cchatrakaye " 

2.  [nivar]tana[]ri]  — ^ 

1.  The  first  mdirkfi  is  doubtful.  On  the  reverse  of  the 
imirression  it  looks  like  ma.  The  Asign  is  indistinct. 

2.  The  first  sign  of  this  ^Yord  has  been  simidy  omitted  by  Bn. 
I take  it  to  be  ku,  with  the  z^sign  attached  to  the  right  horizontal 
bar  of  the  vidtrkci.  The  last  sign  is  certainly  not  dha  as  read  by 
Bn.,  as  it  is  quite  different  from  the  dha  occurring  later  on. 

Only  the  first  two  akmras  of  this  word  are  not  quite 
distinct.  On  the  reverse  of  the  impression  the  first  letter  looks 
like  va,  but  I admit  that  in  itself  it  might  also  be  na,  as  read  by 
Bn.  The  second  letter  I take  to  be  jra.  The  upper  horizontal 
line  of  the  letter  is  indistinct.  Below  the  letter  there  are  some 
scratches  that  give  the  subscript  ra  the  appearance  of  a subscript 
ya.  Bin’s  reading  sya,  instead  of  gariy  is  impossible. 

4.  Only  the  upper  half  of  this  word  is  preserved. 

5.  The  a- stroke  of  the  first  letter  is  quite  distinct.  Also  the 
reading  dry  aye  is  possible. 


BKAUMl  INSCRIFl'IONS 


:.fO 

0»  Tbe  is 'not  certain. 

7.  The  \'owel-sigJis  are  destroyed  and  the  original  reading 
may  therefore  liaTe  been  Adhicohatrikaye, 

8.  Tlif3  r jind  the  anmimni  m not;  certain,  but  th.e  last  nk.Httra 
is  certainly  not  wd.  The  sign.  of.  .pinietuation  has  been  omitted 
by  Bn. 

Tlie  tninslairioii  would  '.be The  request  of  tlie 
venerable  . . the  native  from  ■ Adhicchatra,  out  of 

the  [Petivajniika  {Fra/diiHirmika)  hula,  the  \"ajraiuigar! 
mklidj  ...” 

Ill  my  opinion  the  inisntioning.- of  Adliiechatti’a  in  this 
case  hy  no  ineaiis  proves  tliaf.the  ixiseriptioii  comes  from 
Adhicchattra.  On  the  contrary^,  if  '.  any  conchision  is  to  be 
drawn  from  the  fact,  it  is  .rather' apt  to  show  that  the 
inscription  is  not  from  Adliiccbattra,  as  the  characterizing* 
of  a person  as  the  native  of  a eertaii'T place  would  certainly 
see  111  snpendiu  oils  ill  that  place  itself, 

Tlie  fonrtli  and  last  inscription  which,  aeeoi-fling  to 
.Ml*.  Bauerji  most'  probably came ' from  Ramnagar,  is 
No.  1,  found  on  tlie  top  of  a split  coping-stone.  Here, 
also,  Mr.  Banerji’s  arguments  .'do ■'■not  convince  me.  He 
refers  .again  to  tlie  Curator’s -(i.e.  Fuhrers)  Report  for  the 
month  of  April,  '1.892,  'which  mentions  1 coping  storm 
wntli  inseriptiou  of  the  Saka  era  (dated  Sam  vat  5)  . . . 
Excavated  from  tlie  old  site  of  a lai*ge  Buddhist  temple 
at  Ramnagar,  Roliilkhand  Even  apart  from  the  fact 
sliowii  above  tliat  the  statements  of  that  Report  are  liable 
to  grave  suspicion,  I do  not  see  bow  that  description  can 
lie  said  to  suit  the  stone  bearing  the  present  inscription. 
The  inscription  contains  nothing  to  indicate  that  it 
belonged  to  a Buddhist  temple  ”,  and  it  is  certainly 
not  dated  in  Sam  vat  5.  In  order  to  remove  tin's  latter 
objection  Mr.  Banerji  assumes  that  “ Dr.  Fiihrer  most 
probably  took  the  ivord  Pdmehdlfye,  ‘ of  Paiiichala,’  in 
line  8 for  a date  To  me  it  seems  incredible  that  anyone 
able  to  read  that  script  at  all  should  not  have  recognized 


I 7 li  BHAHMl  IXSCKiFTIONS 

iluit-  the  date  .stands  in  11.  3 and  4.,  ■■■  Iiivthe.se  circumstance.^ 
I tliink  tliat,  until  fresli  evidence ■ha.S:- been  brought  forward, 
this  inscription  also  Inns  to  be  classed  as  being  of  unknown 
origin,  wliieh  is  to  lie  regretted  all  the  more  because,  in 
spite  of  its  mutilated  .state,  it  has  some  hi.storieal  interest 
X<.)t  h^iing  in  possession  of  an  impression,  I do  not  wish  to 
enter  into  details,  but  I think  it  quite  possible  that  it 
reetaxls  the  donation  of  .some  rajan  of  Paiicfila. 


For  reasons  tliat  will  appear  later  on  I have  reserved 
the  inscription  No.  8,  It  is  engraved  on  a Jaina  image 
which  is  supposed  to  come  from  Mathura.  According  to 
Mr.  Banerji  tlie  discovery  of  this  image  was  announced  by 
Fulirer  in  his  Annual  Progress  Report  for  the  year  1890-1 
(p.  17),  and  in  his  Annual  Report  of  the  Provincial 
Museum  for  the  year  1891-2.  As  neither  of  these 
reports  is  accessible  to  me,^  I cannot  decide  whether  the 
identity  of  tlie  inscription  is  established.  Pala^ographically 
this  is  a most  remarkable  inscription.^  Tlie  whole  writing'' 
i.s  extremely  clumsy,  showing  that  the  engraver  certainly 
was  not  accustomed  to  such  work,  and  there  are  a number 
of  peculiar  signs.  In  the  begimiing  of  1.  2 we  find  an  e, 
of  which  Mr.  Banerji  says  that  it  is  unlike  any  Brahnii 
letter,  but  resembles  tlie  Kharosthi  vcl  I cannot  discover 
any  resemblance  to  the  Eharosthi  va,  but  tiie  letter  is 
nevertludess  peculiar,  as  it  is  a cominon  e with  the  base 
line  omitted.  The  same  line  contains  an  ordinary  jitt/  with 
a large  hook  placed  below  the  letter.  This  seems  to  be 
meant  to  represent  u,  though  it  can  hardly  be  paralleled  in 
the  Matliura  in.scriptions  of  this  time.  At  the  end  of  the 
line  ive  find  a ha  witli  an  abnormal  downstroke  and  what 
appears  to  lie  the  left  half  of  a i/a,  the  right  half  of  which 

^ According  to  the  list  printed  at  the  end  of  the  Annual  Reports, 
a special  Progress  Report  for  the  year  1890-1  does  not  exist.  The  list 
mentions  only  a Progress  Report  from  Oetobez^  1889,  till  30th  June,  1891. 

“ My  remarks  are  based  on  two  impressions. 


lUiAHMJ  IKSCBIPTIOKS 


177 


itaii  ncM^r  have  existed.  The  second  letter  ol  tlie  third 
line,  which  piiz^^ied  Mr.  Baiierji,  niay.be  'taken  as  a i/o,  with, 
the  left  curve  touching  the  middle  vertical.,  but  it  diifers 
from  the  same  letter  as  it  appears  twice  in  1.  2.  The 
strangest  sign  is  tiie  fourth  one  of  the  tliird  line. 
Mr.  Banet-ji  transerilies  it  by  the  guttural  Im.,  without 
adding  any  remark.  How  the'  sign  can  ever  be  thought 
to  represent  'ka  I am  unable  to  see.  I do  not  believe  that 
any  similar  sign  can  be  found  in  a Bralimi  inscription, 
though  it  is  just  possible  that  the  engraver  intended  to 
write  a ligature,  the  first  part  of  which  was  iia.  The  last 
sign  of  the  third  line  seems  to  be  again  the  left  half  of 
a.  '//r/.  In  the  fourtli  lirm  we  find  a m witli  the  right 
horizontal  prolonged.  Mr.  Banerji  tliinks  we  ought  to 
read  so,  the  o being  formed  by  tlie  combination  of  a and 
a..,  Init  I arn  afraid  tliere  will  not  be  many  palaeographers 
ahle  to  follow  liim  in  liis  hold  flight  of  fancy.  The  last 
sign  of  1.  4,  read  tii  ]>y  Mr.  Banerji,  seems  to  be  meant  for 
tb\  but  the  ligature  is  formed  in  an  extraordinary  way, 
a small  in  with  tlie  serif  being  placed  inside  a ta  of  the 
ordinaiy  size.  The  first  letter  of  the  last  line  is  read  he 
by  Mr.  Banerji,  which  is  possible  only  on  tlie  assumption 
that  the  c-stroke  may  be  turned  also  in  the  opposite 
direction,  and  that  we  have  l.iere  an  entirely  new  type  of 
ha  not  found  hitherto  in  any  other  inscription.  To  me  it 
seems  that  instead  of  he  we  have  before  us  two  signs,  the 
second  of  whicli  bears  a certain  resemblance  to  da,  wliereas 
of  tlie  tirst  it  can  only  be  said  that  it  shows  an  d-sfroke 
at  the  top.  Tlie  last  two  wsigns,  read  saya.  by  Mr.  Banerji, 
may  just  as  well  be  anything  else. 

As  far  as  it  can  be  read  at  all  the  inscriptior.i  runs  : — ^ 

1.  sa^  70  1 va  1 di  10  5 

2.  etaya-  puvaya'^  gaha[ya]^ 

3.  tiyamu  . . . &nina[ya]''' 

^ la  blio  notes  I have  nob  repeated  those  of  Mr.  Banerji ’s  different 
readings  which  I have  discussed  above. 

JEAS.  1912. 


12 


178  BHAHMI  INSCRIPTIOXS 

4.  iimninivasnsritidhittr^' 

5.  . fiilaimulfiva  ... 

J.  Ill),  afldiiig- that  the  amisvam  is  indistinct.  In.  the 
im|)!‘ession  there  is  no  mmsvam  at' all. 

2.  Bn.  e.ffNje,  lait  there  isiio  c-stroke  at  the  top  of  the ''?/«. 

H.  Ihi.  piimije,  but  the  d-strokes  of  the  two  last  letters  are 
(juite  (iistinet. 

4.  Bn.  reads  only  /za,  but  there  is  a distinct  letter,  which 
I take  to  be  r/a,  before  the  ha. 

0.  Bn.  There  is  no  zj- stroke  on  the  last  letter. 

6.  Bn. //zr,  Avhich  is  possible. 

7.  Bii.  but  the  voAYel  stroke  goes  to  the  right. 

Mr.  Baiierji  lias  attempted  to  translate  this  text.  He 
does  not  shrink  from  explaining  stisoli,  with  tlie  help 
of  modern  Bengali,  as  ''  an  ajHibhramsa  of  the  Sanskrit 
sva8rijjaj’\  I am  not  sure  whetlier  the  pages  of  the 
Epi(jraphia  Indica  are  really  the  proper  place  for  such 
linguistic  jokes.  I confess  my  inability  to  extract  any 
sense  out  of  that  portion  of  the  inscription  which  follows 
the  date.  Of  course,  it  is  possible  that  dJiittr  . ddaiiiadava 
was  meant  for  something  like  dkitra  fcitinid  data,  but 
I think  that  ^ve  shall  never  advance  beyond  such  guesses. 
Considering  the  state  of  the  script  and  the  text,  I distinctl}^ 
doubt  the  genuineness  of  this  inscription.  And  there  are 
some  more  facts  that  point  to  the  same  conclusion.  The 
inscription  is  engraved  on  a piece  of  sculpture  which  is 
undoubtedly  genuine.  It  is  a fragment  of  a standing 
naked  figure  of  a Jaina.  Tlie  preserved  portion  reaches 
from  the  loins  to  the  knees.  At  the  back  there  is 
a piece  of  a pilaster  or  of  the  shaft  of  an  umbrella. 
The  inscription  is  engraved  at  the  lower  end  of  this 
extant  portion  of  the  pilaster,  with  a roughly  cut  arch 
at  the  top.  As  far  as  I kno’sv,  there  is  no  other  instance — 
at  any  rate  not  for  that  time — of  a votive  inscription 
being  placed  at  the  back  of  a statue.  And  if  really, 
out  of  modesty  or  for  some  other  reason,  the  donor 


' BBAIMI  ■■  1 7 1) 

selected  that  side  .for ',lus\iiXHeriptioii  wlij'  did  he  not 
have  it  engraved  ' as  usual - on  the' ■■  pedesfcah  liwt  rather 
on  the  statue  itself'?'  -/rhis ''certainly  looks  siispieiouH, 
and  OUT  suspicion  will  increase o if  ;•  we  .examine  the 
condition  of  that  portion  of  ' tk.e ' stone;  that ' Ixarrs  the 
inscription.  From  the  photograph  and  the  impression 
it  appears  that  a good  deal  of  the  surface,  especially 
on  the  riglit  side,  has  peeled  off.  In  these  places  the 
inscription  ought  to  be  indistinct  ; but  that  is  not  the 
case,  the  letters  standing'  out  here  just  as  clear  as  in 
tlie  rest  of  the  inscription.  . In  , these  circumstances 
I cannot  help  declaring  this  inscription  to  l)e  a forgery. 
The  clecisioii  of  the'  question  who  is  responsible  for  it 
I leave  to  the  readers  of  this,  paper. 


VIII 


■BE.  M.  A.  STEirS  MAHIJSCEIPTS  II  THEKISH 
^‘EOTIC”  SCEIPT  PEOM  MIEAE  AMB.  TUM-HIJAMe 

,'Pcr'BLISHED  AN'1>  T,EAN3LATE1>- -BY  VILHELM  THOMSEN” 

JN  tlie  liiglily  . valuaMe  ; collection  of  MSS...  , YYliich 
'■  “ ■ : Dr..  M.  A.  Stein  brought  home-  from  his  remarkable 
expedition  to  East  Turkestan/  some  -are  found  written  in 
the  runic script  w.e  now  know  from  inscriptions  in 
Mongolia  and  Siberia,  and  of  which  the  recent  investi- 
gations in  Tiirfaii  and  the  adjacent  localities  also  liave 
broiiglit  interesting  specimens  to  liglit.  Dr.  Stein  lias 
done  me  the  lionour  to  request  3ne  to  publish  the  MSS. 
ill  tills  kind  of  script  found  by,  him,  and  it  lias  been  a 
pleasure  to  me  to  do  so  in  this  preliminary  paper,  trusting 
that  ill  a later,  final  paper  I shall  succeed  in  clearing  up 
several  of  tlie  mysteries  and  doubts  which  I have  been 
obliged  to  leave  unsolved  here.  It  has  been  of  great 
assistance  to  me  that  owing  to  Dr.  Stein  s kindness  I have 
been  able  to  make  use  of  the  two  original  MSS.,  here 
designated  I and  II,  in  one  of  our  public  libraries  in 
Copenhagen. 

In  the  transcription,  wherever  I have  tliought  necessary, 
I have — as  in  my  first  paper/^Deehiffrement  des  inscriptions 
de  rOrkhoii  et  de  ITenissei,  Notice  preliniinaire (Bull,  de 
lAcad.  R.  des  sciences  et  devS  lettres  de  Danemark,  1893) — 
designated  such  consonants  as  are  used  only  in  connexion 
witli  back  and  mixed  vowels  by  a small  figure  and  those 
which  are  connected  only  with  front  vowels  by  a small 
The  signs  used  to  separate  the  words  I have  designated 
everywhere  by  colons  (:).  Characters,  especially  vowels, 
which  are  not  expressed  in  the  original  script  but  must  be 

^ M.  Aurel  Stein,  “Explorations  in  Central  Asia,  1906-8, ’’  in 
GeograpMcal  Joimial  for  July  and  September,  1909  (“Reprint’'). 


182 


MAHUSC'RIFTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


iiiiclerstood,  I hive  placed  in  ( ).  La.cima3  I have  indicated 
by  [ ],  and  the  approximate  number  of  jnissing;  characters 

by: 'dots..' 

MS.  I 

M.L  xxxii,  006.  (Plate  I.) 

This  MS.  was  found  in  the  ruins  of  Fort  Miraii/ in 
Dr.  Stein’s  words,  ''a  stronghold  intended  to  guard  the 
direct  route  from  the  southern  oases  of  the  Tarim  basin 
to  Tun-huang,”  on  what  must  have  been  a main  line  of 
coiiiinunication  into  China  from  the  last  centuries  B.e. 
onwards ’V  It  consists  of  three  pieces. 

The  first  of  these  pieces,  which  Dr.  Stein  has  marked  a, 
is  an  almost  entirely  preserved  sheet,  12i-  to  13  inches 
(32  to  33  cm.)  high  and  about  10|  inches  (26  cm.)  broad. 
It  is  written  only  on  one  side. 

The  second  piece,  6,  is  a fragment  which  constitutes  the 
lower  half  of  an  exactly  similar  sheet  written  on  both 
sides  (‘‘  h recto  ” and  ‘‘  b verso  ”).  This,  in  addition  to  its 
being  a fragment  only,  is  also  far  from  being  in  so  good 
a state  of  preservation  as  a.  It  appears  at  one  time  to 
have  been  exposed  to  damp  for  a considerable  period. 
This  has  firstly  resulted  in  the  characters  becoming  more 
or  less  effaced  in  several  places;  upon  the  reverse  side 
(*'  b verso  ”)  to  such  an  extent  that  it  has  not  been  possible 
to  obtain  a photograph  of  this  side.  But  while  damp, 
the  sheet  must  moreover  have  been  subject  to  a great 
pressure  or  tension  %vhich  has  produced  several  ruptures, 
a considerable  one  slightly  above  the  centre,  in  particular, 
and  some  smaller  ones,  while  the  upper  part  of  the  paper 
lias  become  highly  distorted.  After  having  become  dry 
and  rigid  again  the  lines  in  this  part  are  very  much 
displaced  and  undulating,  which  in  connexion  with  the 
partial  etfacement  of  the  writing  renders  the  reading 
extremely  difficult. 

^ Stein,  loc,  cit.,  pp.  29  seqq. 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


183 


The  third  fragment,  6*,  consists  of  the  upper,  ob]if|iiely 
torn  oti'part  of  a sheet,  undoubtedly  not  the  same  as  the 
to  wliieli  fragment  h has  belonged  : partly  liecaiise 
/‘'s  paper  is  apparently  somewliat  wider  than  that  of  h, 
and  partly  because  the  sheet,  if  it  contained  both,  c and  h, 
would  he  corisidtirably  longer  than  the  slieet  a. 

The  paper  in  all  three  fragments  is  homogeneous.  It 
is  a very  coarse,  bi-own,  hand-made  paper,  bearing 
distinct  traces  of  having  been  beaten  out  upon  a board. 
I liave  liacl  a quite  small  piece  of  it  analysed  in 
V.  Stein’s  Analytical-Chemical  Laboratory  in  Copenliagen. 
Unfortunately  tlie  piece  was  so  small  — I did  not  venture 
to  take  a larger  piece  — that  it  was  not  possible  to  arrive 
at  a definite  conclusion  as  regards  the  amount  of  glue  or 
starch  contained  in  it ; it  must  at  any  rate  have  been 
inconsiderable,  and  probably  irregularly  distributed,  wliich 
is  also  in  accordance  with  the  fact  that  the  writing  in 
many  places  strikes  distinctly  througli  the  paper.  Tlie 
analysis  of  the  paper  proved  that  “ the  sample  consisted 
of  highly  flossy  fibres  wdiicli  must  be  explained  as 
pertaining  to  hemp  and  perhaps  also  to  flax;  moreover, 
the  presence  of  a single  hair  of  hemp  has  been  detected. 
A small  quantity  of  fragments  (epidermis  and  bast-cells) 
of  grasvses  lias  also  been  found,  the  presence  of  which 
can  scarcely  be  interpreted  as  originating  from  an 
intentional  admixture,  but  must  be  owing  to  an  accidental 
contamination”.^ 

The  writing  is  large  and  distinct — so  far  as  it  is  not 
effaced.  The  instrument  used  for  writing  was  a brush, 
and  not  a reed-pen.  With  a pointed  instrument  blind  ” 
lines  have  been  drawm  with  an  intermediate  space  of 
about  -j%  of  an  inch  (14-15  mm.),  and  from  these  lines  the 
characters  depend.  Their  forms  resemble  nearly  those 

^ As  to  paper  .from  East  Turkestan  cf.  J.  Wiesner,  “ Ein  neuer 
Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  des  Papiers”  (Sitzungsber.  der  kais.  Akad.  der 
Wiss.,  Wien,  Philos. -hist.  Kl.,  cxlviji,  1904). 


184 


MA:X.USCEI?1’S  ix..tu.ek:ish  eijnic  script 

ill  otlier  'MSS.  from-  Turkestan  written  in  this  kind  of, 
eliaraeters,'"'  It  may  be  noted'  that  the  . sign  for  % has  the 
form  4,  also  frequently  used  elsewhere,  wd.th  the  angle 
turned  towards  the  left  -and  not  reversely,  a.s  is  partly  the 
c,‘ise  in  th<‘  Turfan  MSS.-  Before  this  character  it  is  quite 
usual  to  insert  a,  strictly  speakings  superfluous  as/i6  (o) 
before  the  sign  uq  (oq).  It  is,  perhaps,  by  chance  that 
the  signs  for  Id  (It)  and  nd  (nt)  are  absent,  whereas  rtc 
occurs.  Nor  does  the  sign  for  the  syllable  iqj  ^ which  is 
characteristic  of  these  regions  occur.  No  distinction  is 
made  between  the  sounds  6*  and  i Two  signs  are  used  to 
designate  both  of  them:  the  one  in  connexion  with  back 
(and  mixed  ) vowels  (a^),  and  the  other  with  front  vowels 
(6‘“).  Consequently,  none  of  the  modifications  or  new'' 
formations  met  with  in  certain  Turfan  MSS.,  as  also, 
though  differently,  in  inscriptions,  occur  to  distinguish 
8 from  The  sign  : is  used  to  separate  the  words. 
Lastly,  >some  designations  of  numerals  occur  : a relatively 
short  and  thick  stroke,  sometimes  placed  in  the  lower  half 
of  the  line,  and  sometimes  in  the  upper  half  of  it,  = 1, 
and  tAVo  such  strokes  = 2. 

As  regards  the  contents,  we.  here  have  the  fragments 
of  a register  or  lists  of  persons  wko  may  be  presumed  to 
have  been  either  in  the  act  of  leaving  the  fort  after  having 
stayed  there,  or  of  having  only  passed  by  it  in  the  one 
or  the  other  direction  and  to  whom  a kind  of  passport  had 
been  granted  or  assistance  given  for  their  further  journe3^ 
Tliat  the  traffic  w^as  fairly  brisk  is  proved  by  the  fact  that 
fragment  a,  at  least,  though  it  only  deals  wdth  a single  day, 
yet  comprises  a somewffiat  considerable  number  of  names. 
It  is  natural  that  military  persons  appear  to  be  mostly 

^ See  especially  A.  v.  LeCoq,  ‘^vokburkisches  aus  Turfan”  (Sitzungsber. 
Kgl.  Preuss.  Akacl.  Wiss.,  1900,  pp.  1047  seqq.),  and  V,  Thomsen,  “ Ein 
Blatt  in  tiirkischer  Runenschrift  aus  Turfan”  (ibicL,  1910,  pp.  296  seqq.), 

^ Cf.  V.  Le  Coq,  loc,  cit.,  pp.  1050,  1052. 

® Cf,  V.  Le  Coq,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  1050  seq.;  Thomsen,  loc.  cit.,  p.  299. 

^ Cf.  V.  Le  Coq,  loc.  cit.,,pp.  1054,  1059;  Thomsen,  loc.  cit.,  p. ,298. 


185 


; M'ANITSCBIFTS  IN.  TUBIvISE-  EUNIC  SCRIPT 

ineiitioDed,  and  the' .possibly.'"  turbulent  conditions 
existing  may  be  an  additional  ' reason.  This  careful 
registration  is  in  itself  of.  no  slight  interest  as  regards 
tla.^  Iiistory  of  civilization.  Linguistically,  special  interest 
iitta,e]ris  to  tin?  sto.re  .of ■ personal  names  here  coiitaiiied. 
Se‘verai  of  tlioin  are  known  from  elsewhere,  especially 
from  the , Old-Turkisli  inscriptions  from  Mongolia  and 
Siberia;  but,  in  addition  to  this,  many  new  contributions, 
ape  added  to  oiir  knowledge'of  the  Old-Turkish  manner  of 
naming. 

Now,  there  remains  to  be  discussed  .the  question 
regarding  tlie  age  of  the  manuscript.  ■ The  only,  direct 
iiidicatioii  of  time  contained  in  the  manuscript  itself  is 
the  date  wliicli  occurs  in,  the  bepiiminH  of  a : The  fourth 
month,  the  twenty -nintli.’'  But  we  get  no  information 
at  all  regarding  the  year.  It  is  evident,  however,  that 
it  is  written  by  a Turkish  clerk  who  lield  an  appointment 
at  a Turkish  or  essentially  Turkish  garrison,  and  among 
other  things  it  is  unquestionable  by  reason  of  several 
Chinese  titles  (and  names  ?),  such  as  Sangtm^  Chigshiy  etc,, 
that  the  fort  and  the  country  have  been  under  Chinese 
rule.  On  the  other  hand,  there  appears  to  be  no  trace 
wliatever  of  Tibetan  in  the  MS.  From . this  we  may  be 
justified  in  concluding  that  it  is  older  than  the  time  when 
the  Tibetans,  in  the  eighth  century,  establislied  themselves 
here,  remaining  as  late  as  the  ninth  century,  when  the 
fort  was  completely  ruined."  Consequent^,  the  MS. 
undoubtedly  cannot  be  later  than  the  middle  of  tlie 
eighth  century  a.d.  ; if  anything,  it  is  perhaps  of 
somewhat  earlier  date,  and  the  form  of  the  letters  as 
well  as  the  texture  of  the  paper  corresponds  fairly  well 
with,  tins  supposition. 

I shall  now  give  the  text  with  the  translation. 

^ Cf.  also  Houtsma,  Uin  turkiach-arabisches  Glossar,  Leiden,  1894, 
pp.  25  seqq. 

“ M.  A.  Stein,  loc.  cit.,  p.  30. 


186 


sra^NUBCEiPTs ..  m I’UEKisH mjmc  . scbipt 

■ €l  ' : 

' 1.  Tdrtin£  : (a}y  : tooquz  : otuzqci 
2.  unfajjfajn  I'mt  : y(a}TUiih : ibr(^b)mh  : tmhb 

8.  n : cig^i : kd  : y(a)Tl(^y  : hoWl : 

5.  hUgd  : cigsikd  : y(oj)rl(%)g  : holti : 

6.  Citqa  : kdnmus  : ; dzikd  : 

7.  y(€b)rl(^Jy  : boWi : killicg 

8.  qa  : bir  : y(ci)Tl('i)y  : bolti : Impd : 

9.  y(a)ruq^ : ilviln  : hir  : y(a)ruq  : y(cb}r 

10.  If'ijy  : bolti : (a)l(a)m  : icrald  : sildd 

11.  k(d)lurmis  : ilc  : y(a)ruq  : da  : ilgdkd 

12.  : hir  : y(a)rl(%)y  : holti  : k(d)dim  : 

13.  qa  : \ : (d)d[c]il^^  sfajfmn  : tirdkd  : \ : 

14.  S'liym  : b(a)luq  : da  : kirmU : y(a)r’i 

15.  Iq  : da  : b(a)y'ir‘^qidar : qa : (a)lM  : y(a)ruq  : 

16.  tiginkd  : \ : h(a)rs  q(a)n  s(a)imnqa  : I : 

17.  " qiitaz  : %ir(bb)im  : qa,  : I ; kill  : cigfi  : 4 ii|^- 

18.  nisihd  : \ : s(a)r(l)yPlrqa  : I ; k(d)nsig  : q 

19.  a [sic]  ; I : t(d)filig  (a)pa  : qa,  : \ : qtdhvy  : qa  : i : 

20.  siltHlrkd  : \ : tir(tc)7m  : sfajmm  : qa  : i ; 

21.  hfdjcii  (ajqxi : ihrdk  : ikd  : bir  : yfajri'iq  : yo 

* ' ““ 

22.  snnq  : hirld  : 

b recto 

1.  m-ad  : urfujnu  : y(a)ruqi  ;[  • ]ma«  ; q[a  ;] 

2.  y(a)rl(7)y  : holii : yurta  : (a)t  : ucon  [sic 
■ ' 111 

^ Ant  0 wliich  was  first  wTitten  has  run  and  has  been  blackened  over, 
after  which  a new  0 was  written. 

- Written  thus  between  the  lines  ; to  be  inserted  in  1.  8 after  bir. 

" The  missing  character  has  run  ; it  resembles  e if  anything,  not  //. 

^ At  the  end  of  the  line,  after  i,  there  is  no  character,  but  either  a blot 
of  ink  or  a character  which  had  been  commenced  and  then  effaced. 

® Or  clerical  error  for  ? 


MANtJSGElPTS  IS  TURKISH  EUNIC  SCRIPT  18 

3.  k(d)lmis  : y(a)r^  : y(a)ymis  : tutuuq 

4.  qa  : y(a)rl(i)y  : bolH  : bindir  : 

5.  kd  : y(a)r\^tq  : '■  hoUl : 

(5.  yolta:(a)t:kdgurm(i)s:(d)rka:\:y 

7.  (a)r^  : y(a)rl(7)y  : holU  : killily  : 8(a}n 

8.  un  : qa  : | ; yo^m/q  : y(a)rl(%)y  : bolt'i 

9.  k'ilrdbir  : ur( u )nu  : s( a )nimqa  : | ; 

10.  qiliti  : I .•  h(a)rduuq  : y(a)rl(%)y  : holt 

11.  % : qocVj : h(a)l%lq  ; da  : k(a)lmis  : qil 

12.  tc  : kite  : q[{a)r']a  : qa  : y(<i)'rl(%)y  : bolti  : 

b verso 

1-  [•  ].-|.-H[.  . .] 

2.  qcU  yhd\_i(^  or  a]  : : y(a}7^[.  .] 

3.  [.]  . . .]kd  itr(u)nw  : qa  : 

'I  ? 1 

4.  bolti  : lae[.  .]  h( a )ylimq  : eq( or  a)s^  [y( a /r] 

5.  uq%  : h(a)7'*8  : ur(to)mi : qa  : y(a)7d(i)y  : bo 

6.  lt%  : [,]7^Vcin\:ys(a)nu^^^  . .] 

7.  y(a)rnqin^ : 'irdal^  : ul7^](u)mvqa  : y[(a)r] 

8.  l(i)y  : boUh : 

9.  tU  sfajnun  : y(a)ruqm  : qiy(a)j(a)n  : tor 
1 0.  ( u )mi  : qa  ; b( d 

c 

1.  huaurqa : y(a)r%'^  : 

2.  bir  : ugdkd  : bit^ : y(a)rnq  : bfajtrli  : 

3.  tiizmis  : kd  : | ; y(a)rUq  : q%y(a)y(a)n  : qa  : 

4.  y(a}ruq  : qtda.fa  : UT(tJu)nttqa  : } ; y(<^^)'^d\^}fl  • • 

5.  qofiM  : l-(d)r-kd[^i<i^\  : ||  : y(a)7dl^  : t(a)yll[.  . . .] 

6.  bw  : kokumndh  : y(ct)T'i^Cq  : y(a)rl(i)y  ?] 

7.  bolto  : (d)ldkid[ . y(a)H] 

8.  iq  : i7i^aylu[ — — — — — ] 


188 


M,lXiTSCEIPTS  ■ IX-  TURKISH  'RUXIC  .^SCRIPT 

The  fourfcli  inonth.T'lie  twenty-nintlu-  To  [Jiiagan  Cliiir’s 
yariri  Uriingu  Tudun  .Chigslii  a .yarlig  was  (granted). 
To  Alaiii  Ichirilki’s  yariq  Cliik.  Bilga  Chigslii  a yarlig  was 
ygi‘anted).  To  Otqa  Konmisli  Qilicli  liimself  a yarlig  was 
(granted).  To  Kill  tig  Urungu  were  (given)  one  yariq  and 
a y arl  ig.  Concerning  the  yariq  Kiipa  one  yariq  and  a yarlig 
were  (given).  Of  the  three  yariqs  sent  by  Alani  Icliriiki 
from  the  army  (there)  was  (granted)  one  yarlig  to  Uga, 
1 to  Kadiia  Umiigu,  and  1 to  Ad[cli  ?]ti  Saiigun  Tira.  Of 
tlie  yariqs  arrived  from  the  town  of  Sugchn  (there)  w^ere 
(given)  six  yariqs  to  the  Bayirqns,  1 to  Tigin,  1 to  Bars 
Khan  Sangurq  1 to  Qutuz  Urungu,  1 to  the  younger 
brother  of  Kill  Chigslii,  1 to  Sarig  Cliir,  1 to  Kansig, 
1 to  Tanglig  Apa,  1 to  Qutlug,  1 to  Siichtir,  1 to  Urungu 
Sangun,  and  to  Bacha  (?)  Apa  lehraki  one  yariq  together 
witha.yosuq. 

h recto 

To  Inal  Urungu’s  yariq  [.Jmasli  (?)  a yarlig  was 
(granted).  To  [Yag  ?]mis]i  Tutuq,  the  yariq  who  had 
come  from  the  camp  (?)  with  thirty  horses  (?),^  a yarlig 
was  (granted).  To  B(?)indir  were  (given)  a yariq  and 
a yarlig.  To  a man  whose  horse  had  dropped  dead  (?) 
on  the  way  were  (given)  1 yaiiq  and  a yarlig.  To 
Kuliig  Sangun  were  (given)  1 yosuq  and  a yarlig. 
To  Klirabir  Urungu  Sangun  were  given  1 sword  (?)  and 
i yarlig  for  going  (?)  (or:  after  he  had  gone  ?).  To  Qilich 
Kiich  Q[ar  ?]a  a yarlig  was  (given). 

6 verso 

To  the  yar[iq  of  ? — — Urungu  Urungu  a 

yar[lig]  was  (granted).  To  Lach[in  ?]  Bayl(?)uq[---]’s 

^ Or  “ for  the  sake  of  horses  ” ? 


M'AKUSCEIPTS  IN  TUBKISH-  RUNIC  SCRIFr  , ,189 

yariq  Bars  ITriiiigu  ,a  yaulig  .'.w  (granted)..  To  Inal 
U[rii]iigii,  a janiq  ,of  [.Jarkiir.Sangiiii,  Tir[~],  a yarlig 
was  (granted),. 

lit  Saiiguii  gave  a yariq  of-  liis  to  Qiyagan  'Uruiigii.  : 


e 

To  Biichiir  a- yaric|. 

To  Bir  (?)  Uga  one  yariq  went. 

To  Tilzmisli  1 yariq,  to  Qiyagan  one  yariq,  to  Qiil  Apa 
Urungn  1 yariq,  to  the  shepherds  2 yariqs.  To  Tai  [— ] 
one  — (?)  yariq  [and  a yarlig?]  .were  (given).  [To] 
Alakiil  [ — — ] Inanchn  [ ]. 

Notes  to  I 

a,  1.  2.  Yariq  is  a hitherto  unknown  word.  Here,  apparently,  it  is 
used,  on  the  one  hand,  to  designate  an  officer  (?)  dispatched  for  a special 
purpose  by  another  and  superior  officer  or  by  a man  of  rank.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  when  it  is  stated  in  the  list  that  to  so-and-so  one  or  more 
yariqs  from  the  fort  have  been  given  it  appears  to  me  tliat  it  rather 
suggests  a militaiy^  personage  provided  as  an  escort.  The  conirnon, 
primary  signification  is  no  doubt  “ one  who  is  detached  ”,  and  I believe 
the  word  is  nothing  but  a derivative  from  the  verbal  root  yar,  to 
split”  (“to  detach”).  As,  however,  the  sense  is  somewhat  uncertain, 
and  I have  not  been  able  to  find  a word  which  completely'  expresses 
the  conjectured  significations,  I have  retained  the  Turkish  word  in  the 
translation. 

a,  1.  3.  The  Turkish  yarBy  is  very  much  the  same  as  that  now' 
frequently  expressed  by  the  Better-known  Persian  ^\ov(X  Jarman,  “a  decree, 
an  edict,  an  open  letter  wdilch  serves  as  a passport  or  introduction  to 
other  autliorities.”  This  w'oi*d  also  I have  retained  in  the  translation. 

a,  1.  14.  Saycu  is  the  towm  Su-chou  (j|[  ^l‘[)  in  the  Chinese  province 
of  Kansnh,  Marco  Polo’s  Succiii,  Sukehu  (H.  Nule,  The  Booh  of  Ser  Marco 
Polo,  London,  1871,  i,  p.  196).  The  old  pronunciation  of  the  syllable 
m (]^*)  was 

a,  1.  15.  The  Bayirqm  -were  a Turkish  tribe  nearly  related  to  the 
Uigixrs  and  living  north  of  the  great  desert. 

a,  11.  21/22.  Yostiq  (see  also  6 r.,  1.  8;  cf.  Chagatai,  Eastern  Turki  yosuu, 
Teleut.  yozoq,  a rule,  institution,  custom)  appears  to  denote  one  or  more 
military  persons  of  lower  rank  than  a yariq  (?).  Possibly  “ an  orderly  ”, 

‘ ‘ sergeant  ”,  or  some  such  person ; or  possibly  a comimind  or  detachment  'i 
h r.,  1.  6.  I assume  that  hogiir-  is  related  to  the  Eastern  Turki  kokra~, 
“ to  thunder,”  Osmanli  gurllB  ==  (1)  idem,  (2)  “die  a sudden  death 
h i\,  1.  11.  Qocii,  Chinese  Huo-chou  called  later  Qara-Khoja, 

near  modern  Turf  an. 


190 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


M-aii' 

Ch.  00331.  ' (Plates. II, ANr>  IIIa.)  ■ 

Tills  MS.,  wliieh  was, found  in  the  wonderful  deposit  in 
the  Halls  of  tlie  Thousand  Buddhas”  near  Tundmaiigd 
must  decidedly  1)0  eluiracterized  as  tlie  most  remarkable, 
(*omprehmisi\'e,  and  also  best  preserved  of  all  tlie  MSS, 
found  hitherto  written  in  the  Turkish  runic  script. 

It  is  in  the  form  of  a little  book,  written  upon  excellent^ 
tliick  and  strong  Chinese  paper,  yellow  in  colour.  It 
consists  altogether  of  fifty-eight  leaves  of  eijual  size,  or 
twenty -nine  small  sheets,  about  5 J inches  (13*()  cm.)  high, 
and  about  3,1  inches  (about  8 cm.)  wide.  The  sheets  are 
not  stitched  together,  but  glued  together  at  the  back,  one 
by  one.  The  glue  lias  been  so  durable  that,  practically, 
it  has  not  yet  loosened.  A.s  there  is  no  binding  at  all 
on  the  book,  and  as  it  has  evidently  been  much  read,  the 
corners  and  the  outmost  leaves  are  somewliat  worn  and 
creased ; but  otherwise,  owing  to  the  excellent  quality  of 
the  paper,  it  is  as  well  preserved  throughout  as  if  it  had 
been  lately  written. 

The  Turkisli  text  begins  upon  the  reverse  page  of  the 
fifth  leaf  (I  reckon  this  as  p.  1 ; the  original  has  no 
pagination)  and  ends  upon  tlie  front  page  of  tlie  fifty- 
seventh  leaf.  As,  with  the  exception  of  these  two  leaves, 
all  the  others  are  written  upon  both  sides,  the  text 
comprises  104  pages  in  all.  The  two  last  pages  (103  and 
104)  contain  a postscript  or  colophon  written  in  red  ink. 
Tlie  fii'st  nine  and  the  last  tliree  pages  of  the  book  had 
originally  been  blank;  but  afterwards,  not  only  have 
these  twelve  pages  been  closely  filled  with  writing  in 
Chinese,  but  also  the  last  three  pages  (102-4)  of  the 
Turkisli  text,  together  with  the  margin  of  the  last  but 
four  (p.  101)  and  of  p.  1,  have  been  entirely  covered  with 


^ M.  A.  Stein,  loe.  cit.,  pp.  39  seqq. 


sr4^e  jr  jfr>»  0 


M'AKUSCRIPTS  iX  TUEKISH  BUNIC  SCHIFT 


191 


Chinese  writinj^,  parti}"  owing  to  wiiich  it  is  rather  difficult 
to  read  wliat  is  written  beneath — especially  on  pp.  103 
and  i()4.  Dr.  Stein  tells  me  (I  myself  am  unable  to  verify 
it  adequately)  that  these  additions  in  Chinese  are  not  in 
<*iny  way  connected  witli  the  Turkish  text. 

The  written  column  is  rather  small,  about  to  4 inches 
(81  to  lOcnK)  liigh  and  about  2 to  2^1  inches  (5  to  51cm.  ) 
wide.  Upon  a page  written  in  full  there  are  nine  lines 
only,  each  line  consisting  of  as  many  as  eight  to  ten 
cliaracters,  including  tlie  signs  for  separating  the  words. 

The  writing  is  elegant  and  clear,  and  bears  evidence  of 
a practised  hand.  Tlie  writing  materials  used  laive  been 
a ].)rush  aiid  excellent,  black  Indian  ink.  On  the  other 
hand,  what  is  written  with  red  colour  is  more  or  less 
decidedly  faded.  On  the  whole,  the  cliaraeters  agree  in 
form  with  t])ose  in  MS.  I,  as  also  with  those  which  are  met 
with  in  tlie  fragments  of  manuscrij^ts  found  in  Turfan.  It 
may  be  noted  that  tlie  sign  for  ^ (see  p.  184)  is  not  used 
at  all  (ug,  on  the  othei'  liand,  occurs  frequently).  With 
regard  to  the  sounds  s and  -s,  tlie  case  liere  is  the  same  as 
in  I : there  are  the  signs  and  6*“  only,  both  expressing 
both  s and  .sU  As  in  I,  so  also  here,  tve  find  none  of  the 
modifications  of  certain  characters,  b}^  the  addition,  of 
diacritical  lines,  which  are  found  in  some  of  tlie  Turfan 
fragments.  On  tlie  other  hand,  we  often  find  the  sign 
for  the  sound-combination  np^  hitherto  known  from  tlie 
Turfan  MSS.  only,  and  before  which  a superiiuous  is 
sometimes  written,  as  before  nq  (compare  p.  1 84).  Moi^eo ver, 
we  find  a new  sign,  not  hitherto  known  from  elsewhere, 
for  the  syllable.  0^  (and  tit?),  viz.  ; it  occurs  three 
times,  and  only  in  tlie  word  ot,  grass.''  Of  signs  for 
consonantal  compounds,  are  found  (tU)  and  tic ; before 
the  latter  is  often  added  a superfluous  n (ntj^) ; but  Id 

^ As  ill  other  sources,  is  often  written  after  i instead  of  ; thus 
always  in  the  verbal  affix  After  'i  id-  likewise  sometimes  occurs 

for  id,  and,  before  7,  i/-  for  i/b  e.g.  (XVII,  p.  25). 


192  MANasCRIXTS  IN  TURKISH  PJJNJC  SCTJPT  . ' 

iii)  does  not  occmu  . To : separate;  the 'words  two  fine  lines 
surrounded  by  a.  red  circle  are  used  (here,  expressed 

by:). 

The  book  consists-  of  -sixty-five  short,  imiiiiinbered 
cliapters  or  paragraphs.^  Each  of  them  is  headed  .by  a 
line  composed  of  small,  black  circles  filled  -with  red 
and  occurring  in  continually  alternating  cornbinations, 
e.g.  oo  00  00,  oooo  cooo  oooo,  oo  o oo,  etc.  Ill  the  following 
I designate  these  chapters  by  Koman  numerals. 

Each  paragraph  contains  a small  story,  or,  strictly 
speaking,  it  describes  quite  shortly  some  or  other  simple 
situation  or  mood  in  which  nature,  and  especially  animals, 
usually  play  a part.  They  may  be  compared  more  nearly 
to  a series  of  small  lyrical  poems  in  prose.  Almost  every 
paragraph  (except  IV,  X,  XIII,  XIV,  XXI,  XLVIII,,  and 
LI)  ends  with  a kind  of  etliical  decision  : This  is  good/^ 
or  “ This  is  evil  ”,  or  the  like.^ 

Now  wliat  is  the  meaning  of  this  ? And  what,  on  the 
whole,  is  the  object  of  the  book  ? According  to  pp.  103 
and  104  (the  colophon)  it  is  written  for  the  use  of  two 
young  students  or  schoolboys;  therefore  we  may  be 
justified  in  regarding  it  as  a kind  of  moralizing  reader. 

^ The  only  corresponding  instance  that  I know  of,  which,  however, 
can  seiircely  he  interpreted  similarly,  is  that  from  a Christian  fragment 
from  Turfan,  published  by  v.  Le  Coq  Ein  christliches  uiid  ein  mani- 
crhaiselies  Alanuskriptfragment  in  turkischer  Sprache  aus  Tiirfaii,” 
Hitiiiingsber.  Kgl.  Prenss.  Akad.,  1909,  pp.  1206,  1207),  in  which  one 
of  the  two  chapter  headings  preserved  has  the  addition  “This  is 
good*’  [iidija  ol)  and  the  other  “This  is  evil”  {ymiaq  ol).  Dr.  v. 
Le  Coq  translates  it : dies  1st  gut,  iibel  {anziihdren).”  As  here  on 
p.  101,  “this  book  is  good  (to  read,  for  obtaining  wisdom  from).” 
Furthermore,  the  above-mentioned  final  decision  is  usually  preceded  by 
the  words  : “ (he  or  it)  says.  Know  ye  this.”  As  these  w^ords  occur 
also  when  no  such  decision  is  added,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  are 
often  separated  from  it  by  repeated  punctuation  marks  or  a blank 
space,  1 think  that  they  do  not  really  preamble  the  final  decision,  but 
only  mark  the  conclusion  of  the  story  itself.  As  to  the  subject  lor  tir^ 

“ (he  or  it)  says,”  or  “ (they)  say  ”,  I dd  not  know,  for  example,  whether 
it  is  the  author  or  the  principal  person  in  the  paragraph  in  question  wdio 
is  meant.  In  the  translation  I have  omitted  this  word  throughout. 


MANinsCRlPTS  lN;:'.TUEmSH  8CR!i'»T 


103 


I suppose  also  that  it  is  .some 'Such  book  ; but,  on  tlie  other 
hand,  I not  believe  that  .'this,  explains  it  fully. 

Ill  the  postscript  on  p.  101  .it  is  designated  as  hi  7/rq 
hUnj,  “'this  )'rq  wilting'’  or  book  ",  and  from  tlie  post- 
script to  L'Vn  it  is  seen  that  i‘rg  is  the  designation  of 
♦‘Very  single  paragraph.  This  word  I can  only  regard 
;es  being  identical  with  the  Osm.  irq,  a rare,  and 
now,  no  doubt,  obsolete  word,  which  is  stated  to  signify 
the  saTi.uj  as  07ttr,  ''(good)  fortune,  luck,  chance."^ 
l.liis  again  is  unquestionably  related  to  tlie  Trm, 

divination,  omen,"  which  occurs  in  several  northern 
Turkish  dialects  (Altai,  Teleutic,  6tc.).“  If  we  add  to 
this  ' what  we  read  on  pp.  101  and  102,  that  by  the 
help  of  this  book  “ every  one  becomes  master  of  his  own 
Late  ",  then  there  appears  to  be  but  little  doubt  that 
the  real  or  at  least  the  secondary  object  of  the  book 
was  of  a superstitious  nature : it  has  not  only  been 
a moral  or  inoralizing  book,  but  also  an  Irq-hitig^ 
“ a fortune-book.'"  Therefore,  when  it  is  said  every  time 
that  this  or  that  is  good  or  evil  it  undoubtedly  signifies, 
in  particular,  that  it  is  either  the  one  or  the  other  regarded 
as  an  omen — wherefore  the  individual  chapter  itself  is 
called  an  %rq,  an  omen — and  not,  strictly  speaking, 
according  to  a moral  standard.  This  is  confirmed  by 
tlie  fact  that  according  to  our  conceptions,  at  least,  there 
often  appears  to  be  so  slight  a connexion  between  tlie 
contents  of  a story  and  the  moral  thereof ; or,  also,  the 

' Zenker,  Dictionnalre  Turc-Arahe-PerBctn,  Leipzig,  1800,  i,  p.  29 
(referring  to  PTindoglu),  and  I'eferring  to  Zenker,  Riidloff  also,  in  his 
Worterlmcli  der  Turk-Diahete,  i,  p.  1370.  (The  possibility  of  tliere  being 
a connexion  befcAveen  our  i'rg  and  the  or  rr,  “a  song,”  Avhi eh  occurs 
in  several  Turkish  languages— should  this  occur  to  anybody — must  be 
definitely  dismissed. ) 

-Hence  WCmla-,  'inmda-j  “tell  fortunes”;  'irimet,  “a  soothsayer.^’ 
Compare  also  Altai,  Teleutic,  Kirghiz,  etc.,  Ms,  “ fortune,  chance.” 
See  Itadloff,  Worterbttch,  i,  pp.  1368,  1370 ; V'.  Verbitzki,  BlovaP 
alhiiskago  i aladagskago  naricty  tinrkskago  yazika,  Kasan,  1884, 
p.  458  seq. 

JRAS.  1912. 


194  MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TXJRiaSH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 

lattei'  may  be  so  vague  (“  both  evil  and  good/’  or  either 
evil  or  good”,  see  paragraphs  V,  XI,  XYIII,  LV,  LVII, 
and  LXIV)  that  it  can  only  with  difficulty  be  regarded  as 
a real  moral  criticism  of  the  contents.  The  basis  f or 
tlie  signitication  of  the  warning,  the  short  story  or  the 
situation  narrated,  may  be  supposed  either  to  be  a 
dreamd — although  the  description  is  usuallj^^  so  specialized 
that  it  would  be  very  remarkable  for  anyone  to  dream 
just  in  such  a manner — or  sometimes,  perhaps,  something 
that  directly  meets  one  in  life,  or  it  may  also  undoubtedl}^ 
be,  and  perhaps  as  a rule  is,  but  a shifting  framework 
for  an  oracular  response  which  is  sought,  for  instance, 
by  opening  the  book  at  random.  Analogous  instances 
undoubtedly  occur  in  abundance  in  the  literature  of 
Central  and  East  Asia;  but  I must  leave  it  to  others  to 
point  out  more  closely  all  details  in  that  respect.  I only 
want  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  several  of  the  details 
are  so  closely  connected  with  the  mode  of  living  of  the 
Turks  that,  as  far  as  these  paragraphs  are  concerned, 
it  is  impossible  to  conceive  that  they  are  translations  from 
another  language. 

The  book  is  written  in  a somewhat  brief  and  concise 
style,  undoubtedly  in  prose;  at  least,  I have  not  been  able 
to  trace  any  real  metre.  As  characteristic  features  I may 
mention,  on  the  one  hand,  the  frequent  occurrence  of 
parallelism  of  sentences  ^ (that  in  this  case  the  two  parallel 
phrases,  usually,  also  have  the  same  or  almost  the  same 
number  of  syllables,  is  quite  natural  and  cannot  be  alleged 
as  a proof  of  a metre).  On  the  other  hand,  I want  to  draw 
attention  to  the  marked  endeavour  towards  alliteration 

^ Professor  F.  W.  K.  Muller,  of  Berlin,  to  whom  I had  orally  mentioned 
the  contents  of  this  remarkable  book  before  the  signification  of  Trq  liad 
become  clear  to  me,  immediately  advanced  the  supposition  that  it  might 
probably  be  a dream-book  of  similar  nature  to  those  known  from  tlie 
Chinese. 

2 Cf.  Inscriptions  de  rOrkhondichiffries  par  Vilh.  Thomsen.  Helsingfors, 
1896,  p.  96. 


196 


manuscripts:  in  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 

met  with  in  several  places/  This  all iteiution — whicli  may 
often  occasion  a somewhat  far-fetched  choice  of  words — is 
found  especially;  hut  not  exclusively,  in  connexion  with 
the  above-mentioned  parallelism/ so  that  it  connects  every 
single  one  of  the  two  parts  more  closely  together  to 
a unity  and  distinguishes  it  more  decidedly  from  tlie  other 
part,  e.g,,  sariy—sabc%  yaz%(f )y—yalahtic  (XI);  yarin 
yanrayivr,  kicd  kdiirmiilr  (XXII) ; oIcuh  — ogriincim, 
qoh'i — qorq%nSMi  (XXXVI) ; simiqintn  sdpdr,  ilzilhinin 
ulaywr  (XL VIII) ; tij  — tigrcit,  yazi(? )y  — yadrat  (L)  ; 
ycdil — yaylay'im,  qiz'il — qislay'im  (LI) ; yctyaq — yaylayim^ 
qushiy — qlslaymi  (LVI) ; yUqa — y'iditmay'in,  ayqa — 
artatmay’m  (LIX) ; etc. 

Linguistically,  considerable  interest  attaches  to  the  book, 
especially  on  account  of  the  rich  supply  of  words  contained 
in  it.  Many  of  the  words  I have  not  as  yet  succeeded  in 
explaining;  therefore,  in  this  preliminary  note  I have  either 
been  obliged  to  leave  them  untranslated,  or  have  only  been 
able  to  supply  a conjectural  translation  of  them  according 
to  the  context.  There  are  other  words,  mostly  concerning 
daily  life,  which  can,  with  more  or  less  certainty,  be 
compared  with  familiar  words  from  the  modern  Turkish 
languages;  but  many  of  these  words,  as  far  as  I know, 
have  not  previously  been  demonstrated  at  so  early  a 
linguistic  stage  or  in  the  older  forms  we  have  here  before 
us.  The  fact  should  be  emphasized  that  some  of  the 
words  of  this  nature  now  appear  to  be  retained  only  in 
the  more  remote,  northern  Turkish  dialects,  or,  at  any  rate, 
to  agree  more  closely  with  forms  occurring  in  them.  Some 
examples  illustrating  this  will  be  given  in  the  notes. 

Unfortunately,  nothing  can  be  stated  with  certainty 
regarding  the  time  when  the  book  was  written,  only  it 
was,  no  doubt,  written  later  than  the  MS,  M.I.  xxxii,  006, 
and  later  than  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  a.d.  More 
probably,  perhaps,  it  dates  from  the  beginning  of  the  ninth 
century.  The  note  contained  at  the  end  of  the  book  (p.  103), 


196  MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TUBKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 

tliat  it  was  written  in  ''  the  j^ear  of  the  tiger  ”,  explains 
nothing.  It  is  the  third  year  of  the  twelve-years  cycle  in  use 
in  Ea>st  and  Central  Asia,  and  'Hhe  year  of  the  tiger  ” w^as 
e.g.  750  A.D.,  and  every  twelfth  year  before  and  after  that 
time,  as  for  instance  810, 822,  etc.  Nor  can  it  be  definitely 
settled  whether  the  book  is  of  Buddhistic  or  of  Manichsean 
origin, : but  most  outer  and  inner  criteria  speak  in  favour 
of  the  latter.  Judging  from  the  other  documents  we  have 
from  East  Turkestan,  in  the  runic  script,  it  also  appears 
as  if  this  script  has  been  used  chiefly  in  Manichsean  circles. 

I  shall  now  give  a transcription  of  the  text  (where  the 
numbers  in  the  mai*gin  indicate  the  pages  of  the  original), 
with  the  translation  placed  opposite  to  it.  As  I think  it 
unnecessary  to  print  each  of  the  short  lines  of  the  book 
separately,  I use  | to  designate  the  beginning  of  a new  line, 
and  1 1 to  indicate  the  beginning  of  a new  page. 

In  the  text  I make  no  special  reference  to  the  notes 
which  follow,  merely  arranging  these  according  to  the 
numbers  of  the  paragraphs.  Therefore,  with  each  para- 
graph, I beg  the  reader  to  compare  the  notes  concerned. 

1 I.  1.  I am  Ten-si  (i.e.  the 

Mda  : 1 (a)ltim  : drgiln  : iizci  : Chinese  Emperor).  Early  and 
ol2i\n^(a)n  : m(cl)nU(d)y\ur  : late  I enjoy  sitting  on  the 
7}i(d)n  : (cthj^a  : | hilinl(d)r  : I golden  throne.  Know  ye  this. 
(d)dgu  : ol  : This  is  good. 

2 II 11.  cila:(a)tUy  :y\ol:  t(d)nri  : 11.  I am  the  Way-God  on 

m\(a)n  : y(a)r('i)n  : 'ki\cd  : a piebald  horse.  Early  and 

(d  f)mT  : m(a)7i  I .*  utm  : ( d)U  : I late  I amble  (?)  along.  He 

(a)y  1(7)1  : kisi  : 1 oylm  : met  a two-month-old  child  of 

3 soqhsmu  : hisi  : II  qorqmU  : i man.  The  man  was  afraid. 

qorqma:t\im(i)s  : qut:b\iTg(d)i/  : “Fear  not;  I will  give  you 

7nd7z  : I timis  : ((i)7ica  : hilin  : | blessing,”  said  he.  Know  this. 

(d)dgu  : ol  : This  is  good. 

4 III.  (a)lttm  : Q(a)7i(a)tl\\Ci)y : III.  I am  a golden-wdnged, 

t(a)l(:i)vi:  q(a)T\a : qus  : m(d)n:  \ bold  (?)  black  - eagle.  The 

t(a)n(i)77i : tilsi:  \ t(a)q7 : tUkd  :,\  appearance  of  my  body  may 


M:ANUSCRIPTS  IN  TUBKI.SH  'EUNIC  SCRIPT 


197 


m(d)zl<>(a)n  : t(a)l\uyda  : y(a)t- 
Ci)2)\(a)7i  : t(a)2Mdn\q(l)min  : 

5 tiiW t(a )r : m(d)n:s(d}h \di^(i)min: 

yi\yilr  : m(d)n  : •* 

Imdlilg  : \ .m(d)n  : (a)nca  : 
hi\linl(ci)T  : : I (a)dgii  : ol  :■ 

6 11  oTiln  : s(d  ?)ri. : 1 to^{(a)n: 
qus  \ : m(d)n  : cint\(a)7i : %y(a)c  : 
ilzd  \ : olunmp(a)n  : [ m(d)nil’- 

7 (d)yilr:  \ 77i( d)n  : (ahj^a  : hiUinl- 
(df)  : 

V.  1 h( d )g : ( d )r : yont  I m(a)ni : 
h(a)mvi\8  : aq  : bisi  : 1 qulunla- 
mi\s  : (a)ltmi  : Ub\yiiyliig  : 

8 (a)dy\(%}rlCi)q  : y(a)ray\\(a)y  : 
t(d)hdsin\(d)Tih  : b(a)rmU  : I 
oriln  : in \g(d )ni  : butu I la77iU  : 
(a)lki\7i : b2idll('ii)y : I buimlCi)q  : 

1 y(a)ra7(a)y  : (d)bi\n(d)7'u  : 

9 h(d)lm\\is  : ilcimc  : • 

ur%\l(ah%vm  : b(d)gl\ih  ; y(a}- 
Tm(a)y  : 1 tir  : m(d)nili\cj  : 
b(d)g  : fajr  ; (d)rm\is  : amy  : 
(d)dg\il  : ol  : 


10  II  VI.  (d)dCihU  : ton\uzU  : 
art  : i uzd  : sooqMsUnis  : 
(dh'inu  : \ (a)d(‘ih(%n)  : q(a)r- 
7i\'i  : 7j(a)T(%)lmi$  (:)  1 tonuziin  : 1 

11  (a)myi  : shwnWll  : tir  : (a)'^a  1 ; 
bilin  : : 1 7j(a)hl(a)q  : ol : 

VII . ( d)r  : t(d)rkl( d)yu  ; 1 
'k(d)lir  : (d)dgii  : | soz  : s(a)b  : 

12  (d)U\i  : h(d)liT  : ti\\r  : (ahica  : 

hili\nl(d)r  : : 1 (d)dgu  : ol  : 

VIII.  (a)ltwi  : b(a)U%7  I 
y%l(a)n  : ’7n(d)7i  : | (a)Uwi  : 


not  yet  be  fully  developed. 
Lying  (m  wait  ?)  near  the  sea 
I preserve  those  I am  fond  of ; 
those  I love,  I feed  on.  So 
strong  am  I.  Know  ye  this. — 
This  is  good. 

IV.  I am  a white— (?)  falcon, 
I enjoy  sitting  on  the  sandal- 
wood trees.  Know  ye  this. 

V.  A prince  went  to  his 
stud-horses.  His  white  mare 
had  brought  forth  a colt.  The 
stud  of  golden-hoofed  stal- 
lions will  thrive.  He  went 
to  his  camels.  His  white 
she-camel  had  brought  forth 
a young  male  camel.  The 

stud  of  golden -ed  (?)  he- 

camels  will  thrive.  He  came 
to  his  house.  Thirdly,  his 
wife  had  brought  forth  a male 
child.  The  princely  house 
will  thrive,”  says  he.  The 
prince  was  happy.  This  is  evil 
and  good. 

VI.  A bear  and  a wild  boar 
had  met  in  a mountain  pass. 
The  belly  of  the  bear  was 
torn  open ; the  tusks  of  the 
wild  boar  were  broken.  Know 
this. — This  is  bad. 

VII.  A man  comes  running. 
He  comes  bringing  good  words 
and  messages.  Know  ye  this. — 
This  is  good. 

VIII.  I am  a golden -headed 
snake.  When  they  had  cut 


198 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


IS  quruVis(a)q('i)min  : il  (iil(%)cm  : . 
hiiOslipicOn  : dzUm  : I yol  : 
iiifibf  : hiayhi'ihnin  : 1 yol  : 
(a)hint\(i)7i  : Ur  : (a)nGa  : | 
hilinl(a)r  : : | y(a)hl(a)q  : 

ol  : : 

14  11  IX.  ulia  : (d)b  : dr\t(d)mnis  : 

q(a)ti\na  : t(d)gi  : q(a)llm(a)- 
duq  : hdhi\nci  : t(d)gi  : 

qod\m(ad'Oiiq^  • Ur:  ((x^)^ci:  \ 

hilinj(d)r  : ; | y(a)bl(a)q  : 

ol  : : 

15  il  X.  sVg(d)n  : h(a)TS  : \ 

m(d)n  : q(a)muH  : | ara  ; 
h(a)H('i)m  : (ahid\(ay{  : (a)lp  : 
m(d)n  : [ (d)rd(d)mlig  : f}i\(d)n  : 

: hili\nl(d)r  : : 

16  11  XL  s(a)r(%h  : (a)tl(%h  : 

s(a)hci  : y(a)z(’i  fh  : (a)t\l(z)q  : 
v(a)l(a)b(a)c  : (d)dg\u  : soz  : 
s(a)b  : (d)l\U  : k(d)lir  : U\r  : 

: hilin  | (a)niq  : (d)dgu  : 
ol : 

17  il  XII.  ( d)r : (a)hqa  : b(a)rim\s  : 

t(ay/da  : q(a)77il\(a)?nis 
t(d)nrid\d  : (d)rhl(i)g  : U\r  : 
(ci}7wa  : bilin\l(d)r  : : | 

y(a)bCi)z  : ol  : 

18  II  XIII.  t(d)nrilig  : | qiirtya  : 
y'u\Tt(d)a : q(a)lnm  : | y{ayil{%yi : 
q(a)miG  i : bulun(l)n  : y(a)lq\- 
(a)yu  : tiTilm\is  : olimidd  : | 

19  ozjnu  : Ur  : [|  (a)ma  : hilin- 

l(d)r\  : ; I 

XIV.  quzqunuq  : | ‘iq(a)dqa  : 
bam\is  : q(a)t(%yiVh  : h\a  : 
(d)dgilti  : ba  i ; Ur  : (ay^m  : 
h\ilml(d)r  : 


open  my  belly  with  a sword 
I myself  (was  thrown)  out  of 
the  way(?),  my  head  (they 
threw  out  ?)  from  the  houses  (?) 
on  the  way.  Know  ye  this. 
This  is  bad. 

IX.  A large  house  was  burnt 
down.  Not  even  a layer  (?) 
of  it  remained,  not  even  its 
enclosure  (?)  was  left.  Know 
ye  this.—This  is  bad. 

X.  I am  a — (?)  tiger.  My 
head  is  between  the  reeds. 
So  brave  am  I,  so  clever  am  I. 
Know  ye  this. 

XI.  A messenger  comes 
upon  a yellow  horse,  an  envoy 
upon  a lazy  (?)  horse,  bring- 
ing good  wurds  and  messages. 
Know  this.  This  is  evil  and 
good. 

XII.  k man  went  hunting. 
Upon  a mountain  he  per- 
formed shaman  tricks  (?)  and 
(became)  powerful  in  heaven. 
Know  ye  this. — This  is  ill. 

XIII.  A pious  old  woman 
stayed  at  home.  By  licking 
the  edges  of  a greasy  spoon 
she  lived  and  escaped  death. 
Know  ye  this. 

XIV.  They  tied  a raven  to 
a tree.  Tie  it  tightly,  tie  it 
well.  Know  ye  this. 


^ MS.  qod\muq. 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT  199 


20  j!  XY.  ihzcl  : tum(a)n  : | PurM : 
(a)sr\a  : toz  : i\iijrdt  ; qti\s  : 

: uc\a  : azt'i  : \ kiyih  : 

21  yu(M\TU  : azt\f  : -hiU  : 
o|7Z'i‘  ; yon\yu  : azU  : | y(a)na  : 
t(a)nri  \ : qutmta  : \ umn£  : 
y'il\taj  ; qop  : (a)s\(a)n  : tulml  : 

22  II  'kdrmm(i)s  : | qop  : dgiT\dT  : 
s(d)binilr  1 ; tir  : (cOnqct  : \ 
biUnl(d)r  : | (d)dgu  : ol  : 

28  II  XVI,  ttiruq : (a)t : s\(d)rtvriti : 
yi\rin  : dp(ci)n  : | yilguru  : 
h\(a)rnu^  : utrlu  : yirdd  : | 

24  oyn  : soo^tdup  : tuit\uuy(a}n  : 
min7}i\is  : yilinci  j ; qudAirmr{\ 
imvina  : t(a)g\i  : ij(a)jn2o(a)n : | 
q(a)mUa)ijit  : mn\atin  : tum\r  : 
Ur : ( a)nca :b\ilm  : y(a)hl( a)q( : ) | 
ol  : 

25  \\  XYll,  dzlilj^  : (a)t  : m \ : 
yirdd  : (a)r(l}p  : onio^  : tunc : | 
q(a)lnm  : t(d)izr\i  : hilciiid  : 
t\(a)y  : ilzd  : yol  : \ sub  : 
hdril'plidhi^  : y%s  : ilzd  : [j 

26  y(a)s  : ot : kdru\p(d)n  : yorryu  [ : 

h(a)ri/p(a)n  : sub(:)  ] iGip(d)n  : 
yas\ : i}ip(d}n:  dlil\7ri3d  : omwis  \ : 
tir  : (a)ma  : hi\U7d(d)r  : : | 

(d)dgu  : ol ; • 

27  ji  XVIII.  k(d)rdhu  : ici  : | 
nd  : t(d)g  : ol  : ] tilgimicki  : | 
nd  : t(d)g  : ol : | kdz(u?)7v^ki  : | 
nd  : t(d.)g  : kdr\iMug  : ol  : 


XV.  The  fog  was  lianging 
above,  the  dust  was  lying 
below.  The  young  bird  went 
astray  while  flying;  the  young 
deer  went  astray  while  running ; 
the  child  of  man  went  astray 
while  walking.  By  the  blessing 
of  Heaven  they  all  met  again 
in  the  third  year,  hale  and 
hearty.  They  all  rejoice  and 
are  glad.  Know  ye  this.  This 
is  good. 

XVI.  A lean  horse  rushed 
off  having  bethought  itself  of 
the  place  where  (it  had  pre- 
viously been)  fattened.  There 
a thief  met  it,  caught  it, 
and  mounted  it.  Galled  even 
to  — — (?),  he  stands  in- 
capable of  movement.  Know 
this.  This  is  bad. 

XVII.  A riding  horse  re- 
mained standing  at  the 
first  (?)  place,  exhausted 
and  languishing.  Thanks  to 
Heaven’s  power  it  saw  way 
and  water  upon  a mountain, 
and  upon  the  forest-clad  hills 
it  saw  fresh  grass  and  went 
thither.  By  drinking  the 
-water  and  eating  the  fresh 
grass  it  escaped  death.  Know 
ye  this. — This  is  good, 

XVIII.  How  is  the  interior 
of  the  tent- trellis  ? How  is 
its  vent  for  smoke  ? How 
beautiful  is  (the  view  from?) 


^ MS.  oyi,  tiyi,  no  doubt  clerical  error  for  07ZV. 

The  writer  has  omitted  the  lower  oblique  line  in  h. 


200 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  BUNIC  SCRIPT 


28  (a)g\ni  : n(d)t(a)g  : (d)dg\\il  : 
ol  : b(a)iOi)B(:)  | ncl  : t(a)g  : 
b(a}r  I : ol  : tir  : (a)m\a  : 
bilinl\(d)r  : (a)nr{  : (a)d\gil  : 

ol  : : I 

29  XIX.  aq  : (a)t  : q(a)n\\(i-) 

sm  : tie  : b\ohqta  : t\(a)Ui' 
lap(a)n  : •*  btu\gM: 

‘idm%\s  : tir : qor\qma  : (d)dgM\i  : 

80  dtuii  : (a}y\%nmci  : (d)dgu^ti  : 
y(a)lb(a)r  : t\ir  : (ahiM : hili\n  : 
(cb)dgil  ; ol  ; 

XX.  titir  : bxLy\ra  : m(d)n  : 
dr\un  : kd2nlk\umin  : s(a)c(a)r  : |i 

81  m(d)n  : ilzci  : | t(d)nrikd  : | 
t(d)gir  : (a)sr\a  : yirkd  : | kirilr  : 
t\ir  : ud/hm\(ayi  : odqior(u)^  : | 
y(a)t('iy(lii  : | tury(u}ru  : !l 

82  yofiyuT  : | 7n(a)n  : (a)n^a)y  : 
k\u6ljilg  : m(d)n  (:)  | (a)n6a  : 
hiUnl\(d)r  : (ci)dgil  : ol  : 

XXL  q(a)ra  : dpgii\k  : y'il  : 
y(a)rii  : | m(a)zq(a)n  : t(d)di : j! 

38  ddni(d)n  : kdr\m(d)n  : urk(i)u\- 
(i)n  : tir  : (ahioa  : b\il(i)n  : : | 


XXII.  iizimtonlu\y  : kilz(il)n- 

84  'ilsi\7z  : kdlkd  : \\  idq(i)nm/is  : | 
y(a}rCi)n  : y(a)nmy\tir  : kied  : 
k\(d)nrmiir  : ti\r  : (a)n^a  : 
bilin\l(d)r  : mimluj  | ; ol  : 

. amq  : | y(a)bl(a)q  : ol  : 

85  II  XXIIL  oql(a)7i  : k(d)k^ : J 
t(d)zkin  : bu\lU  : cu(?)k  : | tm : 


its  window  C?)  ? How  good 
is  its  roof  (*?)  ? How  is  its 
cordage?  Know  ye  this.  This 
is  evil  and  good. 

XIX.  A white  horse,  intend- 
ing to  reform  its  antagonist  (?) 
in  (the  ?)  three  existences  (?), 
referred  it  to  penance  (?)  and 
prayer.  It  says:  “Pear  not! 
Pray  •well ! Ho  not  be  afraid ! 
Implore  well ! ” Know  this. 
This  is  good. 

XX.  I am  a — (?)  male 
camel.  I disperse  my  white 
froth.  It  reaches  to  heaven 
above,  and  penetrates  the  earth 
beneath.  It  says : “I  go  on 
my  way  awakening  those  who 
sleep  and  causing  those  who 
rest  to  arise.  So  strong  am  I.” 
Know  ye  this.  This  is  good. 

XXI.  A black  hoopoe  (?) 
may  not  become  domesticated 
(literally  “brightened”)  in  a 
year.  It  said:  “Ho  not — (?), 
and  do  not  look  at  me;  you 
have  frightened  me.”  Know 
this. 

XXII.  A monk  dropped  his 
bell  into  a lake.  In  the  morning 
it  tinkles,  in  the  evening  it 
jingles.  Know  ye  this.  This 
is  painful.  It  is  evil  and  bad. 

XXIII.  A boy  found  a 
cuckoo  (?)  roaming  about — (?). 


^ MS.  odyur^.  which  cannot  be  right. 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT  201 

qut^v,!  : bol\zun  : Ur : | (a)^a  : Would  that  it  might  be  happy  ! 
bilm\I(cl)r  : (a)dgil  : ol  : Know  ye  this.  This  is  good. 

86  II  XXIV.  t(d)gliA  : qid\un  : XXIV.  An  aiHioted  foal 

irk(a)k  : | yonda'^  : (a)mig  : \ applies  to  a male  horse  to  be 
tilciyur  : \ kiln  : ort\^^  : yii-  healed.  In  the  middle  of  the 

I ; tiin  : ort\u  : qanta  : day  being  loaded,  in  the  middle 

87  n\(a)gikU  : bol\Ha)y  : ol  ; of  the  night  being  bloody,  in 

ti\r  : (a)ma  : bUin\l(a)r  : which  (condition)  is  it  to  be? 
y(a)h('i)z  : ol  : : 1 Know  ye  this.  This  is  ill. 

XXV.  (a)U  : dhuz\iig  : hir  : XXV.  Two  oxen  were  bound 

ZS  h\uq(a)rsiqa  : li  kdlni(i)s  : together  with  one  fetter.  They 

q(a)m\s(a)yu  : umam\n  : turur  :\  stand  without  being  able  to 
Ur  : (a )nca  : bi  1 lin  :y(a )bl( a )q  : j move.  Know  this.  This  is  bad. 
ol::\ 

XX.V1.  t( a)  A : t(a)nl(a)rd\i  : XXVI.  The  morning  dawned. 

89  ^^du  : yir  : |1  y(a)r%idl  : itAu  : Then  the  earth  brightened. 
kiln  : to\idl  : q(a)m('ih  ■ 1 Then  the  sun  rose  and  the 
ilzd,  : y(a)riiq  : | bolti  : Ur  : | light  shone  over  everything. 
(aj^a  ; bilin  : | (a)dgil  : ol  : : Know  this.  This  is  good. 

40  II  XXVII.  b(a)y  : (d)r  : qom  ; | XXVII.  A rich  man’s  sheep 

ii/rkilp(a)n  : \ b(a)rmis  : hd\rika  : took  fright  and  went  away.  It 
sooq\usmU  : bd\ri  : (aYizi  : met  a wolf.  The  wolfs  mouth 
(a)m\simil:{dh{&)n  :\t%viMd)l : (still)  sucked  (?).  (The  sheep) 

41  holmWmn  [sic!]  : tir  : 1 (a)v£a  : was  hale  and  hearty.  Know 

bilin\l(a)r  : (a)dgil : \ ol  : \ ye  this.  This  is  good. 

XXVIII.  q(a)n  : olurijp\(a)n  : XXVIII.  After  having 

42  orddo  : \ y(a)pnvis  : il\\i  ■ ascended  the  throne,  a Khan 

turniis  \ : tort  : bu\lunt(a)g:i  : \ a capital.  His  kingdom 

(a)dgusi  : uy\uVi  : tiri\lip(a)n : remained  firm.  The  best  and 
m(d)n\il(a)yur:b(a)d\izl(a)yur:\  cleverest  (?)  from  the  four 

48  Ur  : (a)n6a  : ||  biUnl(a)r  : j quarters  of  the  globe  enjoy 

(ci)dgil  : ol  : | gathering  there,  and  adorn  it. 

Know  ye  this.  This  is  good. 

XXIX.  oyma  : (d)r  : | oyl(a)n-  XXIX.  A gambler  (?)  staked 
m :\hisisin  :\  tutuy  :ur\up(a)n  : his  son(s)  and  his  servants. 
umc  : I oy(uy{  : (a)l(’i)p  : He  went  away  after  having 

44  !l  h(a)rmis  : oy\Un  : 'kiHs\in  : won  the  hazardous  (?)  game. 
■utuz\m(a)diiq  : y(a)7ia  : \toQquz-  Without  losing  his  son(s)  and 
^ i.e.  yontda. 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


on  : I has  : qofi  : | nimu  : : Ms  servants  lie  won  again 

45  :qop  : dg\\ir(a)T  : tir  : 1 ninety  stray  sheep.  His  son(s) 

(a)^a  : hilm\l(a)r  : (a)dgil  | ; and  his  attendants  all  rejoice. 
ol  : Know  ye  this.  This  is  good. 

XXX.  cn(a)rb  : (a)r  : : XXX.  A poor  man’s  son 

q(a)zy\(a)mqa:h(a)rm\U  : yoU  : sallied  forth  in  search  of  gain. 

dO  Ma)rarnis  : d(j\ira  : s(a)Un\u  : His  journey  was  successful. 

Ua)lir  : ti\7':  He  comes  rejoicing  and  glad. 

(a)dgii  (:)  | ol  : : | Know  ye  this.  This  is  good. 

XXXI.  h(a)rs  : hiijih  : i|  XXXI.  A tiger  went  out  in 

47  (a)nha  : m(a)nk\a  : l)(a}rmU  : | search  of  game  and  prey.  It 

(a)hin  : m(cl)hi\n  : huhm  : | found  its  game  and  prey,  and 
huliii)(a)n  : ii\yasinaTiL  : | dgini : after  having  found  it  comes  to 
s(a)h\inu  : l<(a)lir  | .•  tir  : its  den  rejoicing  and  glad. 

48  (a)r^a  : |1  hilin  : (a)dg\il : ol  : : | Know  this.  This  is  good. 

XXXII.  hir  : t(a)bCi)lqu  : | XXXII.  One  spirm  be- 

yilz  : hoU\i  : yiiz  : : comes  a hundred;  a hundred 

49  min  : | hoWi : min  : il  t(a)hCt)k'i^  • spirieas  become  a thousand  ; a 

tu\m(a)n  : bolti  : | tir  : (a)'twa  : thousand  spiiieas  become  ten 
b\ilinl(d)r:  :\(a)sOi)yi:b(a)r:\  thousand.  Know  ye  this. — 
(d)dgil  : ol : : | There  is  profit  hereby.  This 

is  good. 

50  XXXIII.  h[d]i^ig  ' ; ||  suhqa  : XXXIII.  The  felt  is  put 

si(]tiqnm  : t(a)qi  : i ur : q(a)t(’i)y-  into  water.  Still  beat  it,  tie  it 
di  : I ha  : ti[rY^  : (a)i'im  : [ tightly.  Know  ye  this.  This 
hilml(Li)r  : j y(a)bl(a)q  : ol  : is  bad. 

XXXIY.  q(a)n  : siika  : XXXIV.  A Khan  went  to 

51  .•  yiahily  : s(a)nnc-  the  army  (i.e.  in  war)  and  con - 

mis  : I kdciiril  : | qonturu  : | quered  the  enemy.  He  comes 
k(d)lir  : dzi  | ; siisi  : dgi\Ta  : home  permitting  them  to 
s(d)hinil  | ; ordusm\(a)rtb  : nomadize  and  settle  down 

52  k(d)lir  : |1  tir  : (a)n6a  : hi\lin~  (wherever  they  please).  He 

l(d)T  : : j (cl)dgu  : ol  : | himself  and  his  army  come  to 

his  capital  rejoicing  and  exceed- 
ing glad.  Know  ye  this. — 
This  is  good. 

XXXV.  (d)r : sUkd:b\(a)r77iis : XXXV.  A man  proceeded  to 

yol\ta  : (a)ti  : (a)rm\is  : (d)r  : the  army.  His  horse  got  tired 
^ See  the  note  to  this  paragraph.  ^ 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


203 


53  qo^{\n  : qusqa  : ||  soquhn('i)s  : \ 
qoqu  : qim  : | q(a)natina  : J 
urup(:)  (a)nin^  : \ q(a)Viyu  : 
h(a)r\vp(a)n  : d(jin\cb : q(a)nma  : \ 
t(d)cjurmis  : | ogi  : q(a)m  : il 

54  dgir(d)r  : s(d)b\mUr  : tir  \ : 

(a)nca  : bilin\l(d)r  : : | (d)dgii : 

ol: 

XXXVL  okia  : (a)tlCih  : i 
dgr(u)fmln  : y\o^  : qob’i  : Jj 

55  (a)tl('i)y  : qor\q('i)mm  : yoqq  ;| 

ucniyhiy  \ : qiitim  : y\ooq  : 
tir:(a)n£a  \ :bilinl(d)r  | ; (a)ftiy  : 
y(a)bl(a)q  [ : ol  : : 1 

XXXYII.  bir  : q(a)n  : II 

56  dkilziig  : [ bilin  : bi\cd  : 

qomul'Tsya  : yilinis  : q(a)7}is\(a)-‘ 
yu  : mnat‘i\7i  : turur  : | tir  : 
(a)^a  : b\iUnl(d)r  : | y(a)- 

hl(a)q  : ol  : 

57  II  XXXVIII.  q(a)mw  : aria  : 
q(a)lmis  : | t(d)nri  : 7ma\m(a)- 
ch^  : (a)b‘i7tc\ii  : q(a)t'im  : 
h\olzun  : ti\r  : (a)nca 
bil\i}il(d)}'  : (d)dgU(:)  \ ol  : 

58  1!  XXXIX. 

trie  : kimluiis  : q(a)77tsa\ytb  : 
wnatilii  : turur  : [ tir  : (a)Ma  : 
bi\linl(a)r  : : | y(a)bl(a)q  ; 

ol(:) 


on  the  way.  The  man  met 
a swan.  The  s\van  placed  him 
upon  its  wings  and  flew  up 
with  him.  It  brought  him  to 
his  mother  and  father.  His 
mother  and  his  father  rejoice 
and  are  exceeding  glad.  Kno’w 
ye  this.* — This  is  good. 

XXXVI.  The  fact  of  having 
many  horsemen  will  give  you 
no  satisfaction  ; you  have  no 
(reason  to)  fear  wmiting  horse- 
men. Your  luck  is  not  (depen- 
dent upon)  the  extreme  (?). 
Know  ye  this.  This  is  evil 
and  bad. 

XXXVII.  An  old  ox  was 
being  eaten  by  ants,  by  their 
gnawing  around  its  body.  It 
stands  without  being  able  to 
move.  Know  ye  this.  This 
is  bad. 

XXXVIII.  She  lives  among 
the  reeds.  I wish  she  may 
have  the  consolation  of  becoming 
queen  (or  mistress),  (though) 
not  favoured  by  Heaven.  Know 
ye  this.  This  is  good. 

XXXIX.  A horse  was  fettered 
awkwardly.  It  stands  with- 
out being  able  to  move.  Know 
ye  this. — This  is  bad. 


^ MvS.  nrupniu,  read  ump  ( a)nin,  or  better  itrupK a Jn:]  ( a )mn. 

“ The  MS.  has  t(aJyiyy-Mh.e  mountain,”  which  makes  no  sense  whatever. 
I have  supposed  that  it  is  a clerical  error  for  (ajfiy,  “a  horse.”  The 
writer  has  perhax)s  first  written  ty^  i.e.  (ci)t(ijy,  which  he  afterwards 
intended  to  alter  to  the  more  distinct  (ajtiry,  but  then  he  forgot  to  efface 
the  first  7, 


204 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


59  li  XL.  t(a)l(i}m  : ufi  ; 1 
y(a)r(l  ?}nca  : y(a)s\Um^ 
y(a)l\('i)m  : q(a)y(ah  ■*  v\((^)Ta  : 
imm])(a)n  | : ij(a)lnimm  | : 
yoriyur  : | tir  : (ahjdiah  : H 

60  (a)lp  : (a)rmis  : | (0)7^  : 

hiliii  I l(d )r  : : | (d)clgii  : ol : ] 

XLI.  driln  : s\H  : \ ing(d)lc  : 

61  hoz\aytil(a)c%  : h^ohim  : dlg(ci)y  : 
m( d )n  : tim  | (i Js  : orim  : / 1 rH  : 
irk(d)k  : j hozayu  : k(ci)l\imnis  : 
%d\7jxiluq:y(a)ra\y(a)y : illilgd\d : 

62  ozmis  : I1  tir  : (a)n^a  : hil\m  : 
(d)dgil  : ol  : ] 

XLII.  uzimtonhi\q  : idimi  : | 
(a)y(a)qm  : qod\up(a)n  : h(a)r~ 

68  mis  1 ; y(a)na  : (d)dgiMi  : 
s(a)qm77us  : | idis(i)mtd  : | 

(a)y(a)q(i)nita  : dn\i  : qiahuiM  : 
l(a)r\rr  : m(d)n  : ti\T  : y(q)na  : 
k(d)l\mis  : idm\7i  : (a)y(a)qm  : 

64  (d)s(d)7i\  : tiiiik(d)l  : hul\\m%s  : 
dgiT\(d)r  : s(djhmiiT  | : tir  : 
(a)ma  : | bilinl(d)r  : ( (d)dgil  : 
ol  : \ 

XLIII.  toy(a)7i  : ug\uz  : qtm  : 

65  il  qttU(a)yu  : h(a)}mis  : : 

t(a)lCi)7n  : q(a}r\a  : qus  : qo\pu- 
p(a)7i : b(a)7'‘7n\u  : tir  : (a)^a  \ : . 
bil(i)nl(d)r  : | y(a)bl(a)q  : ol  : 

66  II  XLIV.  toj(a)n  : qus  : j 
t(d)nrid(i  ?)n  : q\odl  : t(a)bCi)- 
sy\(a)n  : tip(dhi  ; q\(a)pmU  : 
toy\(a)n  : qus  : t%r\n(a)q%  : 

67  sucul\unr}%is  : y(a)na  : ||  tltm- 
7nU  : j toy(a)n  : qus\un  : 
Urn(a)q\%  ; dgiisup\(d)n 
qMbiyu  {:)  | h(a)r7ivis  : t(a)b\Ci)- 
h(a)% : t(d)risi  | ; dnils(u)p(d)n:  | 


XL.  Abold(?)  youth— (?) 
hit  a steep  rock  with  his  arrow 
and  cleft  it.  He  goes  along 
quite  alone  and  says : ''  Such 
a gallant  achievement  it  was.” 
Know  ye  this.— This  is  good. 

XLI.  A white  — (?)  cow  was 
going  to  calve.  It  said  : I 
shall  die.”  They  brought 
(her)  a white  — (?)  bull-calf. 
Destiny  will  be  fulfilled.  She 
escaped  the  (supposed)  fate. 
Know  this.  This  is  good. 

XLII.  A monk  departed 
leaving  his  cup  and  his  bowl. 
He  again  reflected  well.  He 
says : Wherever  else  am  I 

to  go,  away  from  my  cup  and 
my  bowl  ? ” He  returned  and 
found  his  cup  and  his  bowd 
safe  and  sound.  He  rejoices 
and  is  exceeding  glad.  Know 
ye  this. — This  is  good. 

XLIII.  A falcon,  the  bird 
of  the  river  (?),  went  out  hawk- 
ing. A bold  (?)  black-eagle  rose 
and  went  towards  it.  Know 
ye  this.  This  is  bad. 

XLIV.  A falcon  from  heaven 
fell  on  it,  saying  : A hare  I ” 
The  claws  of  the  falcon 
slipped  (?),  and  were  held  in 
check.  The  falcon  flew  up 
after  having  had  its  claws 
worn  (?).  The  hare  ran  away 
after  having  had  its  coat  torn 
off  (?).  Thus ! ” it  says.  Know- 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


205 


G8  yiigiirU  : h\\(a)mus  : (a)7]d(a)y  : 1 
tir  : (ahica  : h\ilinl(d)r  : | 

y(a)h('i)z  : ol  : | 

XLY.  kiyik  : oy  [ U : 'i7i(ci)n  : 

G9  ; q(a)U%  : ivy\in  : 

n(d)cilk : yo\fiym  : tir  : | (ah]^' 
hilin\l(d}r  : y(a)h(t)z  : 1 

ol  : : 1 

70  XL VI.  t(d)hd  : titi\\gkd  : 
tmm\iy  : b(a)smu  : | yimis  : 
dB\in  : tilhil(:)  \ yimis  : tir  : | 
(ahwa  : hil(i)nl\(ci)r  : y(a)b- 
(la)q  (:)  | ol : 

71  II  XLVII.  (d}r  : 6mdl(ci)yil  : j 
b(a)rm/is  : t(d)n\rikd  : sooq\tis- 
mis  : qu\t  : qolmis  : | qut  : 
birm\is  : (ayiCi)l('i)nta  : | y'ilqin: 

72  ho\\lmn  : dzil\n  : uzuii : b\olzun  : 

ti\mis  : (a)nca  : h\il(i)nl(d)r  : | 

(a)dgil  : ol  : 

XL VIII.  q(a)ra  : yol  : || 

7B  t(d)nri  : m(d)n  : | siny^inin  : | 
s(d)p(d)r : m(d)n  : | iizilnkinin  : | 
ulayur  : | m(cl)n  : ilig  : | itviis  : 
m(d)n  : | (d)dgiisi  : ho\lzun  : 

74  tir  : H (a)nca  : hil(i)nl\(a)r  : : | 

XLIX.'  b(a}rs  : kiyi\k  : 
(d)nl(d)yu  : m(d)n\l(d)yih 
h(a)rmis  | ; ortii  : yir\dd  : 

75  m(ayi(a)qa  : | so(^nhnU:\\  s\H : 
m(ay/a  : 1 y(a)lOi)m  : q(ayjaq\a  : 
dnilp  : h\(a)rmis  : dlil\mtd  : 
ozm\U  : olilmta  (:)  | QZ%ip{a)n  : 
6g\irtl  : s{cl)bhi\il  : yofiyur  (:)  |1 


ye  this.  This  is  ill. 

XLV.  ‘'^  I am  a young  deer. 
Without  grass  and  -without 
water  how  shall  I be  able  (to 
manage)  ? Whi  ther  shall  I go  ? ' ’ 
Know  ye  this.  This  is  ill. 

XL VI.  A camel  fell  into  a 
pit  (?).  Beassuring  itself,  it 
ate ; but  it  itself  was  eaten  by 
a fox.  Know  ye  this.  This  is 
bad. 

XLVII.  A man  went  creep- 
ing along.  Then  he  met  God 
and  asked  him  for  blessing. 
He  gave  him  his  blessing  and 
said:  Would  that  you  might, 
get  horses  in  your  horse-fold! 
May  your  life  be  long!  ” Know 
ye  this.  This  is  good. 

XL VIII.  I am  the  black 
Way- God.  What  is  broken  off 
for  you,  I put  on ; what  is  torn 
for  you,  I piece  together.  I 
have  organized  the  kingdom. 
Would  that  it  might  fare  well ! 
Know  ye  this. 

XLIX.  A tiger  went  out  to 
search  for  game  and  prey.  On 
its  way  it  met  a — (?).  The 

(?)  ascended  a steep  rock 

and  was  saved  from  death. 
After  having  been  saved  from 
death  it  roams  about  rejoicing 


^ The  writer  had  here  begun  to  rewrite  the  first  3-4  lines  of  paragraph 
XLVIII.  He  has,  however,  carefully  scraped  it  out  again  and  written 
this  paragraph  above  it ; but  that  which  had  first  been  written  is  still 
faintly  discernible  beneath  the  n^w  script. 


206 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


70  tir  : (ci)ncct  : b\ilm  : (a)clg\il  : 
ol  : : I 

L,  tr/  : (a)t  : qi(\dnviigm  : 

: tifj\r(a)t  : y(a)z('i  ?)y : il 

77  qod'l  : y(a)rlr\(a)t  : tooquz  : ] 

(l(a)t  : ric(il)r{fli\n  : ioim  Ml\(uy{ 
(a)]]p(i^  : t(d}rit\ziin  : ; ] 

(ajfica  : hiUnl\( djr  : y(ci)b(la)q : 

o!ra^• 

78  ii  LI.  t(a)l(-i}m  : q(a}ra  : | 

quH  : m(d)n  : | y(aM‘i)l  : 
q(a)ya  : | y(a)yl(a)y(d)m  : 

qt\zU  : q(a)yci  : | qisl(a)y('i)77i  : \ 

79  ol  : t(a)yda  : ||  tump(a)n  : 

m\(d)nil(d)yur  : vi\(d)n : (a)}]£a: 
bili\nl(d)r  : : 

LII.  (d)r : hos2iM\2iy : t(d)nri : | 
■80  hiVitl(%y{  : I!  holU  : ar\a  : hiin  : 

to\ymis  : bos\a7inp  : (a)ra  : 
^uKcOfti  : k(d)lmis  : .|  Ur  : 
(a)nca :b\ilinl(d}r  : [ (d)dgil : ol : 
■81  li  LIII.  hoz  : built  : | yofidd,  : 
hud\un  : iizd  : y(ay{d\i : q(a)ra  : 
buM\t  : yoruU  : ( q(ayn('iyi  : 
iizd  : I v(ahdt  : t(a)r'i\q  : bikli  : 
82  II  y(a)s  : ot  : 6nd\i  : y'ilqtqa  : | 
hiUkd  : (d)dg\il  : holt’i  : t\iT  : 
(ct)ma  : hil\inl(d)T  : (d)dgu  : | 

01  : 

88  II  LIV.  qiil : s(a)hi : h\dgin(d)’ 
Qil  : dtuliiiir  : quz\yu7i : s(a)b'i  : 
t\(a}nTig(d)ru  : y(a)l\b(a)ri^T  : 
iizd  : I t(d)nri  : (d)Udt\i  : 

84  (a)sTa  : kiU  : ||  bilti  : ti\r  : 
(a)7j£a  : hil(i)n\  : (d)dgil  : 

ol  : 

^ MS.  without  separation,  topuullynm 

2 MS.  o|o. 


and  exceeding  glad.  Know 
this.  This  is  good. 

L.  Let  a spirited  (?)  horse 
run  round  after  having  tied 
its  tail  (into  a knot).  Throw 
a lazy  (?)  horse  upon  the 
ground,  strap  nine  layers  of 
thy  rugs  (upon  it),  and  thus 
let  it  sweat  strongly.  Know 
ye  this.  This  is  bad. 

LI.  I am  a bold  black-eagle. 
A green  rock  is  my  summer 
abode,  a red  rock  is  my  winter 
abode.  I enjoy  staying  on  that 
mountain.  Know  ye  this. 

LII.  Men  were  troubled,  the 
sky  was  cloudy.  In  the  mean- 
time the  sun  rose.  In  the 
midst  of  sorrow  came  happiness. 
Know  ye  this.  This  is  good. 

LIII.  A grey  cloud  passed  ; 
it  rained  over  the  people.  A 
black  cloud  passed ; it  rained 
over  everything.  The  crop 
ripened  ; the  fresh  grass 
sprouted.  It  was  good  for 
horse  and  man.  Know  ye 
this.  This  is  good. 

LIV.  The  slave's  call  prays 
to  his  master ; the  raven’s  call 
implores  Heaven  (or  God). 
Heaven  (or  God)  above  has 
heard  it ; men  below  have 
understood  it.  Know  ye  this. 
This  is  good. 

; , which  must  be  three  words. 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


S07 


LV.  (a)J2:>  : (d)r  : o^iU  | ; 
mh'i  : h(a)rm\TH  : sic  : yiri\7itd  : 

85  ; tilrltmis  : 
tir  : 1 (d)bin(d)rU  : k(d)ls\(d)r  : 
dzi  : at\(a)7mus  : dg}{il)iw\ulilg^^: 
(a)tt  : \ yitiglig  : | h(ti)lir  : 

86  tir  : 1 (a)yM  : bilinl}\(d)r  : 
(a)}Viy  : (d)dgil  : | 

LVI.  ogrinci  : q\uthiy 
(a)clri\(%)r  : m(d)n  : y(a)y(a)q  : | 
ll(a)c  : y(a)yl\(ayiwi 
qusluy  (:)  | %q(a)c  : qul(a)- 

81  q('i)m  : \\  (ahicla  : •' 

7n(d)nil(d)yilr  : 1 m(d)n  : tir  ; [ 
(ajn^a  : hiUnl\(ci)r  : (cl)dgii  : 
ol  : 1 

LVII.  q(a)ny7  : dhn\(i)s  : 

88  hdnclki  : H tonnm  : q\(a}}iqi  : 

n(d)lA  : [ dlg(d)y  : ol : b\(d)glig  : 
ol  : I kondki  : | n(d)lijM  : 

tony(a)y  : ol  : kun(d)s\kd  : 
ohmir  (:)  \ ol  : (a)7ica  : hiU\\- 

89  nl(d)r  : : | 

bio  : 'irq  : h(a)s%\nta  : az  : 

(d)mg(d)ki  : j h(a)r  : kin  : y(a)~ 
na  : | (d)dgil  : bolur  : | 

LYIII.  oyU  : 6gin\td  : q(a)n- 

90  mta  : ||  dbk(d)ldp(d)n  : | t(d)z- 

(i)l}(d)n  : b(a)rm\U  : y{a)na  : 
8{a)cj-i\nmi'^ : k(d)lm(i)s( :)  \ ogiim: 
d(gii  ?)ti\n  ^ : (a)l(a)ijm  : q(a)n  i - 
Ci)m  : s(a)hm  : U\nl(a)yin  : 

91  tip  : i k(d)lmi$  : tir  : ||  (co)n^a  : 
bilinl\(d)r  : (d)dgil  : ol  : 

LIX.  y'ilqa  : t(d)gm\i§ig  : 

yul-it\m(a)yin  : (a)yqa  : | t(d)g- 


LV.  A brave  man’s  son  went 
to  tbe  army  (in  the  field). 
When  he  was  at  the  seat  of 
war  a messenger  prodded  him, 
saying : When  (a  man)  conies 
home  he  himself  becomes 
famous,  and  his  horse  comes 
rejoicing  — (?) . ’ ’ Know  ye  this . 
This  is  evil  and  good. 

LVI.  I am  a stallion  happy 
in  his  stud.  My  summer 
residence  is  (under)  leafy  trees, 
my  winter  residence  is  (under) 
trees  where  birds  crowd. 
I enjoy  to  stay  there.  Know 
ye  this.  This  is  good. 

LVII.  A prince  (?)  is  dead; 
his  pail  (?)  is  frozen.  Why 
shall  the  prince  (?)  die  ? He 
is  of  noble  family.  Why  shall 
his  pail  (?)  freeze?  It  is 
placed  in  the  sun.  Know  ye 
this. 

The  beginning  of  this  'irq 
presents  a little  difficulty  (?), 
but  afterwards  it  becomes  good 
again. 

LVIII.  A son  fled  in  anger 
from  his  mother  and  father. 
He  thought  better  of  it  and 
came  (back).  He  came,  saying : 

I will  take  my  mother’s 
advice ; I will  hearken  to  my 
father’s  words,”  Know  ye 
this. — This  is  good. 

LIX,  He  who  has  reached 
a year  I will  not  allow  to 


^ MS.  oYm,  which  I suppose  to  be  a clerical  error  for  ogUtin. 


208 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


misig  : (a)r\  tatm(a)ytn  : 

92  (ajdgusi : bolz\un  : tir  : (a)'^a  : 
hilml(a)r  : | (a)dgu  : ol  : 


LX.  tooquz  : (a)r(a)U  : ] 

98  siyun  : hiy\ih  : m(d)n  : h(ci)d\\iz  : 
tiz  : il\zd  : 6nup((i)n  : | miinrd- 
yilr  : | m(d)ii  : uzd  : t\(d)nri  : 
(d)Hdti*  : | (a)sra  : hiU  : | 
hilti  : (ajnd^ah  : | kUclilg  : | 

94  m(a)7i  : tir  : II  (a)7wa  : bilin- 
l(d)r  : (d)dgu  : ol  : 

LXI.  tur(u  ?)fi(a)ya  : qu\s  : 
tuhidki\nd : qonmu  : | tuymatm : ll 

95  tozqa  : il\inmis  : uca(:)  \ uma~ 

tm  : ol\unir  : tir  : | (a)nda  : 
bilm\l(d)r  : y(a)b(la)q  : | 

ol:  ;i 

96  LXII.  y(a)r^nm  : ki\\yik  : 

m(d)n  : | y(a)ylCih  : t(a)y\W- 
7na  : (aMt)2^(a)n  : y\(a)yl(a)ij- 
ur  : tur\ur  : 77i(d)n  : m\(d)nilig  : 
m(d}n  I ; tir  : (a)^a  : 'b\ilm- 
l(d)r  : : | (d)dgil  : ol  : 

97:  Oiii  LXIIL  q(a)7il(‘i)q  : siisi  : [ 
(a)bqa  : d7i7ni\s  : siahw  : i6\rd  : 
(d)lik  : ki\7jik  : kirmi\s  : q(a)7i : 
(d)l(i)gm  : | tutiJi/is  : q(a)r\a  : 

98  q(a)7n(i)^  : siisi  (:)  H dgir(d)r  : 

ti\r  : (a)nca  : bil\ml(d)r  : : | 

(d)dgu  : ol  : 

LXIV.  kok  : buy7n\%il  : to^- 

99  (a)n  : | qtis  : 7n(d)n  : 1|  k'dr'^- 
liig  : I q(a)yaqa  : qo\n'W^(a)n  : 
kdz\l(d)yur  : m(d)n  : | y(ah(a)- 
qUy  : to\wq  : uzd  : Wtjlwpid)n : 


decay  (literally  ''  stink  ”)  ; he 
who  has  reached  a month 
I will  not  allow  to  be  ruined. 

Would  that  they  might  fare 
well ! Know  ye  this.  This  is 
good. 

LX.  I am  a maral-deer 
(which  lives) in  nine  thickets(?). 

Lifting  myself  on  my  slender 
knees  I bellow.  Heaven  above 
has  heard  it,  men  below  have 
understood  it.  So  strong  am  I. 

Know  ye  this.  This  is  good. 

LXI.  A crane  settled  among 
its  comrades.  Without  per- 
ceiving it,  it  stuck  fast  in  the 
dust,  and  it  stands  without 
being  able  to  fly.  Know  ye 
this.  This  is  bad. 

LXII.  I am  a yargun  (?)- 
deer.  After  having  ascended  my 
summer  mountain,  I remain 
there  and  spend  the  summer. 

I am  joyful.  Know  ye  this. — 

This  is  good. 

LXIII.  The  army  of  the 
Khanate  went  forth  to  hunt. 

A wild  goat  (or  an  antelope) 
came  within  the  enclosure  (?).  ^ 

The  Khan  caught  it  with  his 
hand.  All  his  common  soldiers  : 

rejoice.  Know  ye  this. — This  1 

is  good. 

LXIV.  I am  a blue  un  train - 
able  falcon.  Settling  down 
upon  a sightly  rock  (with 
an  extensive  view),  I spy. 

Seating  myself  on  a leafy 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


209 


V i (ci)yl(a)]jur  : m(a)7i  : | : 

100  (a)7]£a  : bi^linl(d)r  : (a)m\^{  : 
(ci)(lgil  : ol  : 

LXV.  s(d}miz  : (a)t : (a)j\z’i: 
q(a)i('i)i  : h\olti  : idi\si  : 
um(a)z  : ti\r  : (cQiica  : hili\\- 

101  nl(d)r  : y(a)bl(a)q  ; | ol  ; | 

(a}mM  : (a}mr(a)q  : | oyl(a}n- 
tm  : (a)7wa  : | hilinl(d)r  : | 
bio  : 'irq  : hi\tig  : (d)dgio : ol : j 

102  (a)M('i)ij  : (a)lqu  : k(a)iiU'U  : 
illiigi  : \ (d)rhlig  : ol  : 

COLOPHON 

103  \\b(ci)rs  : yU  : (d)hi\nti  : (a)y  : 

bis  : ; t(a)y\- 

gimt(a)ii : m(a}ms\t(a)7it(aj^^^^  : 
kic(i)g  : | di(7i  ?)t(a)r  : himia  : | 
limi(:  d)s(i)duc(i)7n(i)z  : isig  : 

104  s(a)nti7i  : |[  Ud-6uq  : ilciilfi  : 

bitid(i)7ii  : 


poplar  I spend  the  summer. 
Know  ye  this.  This  is  evil  and 
good. 

LXV.  The  mouth  of  a fat 
horse  has  become  hard.  Its 
master  cannot  (remedy  it?). 
Know  ye  this.  This  is  bad. 

Now,  my  dear  sons,  know 
ye  this.  This  fortune-book  is 
good.  In  this  way  every  one 
becomes  master  of  his  own  fate. 

COLOPHON 

In  the  year  of  the  Tiger, 
the  second  month,  on  the 
15th,  I wrote  this  for  our  small 
hearers  (?)  of  the  di[njtarg  and 
the  burwa-gurus  (?) , Isig  Sangun 
and  Ita-chuq,  staying  at  the 
residence  (or  the  college?)  of 
Taigiintan. 


Notes  to  II 

I.  Tdn-ai,  as  Professor  F.  W.  K.  Muller  has  kindly  pointed  out  to 

me,  is  the  Chinese  tHen-tzti  “ the  Son  of  Heaven,  the  Chinese 

Emperor.”  There  are  also  other  instances  of  Uigiirlc  si  expressing 
Chinese  tzU  [tzi], 

II.  I do  not  know  to  which  religion  the  ‘‘Way-God”  [yol  tiihri) 

belongs,  cf.  XLVIII.  — sur  I can  read  and  understand  only  as  uMr, 
from  dS-,  “to  amble”  (Houtsma,  idrhisch-arahisches  Glossary  p.  48, 
Osm.  — qut,  “happiness,  good  fortune,”  here  “blessing”; 

cf.  XLVII. 

III.  talun  {here,  in  XLIII,  and  LI  attributive  to  gara  “(black-) 
eagle”  [Aquila  ckrysaetus^  R.  B.  Shaw,  A Sketch  of  the  Turki  Language, 
as  spoken  in  Eastern  T'urkista7i^  ii,  Vocabulary,  p.  213],  in  XL  to  un\ 
“a  boy,  a youth”),  it  appears  to  me,  according  to  the  context,  must 
be  translated  “bold”.  Should  be  kept  distinct  from  tdlim^  “many,” 
which  in  Uiguric  script  has  hitherto  been  erroneously  read  in  the 
connexion  tal'iyn  qara  qits  (e.g.  Radloff,  Tisastviistik^  St.  Petersb.,  1910, 
47a,  pp.  30  and  44;  the  same,  Kuan-E-im  Fusar,  ibid.,  1911,  1.  142, 

.TEAS.  1912. 


210 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


pp.  12  and  25).  Regarding  this  expression  (in  Buddhistic  sources  = 
Garuda)  cf.  P.W.  K.  Muller,  Uigurica,  ii,  1911  (Abhandl.  d.  Kgl.  Freuss. 
Akad.  d.  Wiss.  vom  Jahre  1910),  p.  81.  I should  prefer,  however,  not 
to  refer  taUm  to  the  verbal  root  tala-,  “to  sting,  to  plunder,”  but  to 
the  root  tal-,  Osni.  dal-,  “ to  dive,  to  intrude  one’s  self,  to  rush 

in.”  Even  if  Garuda  could  possibly  be  conceivable  here,  it  could  not 
possibly  be  in  XLIII  and  LI 

IV.  sV-i  (i.e.  sari?  but  it  might  also  be  read  tisid  or  cf.  XLI 

and  XLIX),  a word  unknown  to  me  (surely  not  = the  doubtful  Coman 
seriv,  “ tame,”  Codex  Gumanicm,  ed.  G.  Kuun,  p.  225). 

V.  I do  not  know  the  signification  of  hiidl  or  bodl  in  hudlly.  Is  it 
a hump  or  a pad  or  another  characteristic  part  of  the  camel’s  body,  as 
tuyiiy,  “hoof”  (=  Karagassic  id.,  Uriankhai  otherwise  tuinaq,  etc.), 
in  the  parallel  lines  about  the  horses  ? Or  is  hudlly  with  double  I only 
a clerical  error  for  hodl(u)y,  from  bod,  “body,  stature,”  consequently 
altim  hodl(u )y,  “ with  a golden  body,  stature  ” (“  golden-bodied  ”)  ? 
The  other  new  words  which  occur  in  this  paragraph  are  easily  understood, 
iXBurilan-,  “ to  bring  forth  a boy  ” («ri‘), 

VI.  adiy-iti,  tofmz-ufi  like  qi(M-un,  XLIV  ; notice  the  old  genitive  forms 
in  -m,  -wl,  which,  after  consonantal  stems,  have  not  yet  been  supplanted 
by  the  later  analogically  formed  ending  -nm, 

VIII.  quruysaq  (evidently  the  same  word  as  occurs  in  Qufadyu 

Bilig,  23,  6,  erroneously  explained  by  Radlofi’,  Das  Kudathi  Bilik,  ii, 
St.  Petersb.,  1910,  p.  40)  = “stomach,  belly,”  of  the  modern 

dialects. 

I cannot  understand  inHHnr  otherwise  than  as  the  pronominal 
affix  of  the  third  person  + the  ablative  ending  -tin  ( -din)  forming  one 
word  together  with  tlie  preceding  yol,  though  separated  from  it  by 
the  sign  ; (cf.  e.g.  tilkd  : milzkdn  III,  yarn  : mazqan  XXI)  and  written 
with  t-  instead  of  nb  d.  For  the  rest,  the  grammatical  construction 
and  the  meaning  of  these  lines  are  not  clear  to  me. 

IX.  By  hok  I have  thought  of  Teleut.,  etc.,  pok,  “ a locked-up  place, 
lock,  captivity,  stopple  ” (Verbitzki,  Slovar,  p.  267). 

X.  I am  doubtful  how  shidfid  should  be  read  and  understood  : sdngthi, 
from  slin-,  “become  weak  (?),  abate,  subside”  (Verbitzki,  loc.  cit. , 
p.  29G  ; Radloff,  Worterhuch,  iv,  p.  453)?  or  dsingdn,  “scratching”?  or 
dsncigan,  “ yawning” ? or  something  else  (“ravenous  ” ?). 

XI.  yaziiy  or  yaziy  (cf.  L)  must  signify  some  quality  in  a horse  not 
quite  good,  probably  “lazy,  sluggish”;  cf.  Altai,  Teleut.  yaziq,  id., 
about  horses)  “that  soon  gets  tired,  that  easily  s’weats  ”,  Verbitzki, 
pp.  66  and  368  ; Radloff,  Worterhuch,  iii,  p.  254? 

XV.  lisdn  tiikill  (also  XXVII,  XLII),  fixed  hendiadys,  as  “hale 
and  hearty”,  “sain  et  sauf”,  etc.;  cf.  Radlofi*,  Kuan-si-im  Piisar, 
p.  32,  n.  18. 

XVI,  yilihd  qudiirstiymniua  is  not  clear  to  me.  Is  yililiu  fi-om  yil 
(yel),  “ wind,  air,”  and  “ till  its  air  ” = till  it,  could  not  draw  its  breatii  ? 
Or  is  yil  - usually  yal,  “mane,”  with  front  vowel,  as  e.g.  Karagass. 
cel  (Castren),  Sagai  delin,  Yakut,  sictll  The  latter  would  perhaps  make 
the  better  sense.  And  is  qudursuymmia  one  or  two  %vords  ? is  there 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


211 


not  some  clerical  error  in  it  ? and  what  does  it  signify  ? Is  it  related  to 
nudruq,  ‘‘tail”  (compare  Uriankhai  qudurya,  “the  hindmost  strap,” 
Radloff,  Prohen  der  Volhsliteratur  der  Tilrlcstamme,  ix,  p.  185,  No.  1314)? 
and  can  the  whole  signify  “both  as  far  as  its  mane  and  the  root  of  its 
tail  ” = from  head  to  tail  ? (The  Osm.,  etc.,  “ become  furious,”’ 

cannot  be  thought  of,  as  the  latter  would  here  have  to  be  termed  qntnr- 
with  C and  likewise  qtdur-  to  release”.) 

yayri‘(pan),  a hitherto  unknown  verb,  ef.  Osm.  yayir,  Chagatai  yayir, 
“ galled  (by  the  saddle,  etc.),  a gall.” 

XVIIL  Regarding  the  wooden  trellis  (Chagatai,  Teleut.  hdragii) 
which  often  forms  the  lower  vertical  wall  of  the  tents  of  the  nomadic 
Turks,  see  e.g.  Radloff,  A%is  Sibirmi,  i,  1884,  pp.  268  seqq.  and  p.  457. 

Of  the  other  names  of  the  parts  of  the  tent  here  occurring  tugunitJc 
is  = Teleut.  tiinilh,  Karagass.  Taranchi  tUrmih^  etc.,  “the  vent 

for  smoke.”- — h6z('u'i)mih  recalls  most  newAy  hdzndh^  hozindlc,  kozilndh, 
kozonoJc,  “window”  of  the  Abakan  dialects;  but  were  there  windows 
in  the  tents  ? If  there  were  not,  one  could,  perhaps,  think  of  Jcozdfid., 
Mzdiid,  “bed-curtain,”  of  the  same  dialects  ? — agin,  “shoulder,”  here 
no  doubt  signifies  the  arching  upper  part  of  the  tent  covered  with  felt. — 
hayi.^  — Eastern  Turki,  Chagatai  hayi^,  the  cordage  which  holds  the  tent 
together. 

XIX.  The  MS.  has  H sHV,  which  no  doubt  should  be  read  qar^uhi, 
from  qarsL,  “ opposite.”  I have,  for  lack  of  anything  better,  translated 
it  by  “antagonist”,  cf.  e.g.  Qut.  BiL  122,  lo.  i6.  (Or  is  it  perhaps  a 
clerical  error,  with  written  twice  (cf.  holm  11  onin,  XXYII,  pp.  40  and  41), 
iov  q( a )r(i)Mn,  “his  senior”?) 

ayan  (or  ay  in  ?)  is  a new  word.  As  it  forms  a hendiadys  with  otug, 
“prayer,”  I have  translated  it  “penance”.  Does  perhaps  the  verb 
ayan-  (Muller,  Uigurica,  ii,  p.  87, 11.  62  and  65)  mean,  not  “ hinabstiirzen  ”, 
“ versinken  ”,  but  “ do  penance ” (“in  the  fire  of  hell ”)  ? 

XX.  The  signification  of  titir  {tetir)  is  unknown.  But  it  is  evidently 

the  same  word  which  we  find  tAvice  in  Qutadyu  Bilig,  First,  86,  26  : 
tiltir  (MS.  of  Cairo  yJ,  MS.  of  Vienna  tahir)  bnyrasi-tClg,  hor,  oc  mrsd 
h'ig,  “ Seine  Rache  A^erfolge  er,  wie  der  Kameelhengst,”  Radloff,  Das 
Kudathu  Bilik,  ii,  p.  206,  Avhere,  without  reason,  he  corrects  the  first 
word  to  tdfxl  i'i)  ”,  “da  mir  ein  Thiername  tdbir  oder  tdtir  nnheknnnt 
ist.”  Tlien,  152,  19  : terildi  tiiman  ming  tolu  kbp  tetir  (MS.  of  Vienna  tdtir, 
MS.  of  Cairo  Here  the  form  is  fixed,  because  the  word  rhymes 

with  qatir,  “hinny.”  Radloff,  loc.  cit.,  p.  451,  where  he  translates  the 
verse  thus:  “ Es  sind  gesammelt  unzahlige  treffliche  Heerden,”  calls 
tdtir  “ein  unbekanntes  Wort,  was  dem  Zusammenhange  nach  ‘Pferde- 
heerde  ’ bedeutet  ” ; this  cannot,  however,  be  right,  as  horses  are  actually 
mentioned  in  the  following  line.  It  must  be  some  other  domestic  animal 
that  is  meant,  parallel  to  horses  and  hinnies.  Lastly,  we  meet  the  same 
word  in  Hontsma,  Ein  tflrkiseh-arahisches  Glossar,  p.  66  : tdtir  1 

arabische  Kameelstuten  ” (A;(yJl  Arabian  one -humped  female 

camels  were  used  and  are  still  particularly  used  in  Central  Asia  for 
pairing  with  the  two-humped  male  camels  which  are  native  to  the  latter 
place  (Houtsma,  loc.  cit.,  p.  62,  under  ; A.  G.  Leonard,  The  Gamel, 


212 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


itB  Uses  and  Management^  London,  1894,  p.  95:  “When  the  breed  is 
produced  from  male  Bactrians  and  female  Arabians  it  is  said  to  be 
extremely  hardy  and  tough,  and  able  to  stand  extreme  cold  and 
exposure.  On  the  contrary,  when  the  parentage  is  reversed  {male 
Arabian  and  female  Bactrian)  the  progeny  is  useless,  being  vicious  and 
refractory*').  Now,  as  titb^  tiitir  (i.e.  tetir)  incur  text  is  used  directly 
about  tlie  male  camel,  Imyra  (in  Qut.  BiU  86,  26,  on  the  other  hand, 
tatir  bayra.'ii  more  probably  is  “the  (Bactrian)  he-camel  of  the  she- 
droniedary  *’),  ’vve  may  be  justified  in  concluding  that  the  word  not  only 
has  signified  an  Arabian  female  camel,  but  possibly  may  also  have 
signified  a hybrid  between  a male  Bactrian  and  a female  Arabian  camel, 
and  this  is  the  signification,  then,  which  I should  here  suppose  to  be 
correct. 

<i(di‘ym(a)y,  only  instance  of  the  participle  m -yma  in  this  MS.,  and 
upon  the  whole,  one  of  the  very  rare  instances  of  an  inflected  form 
(accusative  in  -7)  of  this  participle.— ya^f7ft7,  probably  not  yat'iy  4-  Uy, 
but  rather  accusative  (-7)  of  the  participle  yat-iyll,  “lying,  resting,” 
in  spite  of  drUdl  (LV  ; also  in  the  Orkhon  inscriptions)  with  h 

XXI.  opgidc  1 identify  with  Chagatai  obiih ; according  to  Sheikh 
Suleiman’s  dictionary  “ birds  with  a crown  upon  their  head  ; a hoopoe 

XXII.  nzuntonkiy,  “ a long-coat,”  i.e.  one  who  bears  a,  long  coat  ; as 
it  appears,  a particularly,  though  not  exclusively  Manicluean  expression  ; 
of,  Radloff,  Chnastiianit,  das  Bussgebet  der  Manichdeiy  1907,  p.  31,  n.  40  ; 
and  Le  Coq,  JR  AS,  April,  1911,  p.  302,  n.  26.  As  the  fact  is  specially 
emphasized  that  they  are  provided  with  a food-bowl,  a drinking-vessel 
(see  XLII),  and,  here,  a bell,  they  thereby  appear  to  be  cliaracterized 
as  mendicant  friars  or  ecclesiastics,  not  Maniclueans  in  general.  In  the 
translation  I use  the  term  “monk”. — luM/m  = Teleut.,  Uriankhai 
kuzu/li,  kflzilnu,  “a  little  bell,”  Verbitzki,  p.  485;  Radlofi',  Prohen  der 
VolksUt.,  \\  Uhersetzimg^  ix  (in  Russian),  p.  163,  7.  Different 
from  kozdiui,  “ a mirror.” 

XXIII.  I am  very  uncertain  how  the  first  lines  of  this  paragraph 
are  to  be  understood,  and  the  translation  I have  tried  to  give  is  only 
a conjectural  one.  What  cuhMin  is,  I do  not  know  at  all.  cnk  is  in 
addition  a wholly  non-Turkish  form,  as  u and  cannot  be  used  conjointly 
in  the  same  word.  Is  it  perhaps  the  rendering  of  a Chinese  expi’essioii 
unknown  to  me  ? Moreover,  the  form  of  the  character  which  is  other- 
wise usually  symmetrical,  is  here  somewhat  abnormal,  the  ux)per  oblique 
stroke  being  somewhat  shorter  than  the  lower  one  ; therefore,  j;)erha|)S. 
it  might  also  be  imagined  that  it  ought  in  reality  to  be  a /j,  the  lower 
cross-stroke  of  which  has  been  omitted  (ci  XVII),  consequently  e.g. 
c(d)k( d)k.  This  is,  however,  equally  unintelligible  to  me. 

XXIV.  tdgliik,  cf.  E.  W.  K.  Muller,  Uigurica,  ii,  p.  29,  ^Moya  tagldg, 
der  Kraiikheit  unterworfen,”  or  better,  “ afflicted  with  sickness.” 

XXV.  huq( a)rsi  appears  to  signify  the  same  as  the  differently  formed 
Chag.,  Osm.  hicqayu,  “fetter,  chain  for  animals  and  criminals,”  Chagatai 
also  buxar, 

XXVII.  (imsb  or  dmsi-  must  according  to  the  context  signify  “ be 
toothless,  unable  to  bite  ” ; but  the  real  signification  of  the  word  is 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


213 


perhaps  “to  suck Osm.  also  dmzd-'l  (Scarcely  = Teleut. 
“ herabhangen  ”,  Radloff,  Worttrlmdi^  i,  p,  968.) 

XN  VITI.  uyitr  (or  oyiir),  parallel  to  ddgii,  is  probably  the  same  word  as 
often  occurs  in  the  inscriptions  of  Yenisei  (RadlofF,  Die  alttilrh.  Inacliriften 
dtr  Mowjolei^  p.  356,  oyar^'),  and  appears  to  signify  “ clever,  able  ”,  or 
some  such  word.  I suppose  it  is  simply  the  present  (aorist)  participle 
of “ to  be  able.” 

XX IX.  Here  we  appear  to  have  the  short  verbal  stem  oy-  in  signification 
of  oyna-^  ‘‘to  play,”  which  occurs  everywhere  else,  and  oyiiy  instead 
of  oynn,  “play”  (Osm.  oyiinal-^  “win  in  play”);  oyma  may  then  signify 
“a  gambler”.  Regarding  yiitxiz,  cf.  Thomsen,  Bin  Blatt  in  tilrlc. 
Jitmenschri/t,  p.  296,  note. 

XXXI.  an  must  be  the  same  as  is  elsewhere  called  an,  “game,  an 
animal  that  is  hunted.”  That  here  the  word  has  d,  not  a — which  must 
be  influenced  by  mein,  “ prey,  food,”  with  which  it  is  always  associated — 
is  distinctly  proved  by  the  phonetic  character  of  all  the  affixes. 

XXXII.  tahilqu  = Taranchi  tabilyu,  Kirghiz  tahiiya,  the  iahilyi,  etc., 
of  the  Altai  dialects, 

XXXIII.  There  had  been  written  IckUzig,  but  a thick  vertical  stroke 
is  put  through  d either  to  alter  it  to  i or  to  efface  it.  Regarding  the 
manufacture  of  felt  {hkliz,  hiyiz,  hlz,  Icigiz,  in  the  different  languages), 
cf.  Radloff,  Sibiriexi,  i,  pp.  413  seqq.  ; Px^'chen  der  VolksUt.,  ix, 
p.  235,  No.  328  = Ubersetz.,  ix  (in  Russian),  p.  204.  After  the  wool  is 
beaten  with  sticks  and  pulled  fine  it  is  spread  out  upon  a mat  and 
wetted  ; the  whole  is  rolled  up  upon  a stick  and  tied  round  tightly  with 
rope,  then  it  is  rolled  backwards  and  forwards  for  a long  time.  After 
the  ropes  have  been  removed  it  is  beaten  for  hours  wuth  the  palm  of  the 
hand,  and  finally  it  is  hung  up  to  dry. 

XXXVI.  ‘iicniyliLy,  cf.  ncrity,  “Spitze(?),”  Aliiller,  Uigurica,  ii, 
p.  40,  107,  “ Gipfel,”  ibid.,  p.  57  (5). 

XXXIX.  tilrtril  occurs  also  in  Le  Coq,  Dr.  Stein’s  Turkish  Khuastuanift, 
JRAS.,  April,  1911,  p.  289,  1.  136,  corresponding  to  Uitrii  in  the  parallel 
passage  in  the  text  published  by  Radloff,  Ghumtuanit,  das  Bimgehef 
df;r  Manichder,  1909,  p.  6,  1,  60 ; p.  32,  n.  48.  The  signification  there 
appears  to  be  “wrongly,  erroneously”  (cf.  Radloff,  Wdrterbncli,  iii, 
p.  1093:  tdtrd,  “ verkehrt  ”).  Thus  also  here,  I have  translated  it 
“awkwardly”. 

XL.  yasicin  is  instrumental  case  of  yasic  = Osm.  yasij,  “ Pfeii 
(mit  Spitze),”  Zenker,  loc.  cit,,  p.  951. — yahms,  “alone,”  same  form  as 
in  the  inscriptions  of  Yenisei ; otherwise  with  z : Eastern  Turk!  yalyiiz  ; 
Osm.  yaliniz,  etc. 

XLII.  Regarding  xizuntonluy,  see  note  to  XXII. 

XLIV.  firhaq,  “^claw,  nail,”  the  old  form  of  this  word  (also  Qut. 
BiL  IIS,  16),  wherefrom  later  tmraq  {Mixllet,  Ulgurica,  ii,  pp.  35,  22 ; 
Yakut,  tinirax)i>  tirnaq,  etc. 

titin-  appears  to  stand  for  tidin~,  “restrain  onetself”  (Abakan  €idin-, 
fizin-,  Verbitzki,  pp.  395  and  389),  reflexive  form  of  fid-  (with  radical  d, 
not  t),  “restrain,  withhold,  hinder.” 

Several  other  words  in  this  paragraph  are  not  clear  to  me,  and  I have 


214 


MANUSCEIFTS  IK  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 

translated  them  only  according  to  the  context  : suculun-  (Abakan 
“to  untie,  unharness,  etc.,”  Verhitzki,  loc.  cit.,  p.  311  ?)  ; ilgil-i-  or 
6y?K- ; (cf.  “turn  pale,  wither”). 

XLYIL  dmlila-,  Cf.  Taranchi Koibal.  dmdM  etc.,  “creep.” 

L.  Ke^garding  yazaj  or  yaziy,  see  note  to  Xl.—‘yadrat  = Altai  ya;?/?’a/-, 
“to  overthrow,  throw  down,”  from  Uigur,  spread.  v/d: 

(as  still  in  the  Abakan  dialects)  is  a rug  put  under  the  saddle ; Verbitzki, 
ioc.  cit.,  p.  417  {iimrija),  Katanov  in  Radloif,  Prohen  cl.  VolksUt.,  ix, 
pp,  376  and  387,  No.  339  {murgii). — A verb  top-  seems  unknown  else- 
where, but  must  be  the  same  as  the  well-known  iJop/a-,  “to  compress.” 
— tdrit-  “ to  sweat  ” = Karagass.  tdrcit-,  Yakut,  thnt-,  while  otherwise  the 
form  tdrUi-  is  used. 

LVII.  qaiirfi,  I suppose,  must  be  some  unknown  derivate  of  qrai^  “ £i 
khan,”  perhaps  “a  prince”?  (not,  of  course,  = Osm.  qanyi,  hanyi, 
“ which  of  them  ? ”) 

honalc  (I  2),  hmcik  (1.  4),  can  apparently  only  be  the  word  konith  or 
kmioh,  “a  pail,”  which  occurs  in  several  dialects.  If  it  is  asked  what 
a pail  has  to  do  here,  I can  only  refer  the  reader  to  the  account  of^ — 
probably  old — burial  ceremonies  of  the  Abakan-Turks  (the  Beltirs) 
recorded  by  N.  F.  Katanov,  0 pogrehal' nikh  obriadakh  u tiurkskikh 
piemen  centrahioi  i vostoaioi  Azii,  Kasan,  1894,  p.  11  ; also  in  Radloff, 
Prohen  der  Volkdit,  ix,  p.  376  = (in  Russian),  ix,  p.  356. 

Before  the  door  of  the  house  of  the  deceased  is  placed  a pail  {kondk)  of 
water,  from  which  all  wash  after  the  burial.  It  may  or  may  not  be 
a similar  custom  which  is  thought  of  here. 

Regarding  ‘irg,  see  above,  p.  193. 

LXI.  hiranaya  or  turnnaya,  “ crane,”  interesting  form,  cf.  Karagass. 
turiiMf  Yakut,  turuya,  in  the  majority  of  the  other  Turkish  languages 
turna. 

LXIV.  huymul  must  be  the  same  word  as  Chagatai  muymid^  which, 
according  to  Kiinos,  Seix  Sideiman  EfendVs  Gagcitai-Osmanischef< 
Wortey'huch,  Budapest,  1902,  p,  146,  signifies  “a  falcon  unsusceptible  of 
training”. 

Colophon  (pp.  103,  104).  Regarding  the  year  of  the  tiger,  see  p.  196. 
— inanUtan,  Middle  Iranic  (Sogdic  ?)  loan-word,  “ abode,  residence.” — 
Taygiintan  is  evidently  a Chinese  name  {Pai-kiiin-Van  ?) ; but  the  locality 
itself  is  unknown  to  all  the  authorities  whom  I have  consulted.  It  may 
have  been  a monastery  or  a temple  to  which  a college  or  scholastic 
establishment  may  have  been  attached. —Regarding  the  Manicluean  term 
dintar  [ditar  appears  to  be  a clerical  error  only),  see  v.  Le  Cocp,  JRAS. 
1911,  p.  303,  n.  33. — hiiriitt:yuTu  are  non-Turkish  words;  they  look  as 
if  they  could  be  Sanskrit  “a  former  guru.” — In  dPdicmz,  as 

it  apparently  should  be  read,  there  appeal’s  to  %e  a clerical  error  ; 
((i)^(i)d(i)Ui  ( m(i)z)  coiild  probably  be  thought,  “they  who  hear 
(attend  lectures)  together,”  but  in  that  case  ^ stands  wrongly  between 
d and  c. 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT  215 

MS.  Ill 
en.  0014 

This  number,  which  was  also  found  near  Tun-huang, 
consists  of  three  or  four  loose  fragments.  The  condition 
in  which  they  appear  implies  that  the  original  sheets  to 
whicli  they  belonged  have  been  intentionally  torn  to  pieces 
and  crumpled  up. 

The  largest  fragment,  a,  is  about  12|  inches  wide  and 
12  to  14  inches  long,  and  consists  of  eleven  entirely 
preserved  lines  of  writing  and  larger  or  smaller  portions 
of  three  others.  Each  line  consists  on  an  average  of 
twenty  characters.  The  other  fragments  are  but  small. 
b is  a somewhat  rectangular  fragment  of  the  right  side 
of  a sheet,  and  contains  the  beginning  of  five  lines  ; of 
the  fifth,  however,  only  the  upper  part  of  the  characters 
remains.  The  width  of  the  fragment  is  about  6 inches 
and  has  barely  reached  the  middle  of  the  original  sheet. 
The  fragments  c and  d,  of  which  the  latter  is  quite  small, 
fit  together,  so  that  they  in  reality  constitute  one  fragment 
only,  of  a width  similar  to  that  of  6,  but  somewhat  more 
irregular  in  form.  The  fragments  h,  e,  d are  so  rudi- 
mentary that  it  is  impossible  to  translate  them.  The 
contents,  which  in  all  three  fragments  appear  to  be  of 
a philosophical  or  religious  nature,  as  well  as  the  homo- 
geneous script  and  paper,  show  that  they  have  all  belonged 
to  one  treatise,  but  no  direct  connexion  exists  between  them. 

The  script  is  exceedingly  beautiful  and  distinct.  As 
regards  characteristic  forms  of  letters  it  may  be  pointed 
out  that  both  and  are  entirely  closed  below;  for 
instance,  has  about  the  form  of  an  8 with  a small  projection 
above. 

Scattered  among  the  lines  Chinese  characters  of  later 
origin  occur. 

Lastly,  I want  to  add  that  I have  had  no  opportunity 
of  seeing  the  originals,  but , have  had  only  photographs  at 


21 G 


MANUSCRII^TS  T KUNIC  SCRIPT 

niy  disposal;  these  are,  however,  so  excellent  they 
fully  compensate  for  the  originals.  - 

a 


1.  zinvn  : dlmdz  [. 


2.  : : tammqhoy  : s(a)h  : tamy ally  : 

3.  hit  ig  : : isichnistd  : hoTil : 

4.  kormis  : yig  : : min  : kisi  : yil 

5.  zin  : hil(i)gincii  : hir  : kisi  : at 

6.  % : : hil(i)g  o : : azmazun  : tvp  : 

7.  yirH  : y(a)rat'i  : y(a)mlhnazitn  : t 

8.  ip  : bilg(d )g  : nrt’i  : : azmccz  : y 

9.  : y(a)ml'^m(a)z  : bilgd  : nnit-m 

10.  maz  [sic]  ; dtilgB  : y(a)nil^maz  : bitidi 

11.  ci : : bilgdlig  : y(a}ml^maz  : yi 

12.  rcilig  : azmaz  : : y(a)Ml^mas(a)r  : 

13.  bilgd  : hollyay  : ?]  azmas^fajr  : yi 

14.  [o'H  : bolyay  : ? : y(a)M']P^ma  [.  . .] 

b 

1.  rSi : bolmaz  [ * • ^] 

2.  itkclci  : yooq  : a[.  ......  . .] 

3.  yooq  : | ; tutil7ies[.  . . ...  . .] 

4.  7i'^i  : kb7ii  : o/i;m[.  . . . . . . .] 

5.  . . 711 : (a)r'^t'^a(ov  : yo[oq  . . . . .] 


, ■ ■■  c,  d . ■ 

1.  [ : hit 

2.  [ •'  tutm(a)z  : : 

3.  [.  . , . , . . .Jiyi  ; subMr'^  'i  : 6^ 

4.  [ ’\gl( d )r  : ( a )rya  : hohi 

[ ]liyu : (d )rs( d )r  : ( a )ld ^ i( or  a ) 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


217 


does  not  die (as  regards)  an  attested  word  or  a vsealed 

writing,  then  seeing  (with  one’s  own  eyes)  is  better  than 
hearing.  One  man’s  name  (i.e.  one  individiial)  with,  the 
faces  o£  a thousand  men  on  the  strength  of  his  wisdom — 
that  is  wisdom.  In  order  that  one  shall  not  lose  one’s 
way  he  (?)  has  appointed  a guide ; in  order  that  one  shall 
not  err  he(?)  has  ordained  the  wise  man  (or  the  wise) — 
a guide  who  does  not  lose  his  way,  a wise  man  who  does 
not  env  an  intercessor  who  does  not  forget,  a tutor  ( ?) 
who  does  not  err.  He  who  has  a wise  man  (by  his  side) 
does  not  err.  He  who  has  a guide  does  not  lose  his  way. 
If  he  does  not  err,  he  (himself)  [will]  become  wise  ; if  he 
does  not  lose  his  w^av,  [he  himself  will  become  a]  guide 
[-  — ] 

Notes  to  III 

a,  II.  3 and  4.  Jcorii  hor-,  “ to  see  seeingly  ” = “to  see  with  one’s  own 
eyes”.  Cf.  haqa  kor-  (e.g.  Qat.  BU.  125,  i),  “to  see  regardingly  ” = “ to 
look  narrowly 

a,  1.  6.  hilgo  must  according  to  common  orthograpln^  be  read 
hil( i)g  0,  but  may  perhap^s  be  hilg(d)  o,  “that  is  the  wise  man.”  o,  late 
form  for  oL 

a,  1.  8.  hiigg  must  on  account  of  its  parallelism  to  only  designations 
of  persons  be  read 

a,  1.  10.  otiigci,  from  6Y%,  “ a prayer,  a request,  a petition,” — as  is 
obviously  proved  by  this  passage — does  not  signify  “one  who  prays” 
(Radloff,  Wdrtarh.,  i,  p.  1280,  odakci^'),  but  “an  intercessor”,  one  who 
receives  addresses  or  petitions  in  order  to  submit  and  recommend  them 
to  the  sovereign  or  an  authority.  This  signification  agrees  also  better 
W'ith  Qut.  BU.  108,  3,  dtligcl  karahmaz^  “no  intercevssor  is  required” 
(Radloff,  wlio  himself  in  the  note  remarks  that  if  signifying  “ der 
Bittsteller  ” another  form  might  be  exp)ected,  translates  : “ Ich  brauche 
nicht  erst  zii  bitten  [!?],  wenn  ich  Sorgen  habe ; ehe  meine  Zunge  sich 
bewegt,  hort  er  mein  Wort  ”). 

11.  10  and  11.  hitkiici  (also  IV,  1.  10,  hUgilci),  an  unknowm  word 
(different  from  bzHga\  “a  clerk,  secretary”).  According  to  the  context 
it  appears  to  signify  something  like  “a  tutor”,  or  as  in  IV,  1.  10, 
“ a steward,  commissary,”  and  this  agrees  well  wnth  the  use  of  the  same 
w'ord  [hitgdci^  bitigdci)  in  tw-o  places  in  the  hitherto  unpublished  Berlin 
Turfan  MSS.,  which  Dr.  v.  Le  Coq  has  kindly  communicated  to  me. 

rd,  1.  3.  S‘ub( a ? )mfi  or  Suh^  is  a non-Turkish  W' ord  ; perhaps  Indian 
(ef,  e.g.  Sanskrit  ? 


218  MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 

MS.  IV 

Ch.  00183.  (Plate  IIIb.) 

Finally,  f roni  Tun-hnang  comes  another  curious  document 
which  I shall  now  mention.  It  is  a sheet  that,  as  far  as 
I can  judge  from  the  photograph  (I  have  not  seen  the 
original),  appears  to  have  been  carefully  folded.  With 
the  exception  of  a few  damaged  places,  mainly  where 
there  appears  to  have  been  such  an  old  fold,  it  is  on  the 
whole  well  preserved. 

What  immediately  strikes  us  as  being  peculiar  wdth  this 
document,  is  the  script.  We  have  here  not  only  an 
instance  of  a plain  and  ordinary  handwriting,  but  this  also- 
gives  a decided  impression  of  having  originated  from  an 
unpractised  hand.  The  script,  besides  presenting  peculiar 
forms  of  certain  characters,  for  instance  a,  when  compared 
with  the  elegant  script  of  the  two  preceding  numbers, 
is  exceedingly  clumsy  right  thi*ongh,  and  looks  as  if 

written  with  a match  ”,  as  we  say  in  Danish.  Moreover, 
the  characters  are  rather  unlike,  both  as  regards  their 
form  and  their  size ; great  inconsistency  is  shown  in  the 
use  of  the  sign  for  separating  words,  : , and  the  lines, 
especially  in  the  lower  half  of  the  sheet,  run  very  irregularly. 

But  the  contents  also  are  peculiar.  The  author,  probably 
an  officer  or  another  military  person,  bearing  the  rather 
iLigh-sounding  name  Baghatur  Chigshi,  pronounces  in 
angry  terms  his  discontent  wdth  the  board  afforded  for 
him  and  for  a number  of  other  persons,  his  superiors  and 
fellows,  on  their  arrival  at  a place  which  has  not  been 
indicated  more  closel^r.  Here  we  must  have  before  us, 
either  some  private  notes  or  a private  letter,  and  all 
probability  favours  the  belief  that  it  is  the  latter.  The 
opening  word  “ Tlien  ” (y(a)7nd)  , might  imply  that  the 
MS.,  though  it  appears  in  its  present  form  as  a complete 
whole,  yet  is  but  the  end  of  a note,  the  beginning  of 
which  is  wanting. 


Journal  Roy.  As.  Soc.  1912. 


Plate  III, 


MANUSCKIPTS  IN  TUBKISH  RUNIC  SCR3PT  21 

With  regard  to  the  age  of  the  MS.  nothing  definite  can 
he  stated,  but  it  appears,  if  anything,  to  date  from  the 
later  part  of  that  period  when  the  runic  script  was  in  use, 
probably  the  ninth  century. 

The  text  runs  as  follows  : — 

1 . y( d )md  : buvnc  : (a)y  s( d )kiz  y ig 

2.  (i)rmigd  bilig  konill 

3.  s( ajnun  : b(a  jslcq?  : k( d )lti  : y( ajbas 

4}.  Uctmiq  hiimc  tiiiimq  dr 

5.  d bort  : tiiUiuq  : altun  t 

6.  Y a )y  s( a )mm  : y( a )Tt(i)mUiq  ( d )rur  : ail 

7.  0%  ajja  ttdtmq  : tdati  qam 

8.  (i)y  atUy  yuzlug  dtiLZ  (d)r 

9.  k(d)lt(i)miz  hir  : kiln  bir  qon 

10.  iki  kup  : b(d)gni  : bitgdei  : 

11.  isiz  y(a)hiz  qidh(i)tidim 

12.  cdmi  h(a)  ciUir  cigE : 

Then,  in  the  fifth  month,  on  the  eighteenth,  came 
Bilig  Kdngiil  Sangun  after  having  taken  over  the 
command.  The  adjutants  (?)  are  Yabash  Tutuq,  Buzacli 
Tutuq,  Ora  Bdrt  Tutuq,  and  Altun  Tay  Sangun.  We 
came:  (the  Chief,)  Oz  Apa  Tutuq  by  name,  followed  by, 
all  told,  thirty  men  of  rank  and  consideration.  On  one 
daj^  one  sheep  and  two  water-butts  I Bagni  (?),  the 
commissary,  is  a wretched  and  good-for-nothing  slave. 
Written  by  me,  Baghatur  Cliigshi  by  name, 

Notes  to  IV 

11,  1 and  2.  yig(l jrmiga,  later  form  with  the  ending  -gd  instead  of  the 
earlier  -liL 

I.  2.  Kegarding  MHg  hdfml  as  appellative  in  Buddhistic  terminology, 

reason,”  literally  “ wisdom-mind  ”,  ‘Svise  mind  ”,  see  F.  W.  K.  Muller, 

UUjurkaj  ii,  p.  13. 

II.  5 and  G.  tay  safiiui  is  Chinese  7}^  ^ tai  tsiang-hlnn  {ta  cliiang- 
chfin)^  “great  general.” 

1.  0.  yf  a Jrtf'iJmi'lq  I have  with  some  doubt  interpreted  as  ‘ ‘ adjutants  ” 
(or  officers  attached  to  the  staff),  having  assumed  that  yarfm  might  be  - 


220 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


Osm.,  Cluigatai  yardrm,  “ help,  assistance,”  The  five  persons  mentioned 
in  11.  2-0  would  then  he  tlie  general  with  his  staff,  wliile  in  11.  7-8  we 
have  the  particular  corps  to  which  the  writer  belonged,  together  witii 
the  name  of  its  chief. 

1.  8.  afliy  yinltlg,  liendiadys,  cf.  Muller,  Uigurica,  ii,  p.  19,s ; Radloff, 
Pumr,  ]),  47,  n.  94. 

1.  10.  Regarding  hifgdci,  see  above,  p.  217,  note  to  Ilia,  11.  10  and  11. 

1.  11.  isiz  [for  literally  “mindless”],  wrongly 

Radlolf,  Wdtitrhuch,  i,  ]).  8!)8)  yalnz,  liendiadys,  cf.  Muller,  Uigimca^  ii, 
p.  2;b3-4,  Uk  yanz. 

As  a thirteenth  line,  it  appears  as  if,  below  the  first  three  characters  of 
1.  12,  there  had  been  very  indistinctly  written  (a)Ua{‘i),  which,  however, 
cannot  belong  to  the  text. 


LIST  OF  WORDS 

Roman  numerals  indicate  the  texts  published  here  (I,  pp.  186-7  ; 
il,  pp.  190-209;  III,  })p.  215-16;  lAh  pp.  218-19;  II  is,  however,  as 
a rule  not  indiciitcd,  therefore  absence  of  Roman  numerals  is  = IT. 
Arabic  numerals  after  I,  III,  and  lY  indicate  the  line,  for*  II  the  page 
of  the  ALS.  The  order  of  the  characters  followed  here  is  : (I)  vowels, 
a,  a,  )\  t\  0 and  imliserimiiiately,  o and  w id.  ; (2)  consonants,  in  the 
same  order  as  the  common  European  characters. 


ab,  17,  97. 
ah'inc<i,  57. 
adr/^  10. 
adyir,  86. 
advrliq,  7. 
cr/-,  dpan,  96. 
aya{'>)n  {a.  otiig),  29. 
mil,  71. 

ay'iZi  ayz-i,  40,  100. 
al-,  -ay'in,  90 ; -Ip,  43 ; -di, 
lllcd  5 (?). 
ala,  2. 

alam,  n.pr.,  la  4,  10. 
alp,  15,  60,  84. 
alqu,  101, 
alM,  la  15. 

altm,  1,  8,  7,  8, 12;  n.pr.,  IV  5. 
aviraq,  101. 
amtt,  101. 
ancipt  101. 


wnca,  1,  5,  etc. 

andari,  5,  15,  32,  59,  68,  93. 

ami,  9,  16,  28,  84,  55, 

dpa,  n.pr.,  la  19,21,  c 4 ; lY,  7. 

aq,  7,  28. 

ar-,  dp  (a.  on-),  25  ; -mis,  52. 
ara,  15,  57,  80. 
aral-l,  92. 

? aria,  lllcd  4. 
art,  10. 

? arta  or  -ti,  lllh  5. 
artaU,  -maym,  91. 
asr/,  49. 

asra,  20,  31,  83,  93. 
at  (horse),Br.  2(?),  6;  II  23, 
25,  28,  52,  [68],  76,  85,  100  : 
-in,  2,  16,  54,  55. 
at  (name),  IV  6,  12 ; -I'h 
{a.  yilzliig),  IV  8. 
atan-,  -mis,  85. 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  ;TU  ' RUNIC  SCRIPT 


221 


ay,  la  1 ; II  91, 103  ; I¥  I. 
ayaq,  62,  63. 
a yin-,  -via,  29. 
ayViy,^2. 

az-,  -viasar,  Ilia  13;  -viaz,  Ilia 

8,  12;  -inazun,  Ilia  6 ; -Vi, 
II  20,  21. 

ilb,  S,  13,  14,  85. 

(id  [.]  a,  n.pr.,  la  13. 

adgil,  1,  3,  5,  9,  etc.,  11, 16;  -si, 

42,  73,  92  ; -ti,  19,  29,  62. 
iigin,  clgn-i,  27. 

(iki  (eki),  2,  37 ; cf.  iM. 
akinti,  103. 
alakiU,  n.pr.,  Ic  7. 
alig,  97. 

(ilik  (kiyik), 

alt-,  -i,  11,  16. 
am,  SQ. 

(imgcik,  89. 

dmsi-  or  dnisi-,  -mis,  40. 

(ih  (a.  mdh),  47  (twice). 
dhlci-  (d.  mdmld-),  -yii,  74. 
ar,  Br.  6;  II  7,  9,  11,  17,40, 

43,  45,  52,71,  79,  84;  IV  8. 
dr-,  -ikli,  84;  -ar,  IV  6;  -7nis, 

9,  10,  60  ; -sdr,  Tiled  5. 
ardamlig,  15. 

drklig,  17,  102. 

dsdii  {cL  tilkdl),  21,  40,  63. 

‘?  dsngdn,  15. 

(?  dsri,  see  sari) 

"^ds-,  -iir,  2. 

amd-  {eUd-),-ti,  88, 93 ; cf.  isid-. 

? dhdsici,  103. 

icy  in-,  -vvis,  34. 

id-,  -7ms,  29. 

iduqlaq,  61. 

mac,  6,  19,  86. 

inal,  n.pr.,  15  r.  1,  h v.  7. 

inancu;  n.pr.,  Ic  8. 


Irq,  89,  101  (p.  198). 
ic,21. 

id-,  -ipdn,  26. 
ierd,  97. 

icriiki,  la  10,  21;  icirdki,  la  1. 

idi,  100. 

idis,  62,  68. 

iki,  lY  10 ; cf.  a^i. 

il,  41-2,  73. 

ilin-,  -mis,  95. 

mi,  la  17. 

ingdk,  60. 

mg  cm,  8. 

{Yintm,ld) 

irkdk,  36,  61. 

isig,  n.pr.,  103. 

isiz  (i.  yahiz),  IV  11. 

isid-,  -mis,  Ilia  8 ; cf.  as  id-, 

it-, -mis,  78. 

itd-ciiq,  n.pr.,  104. 

0,  Ilia  6. 

U-,  -matin,  24,  38,  56,  58,  95  ; 

-maz, 100;  -yin,  00;  -yur{f), 

■ 42.  ^ 

UC-,  -a,  20,  95. 
ucnnluy,  55. 
lul-,  -u,  88,  39. 
ud'i-,  -yyna,  31. 
odyicr-,  '(w),  31. 

(?  OT,  20.) 

oyul,  oyl-'i,  2,  20,  21,  44,  45, 
68,  84,  89. 
oyla^i,  85,  48,  101. 
oyfi,  28. 

01,  1,  etc. ; a7iin,  58. 
ula-,  -yur,  78. 
ulat-,  -i,  IV  7. 
ulny,  14,  77. 

ohm-,  -npan,  1,  6 ; -ur,  95. 

071,  15  r.  2 (?  ilc-) ; II,  44 
(toqii^z-). 


222 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


iina-^  -maduq^  57. 
nnaian,  n.pr.,  la  2. 
miit',  ‘Viaz,  Ilia  10* 
oil-,  -7iPf  25. 

nr-,  50  ; -upan,  48,  53  (?),  59  ; 

-rcIIIaS. 

■iLfi,  59. 

lifilan-,  -m'is,  9, 
urunu,  n.pr.,  la  2,  7,  12,  17, 
20,6r.l,  9,  5v.  3,  5,  7,c  4. 
ovclw,  41,  51. 
ortu,  86,  74. 
asic,  43. 

ot,  7it,  n.pr.,  15  V.  9. 

ot  (grass),  26,  82  ; -suz,  68.  , 

o/;  (fire),  la  6. 

lit-,  -viU,  44. 

otuz,  la  1 ; IV  8. 

iitiiz-,  -madnq,  44. 

litru,  2,  23,  65. 

■iiija,  47. 
oyia,  43. 
ui/ur,  see  a-. 
oyvia,  43. 

OZ-,  -7ms,  18,  26,  61. 
itzwi,  72 ; -tonlm/,  33,  62. 

O',  -pcin,  23. 

dhkalci-,  -pidn,  90. 

iic,  la  1 1 ; II  29 ; iic-on  ?,  15  r.  2. 

ilciln,  la  9 (5  r.  2 ?) ; II  104. 

■mime,  9,  21. 

iiciirgil,  77. 

dd~,  -77idn,  88. 

dg  (o.  qan),  58,  89,  90. 
ai^a,  n.pr.,  la  11,  0 2. 
ogir-  (o.  sdhin-),  -a,  46,  47, 
51,  75;  -ar,  22,  44-5,  54, 
64,  98. 

(jgiir  (ogr-i-),  86. 
dgils-,  -ilpdn,  67. 
ilgilz,  64. 


ogiiinc,  54. 
dgrundillilg,  85. 
dk[-l  III5  4. 
okils,  54. 
okilz,  37,  56. 

oZ“,  -ga|/,  61,  88;  -inis,  87 ; 

-maW,  Ilia  1. 
illiig,  61,  102. 
olimi,  18,  26,  75. 
dmdld-,  -yil,  71. 
on-,  -Up,  75 -ilpdn,  93;  -di, 
82 ; miis,  97. 
on,  25. 
ohi,  63. 

diiils-,  -updn,  67. 
om  5orZ,  n.pr.,  lY,  4-5. 
briln,  6,8,  80,  60,  61. 

07^  gm,  1. 

Urk-,  -ilpd7i,  40. 

ilrkit-,  -tin,  88. 

d7ddn-,  -7nis,  14. 

otilg,  29. 

dtiigei.  Ilia  10, 

dtiln-,  29  ; -Ur,  88. 

bz-i,  51,  70,  85;  4kd,  la  6; 

-imi,  13 ; -iln,  72. 
bz  {apa),  n.pr.,  IV  7. 

■iiz-,  -ilk,  73. 

iizd,  1,  6,  10,  20,  25,  31,  39, 
81,  83,  98,  99. 
ha-,  19,  50 ; -7ms,  19. 
hayahw,  n.pr.,  IV  12. 
hayis,  28. 

haViq,  la  14,  5 r.  11. 
bar,  28,  49. 

bar-,  -ipan,  26,  53 ; -tr,  68 ; 
-di,  15  V.  10,  0 2 ; -dnq,  15  r. 
10;  -iivis,  II,  7,  8,  17,  23,  etc. 
ha7's,  15  ; (5.  kvyih),  46,  74  ; 5. 

i/il,  103  ; n.pr.,  la  16,  5 v.  5. 
basm-,  -%i,  70. 


MANUSCRIPTS TO  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


228 


bal  13,  15,  89. 
haslci',  ~p,  IV  B. 
haU'i^l,  12. 
hay,  40. 
bai/irqu,  Ta  15. 

? bayluq,  Ih  y.  4. 

"Ihcica,  n.}3r.,  Ia21. 
badiz,  92-B. 
bcidirdii-,  -yilr,  42. 
hag,  7,  9,  88. 
bdglig,  88. 
bciglih,  9. 

? bdgni,  n.pr.,  IV  10. 
hi,  7. 

bio-,  -ci,  56. 
bil,  56. 

bil-,  -in,  -iiilcir,  1,  etc. ; -ti,  84, 
93. 

hilig,  Ilia  5,  6 (?) ; IV  2 (6. 

hdnill,  n.pr.). 
bilgd,  Ilia  8,  9,  13. 
hilgdlig,  Ilia  11. 

? bindir,  n.pr.,  IZ>  r.  4. 

bir,  la  8,  9,  12,  21,  c 2,  3,  6; 
II,  37,48,  55;  Ilia  5;  IV  9. 

Z?zr-,  “^a^,  3 ; -mis,  71. 

Z?^VZa,  la  22. 

bis,  103 ; -inc,  IV  1. 
bis-,  -di,  81. 

biti-,  -dim,  104  ; IV  11. 
bitig,  101  ; Ilia  3. 
bitgdci,  IV  10  ; hithdci,  Ilia 
lO^-ll,  b 2. 

bit,  89,  101. 
buciir,  n.pr.,  Ic  1. 
hudun,  81. 

? budllia  {bodluy  ?),  8. 
hityrn,  30. 
huyraViq,  8. 

hoi-,  -u[-],  IIIc  4 ; -ur,  II  89  ; 
-yay,  86  [Ilia  13];  -mU, 


40-1,60-1;  -U,la6,  5,  7,8, 
etc.;  II,  39,  48,  49,  80,  82, 
100;  -zun,  35,  57,  71-2, 
73,  92. 

bill-,  -iipan,  47 ; -nvis,  47,  63-4 ; 

4%,  35. 
built,  SI. 
bulithy , /9. 
holm,  29. 

biilun,  18  ; -taqi,  42. 
buqars'i,  B7. 
bimia  : lOS. 

bosannc,  80. 
bosusluy,  79. 
bos,  44. 

hutula-,  -nits,  8. 
huyniul,  98. 
boz,  81. 

huzao,  n.pr.,  IV  4. 
bozayu,  61. 
hozayula-ci,  60. 
boh,  14. 
hori,  40. 
bort,  IV  5. 
btyan,  45. 
cmtan,  6. 

cir  {sariy-),  n.pr.,  la  18. 
cign,  la  3,  5,  17 ; IV  12. 
cih,  n.pr.,  la  4. 

2citk,  35. 
cur,  la  2. 

ditar  {dintar9),  103. 

? yuTu,  103. 
kadim,  n.pr.,  la  12. 
kdkiik,  35. 

kal-,  -ir,  11,  16,  46,  47,  51, 
85  ; -mis,  lb  r.  3, 11 ; II 8-9, 

, 63,  80,  90;  -sdr,  85;  -ti,  IV 
3 ; -timiz,  IV  9. 
kcililr-,  -mis,  la  11 ; II  61, 
-kdn,  see  -qan. 


224 


MAxrscKjPTs  m Turkish  runic  script 


kdnsig,  n.])r.,  Irt  18. 
h’intfi,  101-2. 
lidnrdn-,  -lu\  84. 
kdrdkii,  27. 
kdS”,  ~ipdn,  18. 
kiiz  {kidi'  '?),  49. 
kicdy  1,  2,  84. 
kicig^  108. 
kin,  89. 

kir-,  -dr,  81  ; la  14  ; II 
97. 

kim-,  -mis,  58. 

kisi,  % 21,  48,  44,  82,  88,  98. 
kitjik,  20,  68;  dlik  k.,  %l\  bars 
k.,  46,  74 ; shitn  k.,  92 ; 
yar/im  k,,  dk),  dQ, 
kiic,  II  25  ; n.pr.,  IZ>  r.  12. 
kamg,  5,  82,  98. 
kocilr-  {k,  qontiir-),  41,  51. 
kofjiir-,  -mis,  lb  r.  6. 
kok,  98. 

kokilz-,  -mdk,  Ic;  6. 
kdl,  83. 

M,  n.pr.,  la  17. 

kdl-,  -mis,  88. 

kiililg,  n.pr.,  la  7,  h r.  7. 

kiln,  86,  89,  80;  IV  9. 

kdn-,  -mis,  la  6. 

kdndk,  BS. 

kilnds,  88. 

kdni,  IIK  4. 

kdiidk  (=  kdndk),  88. 

kdnul,lY% 

kilp,  IV  10. 

kilpd  (kii-apa  ?),  n.pr.,  la  8. 
kd'pilk,  80. 

kdr-,  41,  Ilia  8 ; 4lpdn,  II  25, 
26  ; -man,  88 ; -mis,  Ilia  4. 
kurcihir,  n.pr.,  Ih  r.  9. 
kdrilkliig,  27,  99. 
kdriis-,  -mis,  22. 


kdzilnilk,  27. 
kuzUnil,  88. 
kdzld-,  -yilr,  99, 

? /ac  [m  ?]  , n.pr.,  15  v.  4. 

-Vi  -Vi,  10. 
maria,  74,  75. 
manistan-tagi,  108. 
maa,  1,  2,  4,  etc. 
man,  47. 
rndni,  80. 
mdiiilig,  9,  96. 

mdmld-,  -yilr,  1,  6,  42,  79,  87. 
mcVftld-,  -yii,  ll, 
min-,  -mis,  24. 
min,  49 ; Ilia  4, 
rmmhuri,  84. 

7nilnrd-,  -yilr,  98. 
nd-tdg,  27,  28. 
aide  ilk,  69. 
ndgil,  86. 
ndlilk,  88. 

qal-,  -mJis,  18,  25,  57;  -maduq, 
14. 

qaVi-,  -yii,  58  67. 
qalti,  69. 
qaniic,  18. 

qamidh,  89,  81,  97 ; IV  7-8. 

qam/is,  57. 

qamus,  15. 

qamla-,  -7ms,  17. 

qamsa-,  -yu,  24,  88,  56,  58. 

qa7i,  41,  50,  97  ; n.pr.,  la  16. 

qan  (blood),  86. 

-qa7i,  -kem : tilkd  7ndzkdn,  4 ; 

yam  7nazqa7i,  82. 
qa7iat,  58. 
qanatViy,  8-4. 
qan7ica,  68. 
qani%,  87,  88. 
qanVlq,  97. 

qan  {dg  q),  58,  89,  90. 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  ..TUBKISH.  EUNIO  SCRIPT 


225 


qa'p-,  -mu,  66, 

qara  [I/^  r.  12  ?] ; II  82,  72,  81, 
97 ; g.  qus,  4,  66,  78. 
qcifij  55. 

qa'Tm  {qarn~t)y  10. 
qarB,  28-9. 
qat,  14,  77. 

qafiq,  100 ; 19 ; -d%  50. 

qatim,  57. 
qaya,  75,  78. 
qazqmic,  45. 

qiVic^  18  ; n.pr.,  let  6,  h r.  10, 
11-12. 

qislaq,  78,  86. 
cfiyarmi,  n.pr.,  15  v.  9,  c 8. 
(fizil,  78. 
qohl,  54. 

qocih  {haViq),  n.pr.,  15  r.  11. 
qod-,  ’■tipan,  62;  ’m{ad2)uq,  14. 
qoePi,  66,  77. 

? qiuliirstnimiina,  24. 

qudmq,  76. 

qoqti  {qusj,  52,  53. 

qul,  88  ; IV  11. 

qul-apa,  n.pr.,  Ic  4. 

qoP,  -mis,  71. 

qulun,  86. 

qulunla-,  -mu,  7. 

qomursqa,  56. 

qon-,  -up)an,  99  ; -mu,  94. 

qimcuy,  9. 

qoutiir-,  -u,  51. 

qon,  40,  44  ; IV  9. 

qonc'ii-larhci) , Ic  5. 

qop,  21,  22,  44. 

qop)-,  -upan,  65. 

quTuqsaq,  12. 

qorq-,  -ma,  29  ; -mU,  8. 

qorqmo,  55. 

qurtqa,  18. 

qus,  20 ; q.,  4,  65,  78  ; 

JRAS.  1912. 


qoqit  q.,  52,  58  ; g.,  6, 

64  {t.  iigiiz  quB),  66,  67,  98; 

9)}laya  q.,  94. 
qitUa-,  -yic,  65. 
qusluq,  86. 
qiit,  8,  21,  55,  71. 
qiitiiz,  n.pr.,  la^  17. 
qutluy,  85,  86. 
quziun,  19,  88. 
sah,  11,  16,  83,  90;  Illrt  2. 
sahB,  16,  86. 
sac-,  -(a)r,  80. 
saqzr,  97. 
sarnie-,  -m/is,  51. 
sanun  (Chin.),  la.  18,  16,  20, 
5 r.  7-8,  9,  5 y.  6,  9 ; II 
108;  TV  3 (tay  s.),  6. 
saqin-,  -mis,  68,  90. 
sanq,  16  ; (s.  cw)  n.pr.,  la  18. 
sab-,  -dilh,  5. 

scibm-,  -il,  46,  47,  51,  75 ; -ilr, 
22,  54,  64. 
scihiz,  IV  1. 
samiz,  100. 
scimrit-,  -i,  28. 

^ sngan,  15. 
sap-,  -dr,  78. 

?s(a)n,  6,  60,  61,  75. 

(Myik),  92. 

78;  -m^s,  10-11. 
si  (Chin.),  1. 
sub,  25,  26,  50. 
suhniri,  Hied  8. 
suhsuz,  68-9. 
sueulun-,  -mis,  66. 

(baliq),  n.pr.,  la  14. 
suq-,  -mis,  50. 

.soquh,  -up,  28;  -mis,  2,  10, 
40,  58,  71,  74. 
sil,  la  10  ; II  52,  84,  97. 
silblir,  n.pr.,  la  20. 


7i?  y 


226 


MAKUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


soz  {s,  sah),  11,  16. 
tab'ilqu,  48,  49. 
tabUian,  66,  67. 
taq,  17,  25,  058  ?),  78,  96. 
tcd'im  iqam  qus),  4,  65,  78  ; 

{uTi),  59. 
talzdci-y  -pan,  29. 
taluy,  4. 

tamqalri,  Ilia  2. 
tan,  4. 

tanuqhiq,  Ilia  2. 
tail,  38, 

taiilar-,  -d'i,  38. 
tapla-,  -duq,  4. 
iaqi,  4,  50. 
tariq,  81. 

tay-giln-tan  (Chin.),  n.pr.,  103. 
tay-saimn  (Chin.),  IV  5-6. 
tdbd,  8,  69. 

-tag,  27,  28. 
tag-,  -ir,  31 ; -mis,  91. 
tdgi,  14,  24. 
tdgiir-,  -mis,  58. 
tdgluk,  86. 
idn-si  (Chin.),  1. 
tdiilig  {apa),  n.pr.,  la  19. 
taiiri,  2,  17,  21,  25,  31,  57,  66, 
71,  73,  79,  83. 
tdiirilig,  18. 
tdri,  67. 
tdrit-,  -ziin,  77. 
tar  Met-,  -yil,  11. 
tdrtril,  58. 
tdz~,  -ipcin,  90. 
tdzhin,  35. 

Pi%  76. 

t'inla-,  -ym,  90. 
t'intaq,  66,  67. 

Min-,  -mis,  67. 

ti-,  -mis,  3,  61,  72;  -p,  90; 
Ilia  6,  7-8;  -pan,  II  66; 


-r,  9,  11,  11-12,  etc.  (p.  192 
note). 

tigin,  n.pr.,  la  16. 
tigrcit-,  76. 
tiki-, -yur,SQ, 
tilkil,  70. 

? tin,  85. 

tird,  n.pr.,  la  13  {by.  6?). 

tiril-  (to  gather),  -ipcm,  A2, 

tiril- {to  liye), -mis,  IS. 

titig,  69-70. 

titir,  30. 

kicliin,  la  2. 

toy-,  -di,  39  ; -mis,  80. 

toyan  (qiis),  6,  64,  66,  67,  98. 

toyraq,  dd. 

tuman,  20. 

tonluy  {uzun-),  33,  62. 
toil-,  -yay,  88 ; -nvis,  88. 
toiiuz,  10. 
topz-,  -u,  77. 

toquz,  la  1;  II  77,  92;  -on,  44. 
tnr-,  -u,  25  ; -upan,  79,  87 ; -nr, 
24,88,56,58;  -^l?;,20;  -m^l,42. 
tur{u  ?)naya  (qus),  94. 
tuTuq,  28. 
turyur-,  -u,  31. 

tut-,  -ar,  4-5  ; -upan,  28-4  ; 

-maz.  Hied  2 ; -mis,  II  97. 
tutuy,  48. 

tutuq,  15  r.  8 ; IV  4,  5,  7. 

tuy-,  -matin,  94. 

tuyxiyluy,  7. 

toz,  20,  95. 

tilg-,  -up,  76. 

tugiinuk,  27. 

tiikd-,  -mdz-kdn,  4. 

tilkdl  {dsdn  t),  21,  40,  63. 

tilmcin,  49. 

tun,  36. 

tort,  42. 


MANUSCRIPTS  IN  TURKISH  RUNIC  SCRIPT 


227 


tilrt-,  -7ms t 85. 
tdrti7ia,  !<:/-  1. 
tils,  4. 

iUs-,  -ilpcln,  99  ; -mi's,  70. 
tilhiak, 

tihtmics[-\,inh  d. 
tilzmis,  n.pr.,  Ic  8. 
yahas,  n.pr.,  IV  3. 
yaUz,  17,  37,  0)8,  69  ; lY  11. 
'ijahlaq,  11, 13,14,24,34,88,50, 
55,56,58,65,70,77,95,101. 
yadmt-,  77. 

‘yay-,  -M,  81. 
yaqaq,  86. 
ymaqViy,  99. 

(yayir-  oi)  ymri-,  -l-'pcm,  24. 
yariUy,  18. 

? yayiiiis,  n.pr.,  15  r.  8. 
yalahac,  16. 
yaVim,  59,  75. 
yalhar-,  -ur,  80. 
yalya-,  -ijti,  18. 
yalnus-tm,  59. 

ya7ia,  21,  44,  62,  63,  66,  89,  90. 
ycmil-,  -iiiaswr,  12  ; -maz, 
9,  10,  11;  -77iazim, 
Ilia  7. 

yam^a-,  -ijur,  84. 
ya2>,  -7ms,  41. 
ya7^-, -a,  59. 

yam-,  -yay,l,  8,  9,  61;  -mis, 
45,  46. 

yarat-,  -%  (for  -cli),  7. 

yai^il-,  -mis,  10. 

yyarm,  1,  2,  34. 

yari{'?)7ica,  59. 

yariq,  la  2,  4,  8,  9,  11,  etc. 

yaru-,  -di,  89  ; -7naz-qa7%,  32. 

yaruq,  39. 

yaryim  {kiyik),  95. 


yarliy,  la  8,  5,  7,  8,  etc. 
yartwiliq,  IV  6. 
yastc,  59. 

I/as,  26,  82. 
l/aB7,  78. 

yat-,  -ipan,  4 ; (oi  yatiy- 
Uy9),  81. 

yayla-,  -ytir,  96,  99. 
yaylay,  IS,  89. 
yayliy,  96. 

ijazay  or  yaziy,  16,  76. 
l/ama,  IV  1. 
yiddt-, -maym,  91. 
yil,  21,  82,  91,  108. 

7jUa7i,  12. 

yilqi,  71,82. 
yU,  25. 

yi-,  -77iis,  56,  70  ; 26; 

-T/ar,  5. 
l/i^.  Ilia  4. 

‘yigimii,  108  ; IV  l-“2. 
yil,  24, 

yir,  28,  25,  31,  38,  74,  84. 
yirci.  Ilia  8~9,  13~[l4],  h 1. 
yircilig,  Ilia  11-12. 
yitiglig,  85. 

l/oZ,  I5r.  6;  1113,  25,  45,  52; 

I/,  tdnri,  2,  72. 

? yul  {uq  2],  n.pr.,  15  v.  2. 
yo7it,  7,  36. 

l/og,  54,  55;  III5  2,  8 (?),  5 (?). 
yofi-,  -di,  81 ; -‘ym,  69  ; -yu, 
21,  26 ; -ytir,  32,  59,  75. 
yii7d,  lb  T.  2 (?)  ; II  18. 
yosuq,  la  21-2,  5r.  8. 
yut'uz,  44. 

yilgilr-,  -il,  20,  23,  67. 

yiltilmk,  36. 

yiiz  (a  hundred),  48. 

(face),  Ilia  4-5. 
yiizlilg,  IV  8. 


MISOELLA.N'EOUS  ^COMMUNICATIONS 


L\I AGINATIVE  YOJANAS 

Many  readers  of  this  Journal  are  probably  acquainted 
by  tliis  time  With  an  interesting  Sanskrit  work,  entitled 
Kautiliya-Artliasastra,  for  our  introduction  to  which  we 
are  indebted  to  Mr.  Shamasastry;  who  published  the  text 
of  it  in  1909/  and  has  given  an  abstract  account  of  some 
parts  of  it  in  the  Indian  Antiquary,  yo\.  34  (1905),  and 
a translation  of  books  5 to  15  (the  end)  in  the  same 
Journal,  vols.  38  (1909)  and  89  (1910).  This  work 
ascribes  itself  to  the  well-known  Chanakya,  —mentioned 
in  it  as  Kautilya  and  Vishnugupta, — the  king-maker  and 
minister  of  the  Maurya  king  Ohandragupta.  In  any  case, 
it  is  certainly  an  early  text,  calculated  to  throw  light  in 
various  directions  on  the  ancient  Indian  administration  : 
and  we  are  greatly  obliged  to  Mr,  Shamasastry  for  having 
made  it  accessible  to  us. 

Chapter  2 of  book  10,  text  p.  862  fi'.,  deals  with  ''  the 
march  of  the  camp  and  the  protection  of  the  army  in 
times  of  distress  and  attack.”  Here,  the  second  paragraph 
begins In  the  front  (shonld  go)  tho  leader;  in  the 
centre,  the  harem  and  the  master  [the  king].”  This 
direction  in  connexion  with  an  army  proceeding  on 
a campaign  seems  somewhat  quaint:  but  it  is  endorsed 
by  Bana  in  his  Harshacharita,^  in  a passage  which 
shows  that  in  ancient  India  the  privilege  of  having  the 
companionship  of  the  fair  sex  on  active  service  was 
by  no  means  confined  to  the  king.  However,  what 
we  are  interested  in  here  is  another  clause  in  the 
same  paragraph,  which  runs:—  Yojanam  =adhamah, 
adhyardhaiix  madhyamah,  dviyojanam=uttamali.  This  has 

^ Government  Oriental  Library  Series,  Mysore  ; Bibliotheca  Sanskrita, 
No.  37. 

^ Translation  by  Cowell  and  Thomas,  p.  199. 


230 


IMAGINATIVE  YOJANAS 


been  translated  by  Mr.  Shamasastry  thus : ^ “ The  army 
of  the  lowest  quality  can  max'ch  a yojana  (Qj-j  miles 
a day) ; that  of  the  middle  quality  a yojana  and  a half ; 
and  the  best  army  two  ydjanasf' 

There  have  been  many  speculations  as  to  the  length,  of 
the  yojana  in  ancient  India  ; with  the  result  that  various 


imaginative  values  have  been  evolved.  This  rendering- 
adds  another  such  value,  the  origin  of  which  is  as  follows. 
The  same  work,  the  Kautiliya-Artha^astra,  gives  on 
p,  106  f.  a table  of  the  measures  of  length.  On  p.  107 
it  tells  us  (lines  8,  9)  that  1000  dhanus  1 goruta,  and 
4 gortita  are  1 yojana:  this  gives  1 yojana  — 4000  dhanns. 
At  the  top  of  the  same  page  it  mentions  a dhanns  of 
108  angtda,  in  respect  of  which  it  says  : — • Garhapatyam  = 
ashtasat-aiigulam  dhanuli  pathi-prakara-manaiii  paurusham 
cha  agnichityanam.  The  learned  translator  took  this 
dhanns  to  be  the  cZ/m'nus  which  is  contemplated  in  line  8. 
Further,  he  has  assumed  the  value  of  108  angula  to  be 
9 feet:  compare  his  translation,  loc.  cit.,  p.  113,  where  he 
has  said  a kima  (lA  angnlas  or  inches)  ilnd 


he  tlius  obtained 


4000  X 9 __  1200  75  x 16 
1760  X 3 176  11  X 16 


= miles  as 


his  value  of  the  yojana. 

But  (to  borrow  an  expression  which  is  found  in  various 
places  in  the  book) — ''Not  so,  says  Kautilya:’'  that  is  not 
the  way  to  determine  tlie  value  of  the  yojana. 

In  the  first  place,  108  angula  are  not  9 feet.  As  closelj^^ 
as  matters  can  be  taken,  12  angula  are  9 inches : see 
pp.  233,  237,  below.  So  108  angula  are  6 ft.  9 in.  And 
this  would  reduce  by  one-fourth  the  value  of  the  yojana 
arrived  at  as  stated  above. 


i Ind.  Ant.,  1910.  109. 

“ It  may  be  noted  that  jnst  below  this  his  translation  says  : — ‘‘A  bow 
means  five  aratnu  (5  x 24  = 120  angulm).  Archers  should  be  stationed 
at  the  distance  of  five  bows  (from  one  line  to  another)  . . . . ” The 
text  says  (p.  370) : — Pancharatni  dhanus,  tasmin  dhanvinam  sthapayet. 
This  does  not  define  the  dhanns  : it  mentions  a special  dhanns,  to  be  used 
in  making  a battle-array. 


IMAGINATIVE  VOJANAS 


231 


But  further,  the  work  does  not  contemplate  the  use  of 
the  dhanus  of  108  angtda  for  the  determination  of  its 
ydjana.  It  presents  its  table  of  the  measures  of  length  in 
a somewhat  disjointed  form,  owing  to  various  parenthetical 
excursions  into  special  subsidiary  measures  which  we  may 
avoid  in  tracing  the  regular  course  of  the  table,  which  is 
well  known  from  other  works.  Like  some  of  tlie  other 
Hindu  tables,  it  starts  (p.  106,  line  3)  witli  the  paramanu 
or  ‘ most  minute  atom  which  is  defined  elsewhere,  e.g.  by 
Varahamihira  in  his  Biihat-Sariihita,  57/58.  1,  as  being 
the  smallest  particle  of  dust  which  is  seen  where  the  sun 
shines  through  a lattice,  and  as  being  ''  the  first  of 
measures”.  But  we  need  only  take  up  its  table  from  the 
the ' finger4ireadth\  which  Varahainiliira  calls  in 
the  same  passage,  verse  2,  the  mdtrd  or  ' unit  It  takes 
its  measures  up  to  the  angtda,  through  four  intermediate 
grades,  by  ' eights’ : it  defines  the  angtda  (line  7)  as  being 
equal  to  8 yava-madhya,  or  8 times  the  middle  of  a barley- 
corn ; that  is,  to  the  width  of  8 barleycorns  laid  side  hy 
side  : and  it  further  defines  it  as  the  middle  breadth  of 
the  middle  finger  of  a middle-sized  man.  It  tells  us 
(line  11)  that  12  angtda  are  1 vitasti  or  'span’,  and 
(line  1 3)  that  2 vitasti  are  1 aratni  : Iiere,  by  its  aratni 
of  24  angtda  it  means  the  measure  which  in  other  tables 
is  usually  called  hasta  or  hara,  ' the  fore-arm,  the  cubit  ’ ; 
and,  in  fact,  it  adds  prdjdpatya  hasta  as  another  name  of 
its  aratni.'^  In  the  regular  course  of  the  table  it  tells 
us  next  (line  20)  that  4 aratni  [i.e.  4 hasta  or  cubits] 
are  1 dancla,  'staflE”,  or  dhanus,  'bow’  [from  which 

^ Compare,  for  a much  earlier  time,  the  ^atapatlia-Brdhmana,  10.  2.  I. 
2 : — Tasy  = aish  = avama  mjitra.  yad  = ahgulayali  ; ‘ ‘ this  is  his  lowest 
measure,  namely  the  fingers.”  In  the  Brihat-Samhita,  Kern’s  reading, 
'mdtrd,  seems  better  than  the  samhliyd  of  the  other  edition. 

- In  some  tables  the  aratni  is  distinguished  from  the  hasta,  and  is 
defined  as  measuring  21  ahgiila.  But  the  Sulvasutra  of  Baudhayana 
defines  it  as  equal  to  2 prddesa  each  of  12  ahgula,  and  so  agrees  in 
making  it  equal  to  24  ahgula.  In  any  case,  our  present  point  is  that  the 
Kautiliya-Arthasastra  gives  its  value  as  24  ahgula. 


2Z2  IMAGINATITE  YOJANAS 

ifc  follows  tliat  1 dhanus  = 96  angvZa],  Then  comes 
a parenthesis  (p.  107,  lines  1 to  7)  about  the  dcwdct'  or 
dhanus  and  certain  measures  made  by  it,  winch  begins 
by  mentioning,  in  the  words  quoted  on  p.  230  above,  the 
gcirhapatya  dhanus^  ' the  householder’s  dhanus  ’ or  ' the 
dhanus  for  building  the  sacred  fire-place  wliich,  it  says, 
measured  1 08  angular  and  was  the  measure  for  roads 
and  ramparts,  and  is  tlie  paurusha  for  the  laying  out  of 
sacrificial  fire-altars.”  It  is  this  reference  to  roads  which, 
coupled  with  an  omission  to  compare  other  tables,  has 
misled  Mr.  Sliamasastry,  We  know  well  from  many  other 
versions  of  the  table  that  this  dhanus  of  108  angula  is 
not  a part  of  the  regular  table  : it  is  a special  measure,  to 
be  used,  as  regards  roads,  for  determining  evidently,  not 
the  lengths  of  them  or  distances  along  them,  but  the 
widths  of  them,  and  so  to  be  used  in  laying  out  roads  and 
ramparts.  The  regular  table  runs  on  from  the  definition 
of  the  danda  or  dhanus  as  equal  to  4 auatni,  and 
therefore  equal  to  96  angula,  to  the  statement  (p.  107, 
line  8)  that  1000  dhanus  are  1 goruta : after  which  it 
immediately  says  that  4 goruta  are  1 yojana.  We  may 
add  that  the  goruta  of  the  Kautiliya-Arthasastra  is  the 
Jcrosa  of  other  tables. 

Now,  the  angida  or  finger-breadth  may  be  the  theoretical 
unit : it  may  well  have  been  originally  the  actual  unit  and 
the  source  of  the  other  measures.  But  we  can  hardly 
doubt  that  the  Imsta  or  cubit  eventually  took  its  place 
as  the  practical  unit ; and  that  a correct  scale  was 
maintained  by  keeping  in  public  offices  a standard 
hasta  marked  off  into  2 vitasti  and  24  angula.  At  any 
rate,  the  hasta  is  the  practical  measure  to  which  we 
must  attend  in  estimating  all  the  others.  And  in 
connexion  with  the  hasta  we  must  always  bear  in  mind 
the  definition  given  by  Varahaxnihira,^  that  the  normal 

^ Brihat-Sarhhita,  68/67.  105 ; quoted  in  this  Journal,  1911.  208. 
Compare  Aryabhata  ; see  1907.  665, 


IMAGINATI'^E  YOJANAS 


233 


mail.  ” was  taken  as  measuring  96  angtda  [ = 4 hasta] : 
on  the  two  sides  of  that  there  were  the  low  man  ” 
measuring  84  angula  [ = 3-|  harsta],  and  the  ''  finest  man  ” 
measuring  IDS  angula  [ = 4|-  hasta]. 

The  author  of  another  translation,  publislied  in  1891, 
proposed  to  take  the  hasta  at  15  inches ; with  tlie  result 
that  he,  though  dealing  with  a table  which  gives  a ydjana 
exactly  twice  as  long  as  tliat  of  the  Kautiliya-Arthasastra, 
arrived  at  “about  7-J-  miles’’  [for  7-^f]  as  the  value  of 
the  ydjana.  But  with  this  valuation  of  the  hasta  we 
liave  4 ft.  4-i-  in.,  5 feet,  and  5 ft.  in.,  as  the  heights  of 
the  short  nurn,  the  normal  average  man,  and  the  tall  man. 
We  are  hardly  prepared  to  endorse  that. 

On  the  other  side,  with  Mr.  Shamasastry’s  estimate  of 
the  a/iigula.  as  equal  to  an  inch,  the  heights  of  the  three 
men  become  7 feet,  8 feet,  and  9 feet.  This,  again,  we  are 
hardly  inclined  to  accept. 

There  is,  however,  ample  evidence  from  the  Greek 
accounts  that  the  ancient  men  of  Northern  India — (and 
that  is  where  these  measures  and  definitions  had  their 
origin) — were  decidedly  tall  men.  And  it  is  in  fact  clear, 
from  various  indications,  that  we  must  value  the  ancient 
Indian  hasta  or  cubit  at  closely  about  18  inches.  But  it  is 
hardly  possible  that  it  can  have  been  appreciably  in  excess 
of  that  figure.  On  the  other  side,  it  is  very  improbable 
that  it  should  have  been  much  below  it.  Following 
Colebrooke,^  I take  the  hasta  for  easy  computation  at 
exactly  18  inches,  which  gives  f inch  as  the  value  of  the 
angula : it  is,  of  course,  somewhat  improbable  that  the 
national  measures  of  two  quite  different  peoples  should 
fit  each  other  so  precisely;  but  an  allowance  for  this  will 
be  made  in  the  result-  This  value  gives  6 feet  as  the 
accepted  standard  height  of  the  “normal”  Indian  man  ; with 
5 ft.  3 in,  for  the  “low”  man,  and  6 ft,  9 in.  for  the  “finest” 

^ Essays,  1.  540,  note. 


234 


IMAGINATITB  ■ YOJANAS 


mail.  It  gives  1 dhamcs  ==  4 aratni  or  hasta  = 6 feet- 
Ancl  thus  we  have — 

4000  X 6 _ SOO  50  x 16 

176 


— 4 fi 


or  4*54  miles 


1760  X 3 I7f5  H X 16 
as  the  real  value  of  the  ydjana  of  the  Kautiliya-Arthasastra. 


There  are  various  methods,  besides  that  one  which  has. 
given  the  text  for  this  note,  of  evolving  imaginative 
values  of  the  ydjana.  But  it  will  suffice  to  notice  two  of 
them,  which,  in  another  line  of  research,  have  been  used 
for  similarly  evolving  imaginative  values  of  the  Greek 
stadium} 

One  method  is  this : it  is  to  be  noted  because,  though 
fortunately  it  has  not  been  carried  far  as  yet,  there  have 
been  lately  some  indications  that  it  may  still  be  taken  up. 
The  idea  is  to  take,  e.g.,  the  statement  of  the  Surya- 
Siddhtota,  L 59,  that  the  diameter  of  the  earth  is  1600 
ydjanas;  to  apply  it  to  7904  miles  as  the  true  mean 
diameter ; and  so  to  deduce  4*94  miles  as  the  value  of 
the  ydjana,  or  4*91  if  we  should  work  by  substituting 
circumferences  for  diameters.-  But  this  is  based  on 
crediting  a Hindu  astronomer  of  about  A. D.  1000  with 
a refinement  of  knowledge  which  has  been  attained  only 
in  recent  times  as  a result  of  the  development  of  modern 
science  and  all  its  appliances.  The  position  is  opposed  to 
everything  that  we  learn  from  the  Hindu  books  : and 
the  facts  are  simply  as  follows.  Each  leading  Hindu 
astronomer  has  stated,  in  ydjanas,  either  the  diameter  of 
the  earth,  or  the  circumference,  or  both : so  also,  we  may 
add,  he  has  given  in  ydjanas,  or  has  shown  how  they  were 
to  be  determined  in  ydjanas,  dll  the  other  details  of  the 

^ See  remarks  by  Bunbnry,  dismissing  such  results,  in  his  Hidory  oj 
Ancient  Geography,  2nd  ed.  (1883),  voL  1,  pp,  210,  620,  note  5,  and  624. 

^ See  the  Surya-Siddhanta,  translation  by  E.  Burgess  and  Whitney, 
Jour,  Amer.  Or,  Soc.,  vol.  6 (1860),  p.  183.  The  value  7904  miles  has 
been  slightly  improved  since  then  : it  seems  customary  now  to  quote  the 
mean  equatorial  diameter  as  7926  or  7926*6  miles. 


IMAGINATIVE  VOJANAS 


235 


universe ; but  we  need  not  go  beyond  the  eartli  Iiere. 
But  the  figures  never  agree  as  between  scliool  and  school. 
And  the  case  really  is,  not  that  all  the  astronomers  were 
expressing  one  and  the  same  value  for  tlie  diameter  or  tl.ie 
circumference  of  the  earth  in  different  kinds  of  ydjancw, 
but  that  they  all  were  laying  down  different  values  for 
the  diameter  and  the  circumference  in  one  and  the  same 
ydjana.  The  Surya-Siddhanta  used  the  yojana  of 
9j\-  miles,  which  we  may  take  for  practical  purposes  as 
9 miles  (see  p.  237  below).  And  wliat  it  really  teaches  is 
that  the  diameter  is  14,400  miles;  nearly  twice  the  truth. 

The  other  method  has  been  to  take  the  statements  made 
by  the  Chinese  pilgrims  Fa-hian  and  Hiuen-tsiang,  as  to 
the  diwstances  between  places  in  India  visited  by  them, 
which  are  given  sometimes  in  the  ydjana,  sometimes  in 
the  Chinese  li,  and  sometimes  in  days’  journeys  ; to 
disregard  any  possibility  of  mistake  that  may  attend  the 
identification  of  any  particular  place  ; to  ignore  the  point 
that  distances  stated  in  even  numbers  of  a unit  which,  so 
far  as  the  yojana  is  concerned,  is  at  any  rate  not  smaller 
than  4i  miles,  can  rarely,  and  only  by  chance,  be  at  all 
exact ; to  correct  according  to  caprice  any  given  statement 
of  distance  which  does  not  adapt  itself  to  a particular 
view  ; and  to  strike  averages  from  the  addition  of 
speculative  totals  thus  arrived  at.  This  line  of  procedure 
lias  produced  a variety  of  valuations  of  the  yojana,  eight 
of  which,  ranging  from  4 to  9 miles,  have  been  quoted  in 
this  Journal,  1903.  65,  with  the  very  just  remark  that 
they  are  “ extremely  perplexing  by  a writer  who  then, 
hj  using  the  Chinese  measures  instead  of  the  Indian  ones, 
proceeded  to  increase  the  number  by  adding  two  more,  in 
arriving  at  the  conclusions  (ibid.,  79,  104)  that  Hiuen- 
tsiang  used  a ydjana  of  5*288  miles,  and  Fa-hian  used  one 
of  approximately  7*05  miles.  This  process  is  as  little 
sound,  and.  its  results  are  as  little  useful,  as  if  we  wei‘e 
to  seek  to  establish  the  value  of  the  French  kilometre  on 


236 


the  basis  ol:  entries  in  the  diaries  of  Japanese  tourists 
in  France,  instead  of  going  to  the  natural  source  of 
information,  the  French  tables  of  distance. 


The  various  imaginative  ydjanas  all  disappear  when 
we  come  to  examine  the  bases  of  them:  and  what  we 
have  in  their  place  is  clear  enough  in  tlie  light  of  the 
tables  and  definitions  which  are  found  in  so  many  Indian 
books.  We  have  only  to  study  those  sources  of  information, 
and  apply  them,  with  care ; and  to  bear  in  mind  that  we 
are  not  in  the  least  concerned  with  the  varieties  of  the 
cubit,  the  kos,  or  any  other  measures,  which  came  into 
existence  under  the  Musalman  rulers : we  are  dealing  with 
the  Hindu  period ; and  for  that  period  the  crucial  guide 
is  the  definition  of  the  three  heights  of  men,  regarding 
which  see  p.  283  above.  I shall  hope  to  show  in  another 
note  wliat  we  really  do  learn  from  the  tables  for  the  pre- 
Musalman  period.  Meanwhile  I may  make  the  following 
remarks. 

As  stated  in  a previous  note  on  this  subject,^  in  ancient 
India  there  were  two  ydjanas  of  specific  lengths,  both 
based  on  1 hasta  = 96  angula ; namely  : — 

a short  ydjana  of  16,000  hasta  = 8,000  yards 

= 4/y  or  4*54  miles  ; 

a long  ydjana  of  32,000  hasta  = 16,000  yards 

= 9^j  or  9 '69  miles. 

The  short  ydjana  was  the  Magadha  ydjana,  and  was 
used  largely  in  the  Buddhist  books:  and  as  we  have 
seen,  it  is  the  one  that  is  taught  in  the  Kautiliya- 
Arthasastra.  The  long  ydjana  was  the  general  Indian 
ydjana,  and  was  used  by  the  astronomers,  as  I will 
show  hereafter. 

The  values  given  above  are  based  on  taking  the  hasta 
or  cubit  at  exactly  18  inches,  for  easy  computation.  For 


^ This  Journal,  1906.  1011. 


IMAGINATIVE  YOJANAS 


237 


practical  purposes,  however,  we  may  avoid  small  fractions 
ill  the  results,  and  take  the  values  thus : — 
tlie  short  yojmm  = miles ; 
the  long  ydjana  = 9 miles. 

And  if  we  like  to  go  into  refinements,  from  these  last- 
mentioned  values  we  arrive  at — 

17*82  inches  as  the  length  of  the  hasta  or  cubit ; 

8*91  inches  as  the  measure  of  the  vitasti  or  span; 

0*7425  inch  as  the  value  of  the  angula  or  finger-breadth. 
But  here  again,  I think,  we  may  be  content  to  use  the 
values  18  inches,  9 inches,  and  I inch,  for  any  ordinary 
application  of  these  three  measures. 

The  same  treatment  gives  5 ft.  11*28  in.,  or  say 
5 ft.  11 1 in.,  as  the  accepted  standard  height  of  the  normal 
Indian  man.  This,  I think,  will  not  be  objected  to  for 
ancient  India,  in  the  light  of  what  we  learn  from  the 
Greek  accounts,  and  of  what  we  know  about  the  men  of 
the  north-west  of  the  present  day.  If  anyone  vshould 
wish  to  cut  it  down  lower,  we  must  bear  in  mind  that 
we  cannot  go  much  below  5 ft.  3 in.  as  the  height  of  the 
short  man.  Suppose,  however,  that  we  pay  no  particular 
attention  to  the  short  and  the  tall  man,  and  take  5 ft.  10  in. 
as  the  standard  height  of  the  normal  or  average  man,  with 
l7i  inches  as  the  length  of  the  cubit : this  gives — • 
the  short  ydjana  = 4 miles ; 
the  long  ydjana  = 8j^  miles. 

For  these  values,  again,  I think,  we  may  fairly  substitute 
4J^-  and  9 miles  for  practical  purposes. 

Though  there  were  two  ydjanas  in  ancient  India,  there 
was  only  one  krdsa  or  kds.  There  were  4 ki'^dsa  in  the 
short  ydjana,  and  8 in  the  long  ydjana.  And  the  value 
of  the  krdkL  was  1^^^  miles,  = 1 mile  240  yards,  on  the 
basis  of  1 hasta  =18  inches;  or  1-|  mile,  = 1 mile 
220  yards,  if  we  take  the  even  values  of  4|-  and  9 miles 
for  the  two  kinds  of  ydjanas. 


238 


IMAGIHATIYE  YOJAKAS 


It  is  precisely  because  there  were  two  ydjanas  but  only 
one  krom,  that  Asoka,  who  was  a practical  man,  tells  us 
in  his  seventh  pillar-edict  that  he  laid  out  camping- 
grounds,  provided  with  wells  and  rest-houses,  along  his 
high-roads,  at  intervals,  not  of  a ydjanci,  but  of  8 kos. 
If  he  had  used  the  term  ydjcmikyani,  'at  intervals  of 
a ydjanct'  , it  would  not  have  been  clear  whether  he 
meant  the  Magadha  yojcma  of  4 kos  or  the  general  Indian 
yojana  of  8 kos.  But  the  term  culliakosikyani,  ' at 
intervals  of  8 kos',  was  clear  from  any  point  of  view. 

We  also  know  that  the  Maurya  kings  marked  each  kos 
along  their  high-roads : Megasthenes  said,  as  reported  by 
Strabo  " They  construct  roads,  and  at  every  10  stadia 
set  up  a pillar  to  show  the  by-roads  and  distances.''  With 
the  stadium  taken  at  606f  feet,  10  stadia  are  equal  to 
20224  yards,  or  1 mile  2624'  yards : ^ or  with  a later 
valuation  of  the  stadium  at  582*48  feet,  we  have  10  stadia 
equal  to  1941*6  yards,  or  1 mile  181*6  yards.  In  either 
case  we  have  the  krom  — (1  mile  240  yards,  or  1 mile 
220  yards,  as  we  may  like  to  take  it) — as  closely  as 
Megasthenes  could  indicate  it  in  his  own  national  measure, 
without  going  into  fractions. 

It  should  be  obvious  that  wm  cannot  determine  either  the 
krosa  from  the  stadium,  or  the  stadiiom  from  the  krosa, 
from  a statement  such  as  that  made  by  Megasthenes : 
it  ought  to  be  plain  that  he  simply  had  in  view^  an  Indian 
measure  w^hich  w^as  virtually  the  counterpart  of  10  stadia, 
thougli  it  was  not  exactly  commensurate  with  10  stadia.^ 

^ Ind.  Ant.,  6.  238. 

“ This  is  the  value  of  the  stadium  maintained  by  Bunbury  ; see  the 
references  mentioned  in  note  1 on  p.  234  above  : also  by  Proctor,  Old 
and  New  Astro7iomy,  p.  68. 

A critic  has  charged  me  with  forgetting,  in  my  note  on  the  term 
adhakodkya,  the  statement  of  Strabo,  i.e.  of  Megasthenes,  about  the 
pillars  and  the  10  stadia.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  one  of  the  important 
data  which  I had  before  me.  My  critic  himself  proceeded  to  make  the 
twofold  mistake  of  using  the  double  kos  of  the  Moghal  period  as 
a guide  towards  determining  the  original  km  for  the  Maurya  period, 
and  of  taking  10  stadia  = 2022^  yards  as  the  exact  value  of  what  he 
thought  to  be  the  half  kos. 


THE  DATE  OF  THE  DEATH  OF  BUDDHA 


239 


The  same  observation  applies  to  Alberuni’s  remark  about 
the  hrdki  being  the  Arabian  mile.^  We  cannot  determine 
either  of  these  two  measures  from  the  other.  Alberuni, 
again,  was  only  comparing  two  measures  which  were 
closely  but  not  exactly  alike. 


The  reason  for  both  the  arrangements  made  by  the 
Maurya  kings  — the  marking  of  each  kd8  along  the  high- 
roads, and  the  laying  out  of  a camping-ground  with  a well 
and  a rest-house  at  every  eighth  kos — is  found  in  the  fact 
that  the  yojcma  of  8 kos,  = 9 miles,  'was  the  standard 
length  of  a day’s  march  for  an  ancient  Indian  ariny.‘^ 

In  view  of  this,  and  of  tlie  point  that  the  Kautiliya- 
Arthasastra  teaches  the  ydjana  of  4 kos,  = 4-J-  miles,  we 
may  perhaps  explain  its  statement  (see  p.  230  above)  about 
the  armies  of  three  qualities  and  the  distances  of  1,  IJ, 
and  2 ydjanas,  as  meaning  that  untrained  troops  with 
unpractised  followers  could  only  go  4 kos  in  a day  at  first: 
as  tlie  army  began  to  get  into  condition  and  to  have  its 
subsidiary  arrangements  fairly  well  in  hand,  it  could  cover 
6 kos ; and  finally,  wdien  the  foot-soldiers  were  in  good 
marching  state  and  all  the  arrangements  for  supplies,  for 
the  transport  of  baggage  and  the  pitching  and  striking 
of  tents,  etc.,  etc.,  were  properly  organized,  it  could  do  its 

8 kos  a day.  ^ ^ „ 

J.  F.  Fleet. 


The  Date  of  the  Death  of  Buddha 
In  view  of  some  inquiries  which  have  been  made  to  me 
recently,  it  seems  desirable  to  sum  up  briefly  the  position 
in  which  we  stand  regarding  the  date  of  the  death  of 
Buddha.  Two  items  are  involved  : the  year,  and  the  day. 
The  matter  lies  in  a nutshell,  as  follovrs.^ 

5 Trans.  Saehau,  1,  366.  See  this  Journal,  1906.  411.  • 

^ For  details,  reference  ma^^he  made  to  my  articles  The  Day  on  which 
Buddha  Died”  and  “The  Origin  of  the  Buddhavarsha ”,  in  this  Journal, 
1909.  If'.,  323  ff. 


240 


THE  DxVTE  OF  THE  DEATH  OF  BUDDHA 


When  Buddha  lived,  there  was  no  existing  era  in  which 
his  birth  or  his  death,  or  any  other  event,  could  be  dated  : 
and  so  no  guide  of  that  kind  has  come  down  to  ns.^  In 
this  as  in  all  matters  of  the  ancient  Indian  chronology, 
our  starting-point  is  the  initial  date  of  the  Maurya  king 
Chandragupta  ; the  time  at  which  he  began  to  reign.  We 
know  from  the  Greek  accounts  that  this  must  be  placed 
between  B.c.  325  and  312  : and  various  considerations 
point  to  the  end  of  B.c.  321  as  the  most  probable  time. 
From  the  Dipavarhsa,  endorsed  by  its  commentary  the 
Mahavaihsa,  we  know  that  there  was  an  interval  of 
56  years  between  the  initial  date  of  Chandragupta  and 
the  anointment  of  Asoka  to  the  sovereignty  : we  cannot 
understand  this  as  meaning  56  years  to  a day : we  take 
it  as  meaning  56  years  and  a short  time  over,  and  place 
the  anointment  of  Asoka  fairly  early  in  B.c.  264.  We 
know  from  the  same  two  works  that  Asoka  was  anointed 
to  the  sovereignty  218  years  after  the  death  of  Buddha  : 
here,  again,  we  cannot  take  the  statement  as  meaning 
exactly  218  years  to  a day  : w’-e  take  it  as  meaning,  in  the 
usual  Hindu  fashion,  that  Asoka  was  anointed  at  some 
time  in  the  year  219  current,  when  218  years  had  elapsed; 
and  we  thereby  place  the  death  of  Buddha  in  b.c.  483. 
There  is,  of  course,  no  means  of  attaining  absolute 
certainty.  But  I think  that  this  result  cannot  be 
bettered. 

So  much  as  regards  the  year.  As  regards  the  day, 
there  have  been  two  traditions : that  it  was  the  full-moon 
day  of  yai.4akha ; and  that  it  was  Karttika  sukla  8,  the 
eighth  day  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Karttika.  I have 

1 According  to  the  Burmese,  Buddha  was  born  in  the  year  68,  and  died 
in  the  year  148,  of  an  era  founded  by  ‘Eetzana’  or  ‘Einzana’,  i.e.  Ahjana, 
the  maternal  grandfather  of  Buddha.  There  is  no  good  reason  for 
regarding  this  era  as  anything  but  a late  invention.  Besides,  it  would 
not  help  in  any  case  : because  we  can  only  fix  a starting-point  for  it  by 
reckoning  back  from  the  death  of  Buddha,  which  is  the  point  to  be 
determined. 


mahishamanpala 


241 


shown  reasons  for  believing  that  the  latter  is  the  earlier 
and  more  autlientic  tradition.  Bub  the  other  tradition  lias 
prevailed  : and  there  is  no  desire  to  .suggest  any  departure 
from  the  practice,  dating  at  any  rate  from  the  fifth 
century  A.D.,  according  to  which  the  full-moon  day  of 
Vaisakha  is  the  day  on  wliich  the  death  should  be 
observed.  The  point  is  only  one  for  consideration  in 
determining  the  close  details  of  the  chronolog}^  of  the 
time  of  Asoka  and  his  contemporary,  Devanarhpiya-Tissa 
of  Ceylon. 

Little,  if  anything,  need  ever  be  said  again,  so  far  as 
the  date  of  the  death  of  Buddlia  is  concerned,  about  the 
reckoning  current  in  Ceylon,  Burma,  and  Siam,  whicli 
would  place  the  event  in  B.c.  544.  In  the  first  place,  it 
must  be  plain  tliat  this  reckoning  — no  matter  whether 
it  had  its  origin  in  Ceylon  or  in  Burma — is  of  late 
invention;  dating  from  apparently  the  twelfth  century  A.D. 
In  the  second  place,  it  has,  as  a vital  part  of  it,  the  same 
statements  of  the  Ceylonese  chronicles  about  the  intervals 
from  the  death  of  Buddha  and  the  initial  date  of  Chandra- 
gupta  to  the  anointment  of  Asoka  : it  follows,  then,  that, 
with  this  reckoning,  we  must  place  the  anointment  of 
Asoka  in  544  — 218  ==  B.c.  326  ; that  is,  even  before  the 
earliest  time  that  is  admissible  for  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  his  grandfather  Chandragupta, 

J.  F.  Fleet. 


Mahishamandala 

Mr.  Fleet’s  remarks  (JRAS.  1911,  p.  816)  appended  to  my 
paper  on  this  subject  call  for  some  notice.  The  questions 
to  be  considered  are  (1)  whether  the  north  of  Mysore  was 
included  in  the  Maurya  empire,  and  (2)  whether  the  south 
of  Mysore  was  Maliisha-mandala, 

As  regards  the  first,  the  evidence  is  indisputable.  No 
mention  was  made  by  me  of  ^ravana  Belgola,  or  of  any 
of  its  inscriptions.  The  inclusion  of  the  north  of  Mysore 

16 


JRAS.  1912. 


in  the  Manrya  empire  is  based  on  my  discovery  of  edicts 
of  xisoka  engraved  on  rocks  in  tliree  places  tliere.  This 
may  be  held  to  be  proof  positive.  And  the  following  by 
Dr.  Fleet  himself  (Imp.  Gaz.  Ind.,  ii,  28)  testifies  to  the 
same.  He  says : A stone  record  almost  invariably 
establishes  the  sovereignty  or  other  jurisdiction,  at  the 
place  itself  where  it  stands,  of  any  king,  etc.,  by  wdiose 
orders  or  in  whose  time  it  was  drawn  up.”  He  seeks, 
however,  to  depreciate  the  evidence  in  the  present  case 
by  representing  that  “ these  edicts  are  not  administrative 
orders  indicative  of  sovereignty  over  tlie  locality  in  which 
tliey  are : there  is  not  even  any  tiling  in  them  to  mark 
them  as  emanating  from  a king:  they  are  simply  precepts 
about  morality  such  as  any  friendly  State  would  readily 
allow  to  be  published  by  any  of  its  subjects  interested  in 
them  This  is  not,  it  will  be  seen,  a correct  statement 
of  tlie  facts.  The  edicts  are  prefaced  by  ceremonious 
greetings  to  the  High  OflScials  to  whom  they  are  addressed, 
with  all  the  formality  of  a royal  mandate  : the  first  edict 
begins  with  ‘'The  Beloved  of  the  gods  (thus)  commands 
{dnapayati)'\  and  the  second  with  “The  Beloved  of  the 
gods  says  (cika)  The  injunctions,  whatever  their  nature, 
are  tlius  the  explicit  commands  of  a ruler — tlie  Beloved 
of  the  gods,  that  is,  A.4oka — to  his  subjects.  It  is  quite 
absurd  to  suggest  that  they  are  merely  prece23ts  “ sucli 
as  any  friendly  State  would  readily  allow  to  be  published 
by  any  of  its  subjects  Had  any  friendly  State  given 
such  permission  it  would  have  been  mentioned  and 
acknowledgment  made  for  the  concession.  This  friendly 
State  may  be  dismissed  as  a pure  invention,  and  the 
sensitiveness  of  even  the  smallest  Oriental  powers  to  any 
encroachment  on  their  sovereign  rights  is  proverbial. 
There  is,  in  short,  no  ground  whatever  for  rejecting  the 
plain  matter-of-fact  inference  that  thcvse  edicts  of  Asoka 
indicate  his  sovereignty  over  the  tract  of  country  where 
they  were  found. 


MAHISHAMANBALA 


243 


At  tlie  time  of  their  discovery  the  eminent  French 
savant  who  has  identified  himself  with  the  edicts  of 
Asoka  publicly  remarked  : cette  decoiiverte  f era  epoque 
dans  I’archeologie  indienne/’  And  it  unquestionably  lifted 
the  veil  that  shrouded  the  ancient  history  of  this  part  of 
tlxe  South,  and  revealed  a new  vista  of  its  past.  What 
object  there  can  be  in  attempting  to  deny  this  and 
thrusting  us  back  into  the  darkness  of  ignorance,  it  is 
difficult  to  understand.  One  would  have  thought  that 
such  an  unmistakable  gleam  of  light  would  be  \velcomed. 

I would  also  once  again  refer  to  the  term  Movyara-mane, 
or  houses  of  the  Moryas  or  Mauryas,  applied  to  the 
kistvaens,  etc.,  only  in  the  north  of  Myvsore  and  by  the 
Badagas  of  the  Nilgiris,  whereas  in  the  other  parts  they 
are  called  Pandu-kolii,  or  cells  of  the  Pandus.  There  is 
here  no  question  of  royal  lines  seeking  a far-fetched 
connexion  with  those  in  the  North.  It  is  simply  a name 
in  use  among  the  common  people,  which  must  have  had 
its  origin  in  the  fact  that  such  structures  were  erected 
or  used  by  Mauryas,  or  during  the  period  of  Maurya 
supremacy  in  the  part  where  the  designation  arose,  whence 
it  migrated  wuth  the  Badagas  to  the  Nilgiris. 

With  regard  to  the  second  question,  that  Mahisha- 
mandala  was  one  of  the  countries  to  which  Buddhist 
missions  vrere  sent  ‘in  the  time  of  Asoka,  there  is  no 
dispute.  And  it  must  have  been  beyond  the  borders  of 
the  Maurya  empire.  To  locate  it  in  the  same  quarter  as 
Mahishmati,  assuming  that  the  latter  was  on  the  Narmada, 
is  out  of  the  question,  for  that  must  have  been  a part 
of  the  Maurya  dominion.  Taken  togetlier  with  Vanavasa 
or  Banavasi,  mentioned  along  with  it  as  also  receiving 
a mission,  there  is  every  reason  to  place  it  in  the  south 
of  Mysore.  The  name  suggests  it,  and  the  archaeologists 
of  the  last  century  in  holding  that  opinion  were  not  far 
wrong.  References  were  given  in  my  paper  to  Tamil 
literature  of  the  second  century  that  warrant  us  in 


244 


MAHISHAMANBALA 


identifying  Mahisha  - mandala  witfi  Erumai-nadu  — the 
equivalent  of  the  name  in  Tamil — which  was  situated 
in  the  south  of  Mysore.  The  name  Maysur-nad  oecui-s 
in  a copper-plate  inscription  of  the  third  century,  which 
if  not  an  original  must  be  a copy.  And  an  instance  was 
cited  of  the  use  there  in  Kannada  itself  of  Emrneyara-kulad 

If  a reason  be  required  for  tlie  country  being  named 
from  mahisha  or  buffalo,  it  is  not  far  to  seek.  For  the 
Todas,  the  ancient  tribe  settled  on  the  Nilgiris  and 
acknowledged  by  all  to  be  lords  of  the  soil,  hold  sacred 
the  buffalo  in  an  especial  manner,  all  their  religious  rites 
being  centred  upon  it.  Their  language  is  Old  Kanarese, 
the  language  of  Mysore,  and  has  been  likened  to  Old 
Kanarese  spoken  in  the  teeth  of  a gale  of  wind  as  they 
call  to  each  other  from  one  breezy  hill-top  to  another. 
The  earliest  specific  mention  of  the  Todas  that  has  been 
met  with,  is  in  a Mysore  inscription,  of  1117,^  but  they 
must  have  been  there  for  ages  before.  The}?-  have  orders 
of  priests  consecrated  to  the  service  of  the  buffalo,  their 
temples  are  dairies  where  buffalo  milk  is  the  holiest 
offering,  and  wliere  the  bell  worn  by  tlie  buffalo  cow  is 
the  most  sacred  symbol.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
name  is  supposed  to  refer  to  morals,  we  may  adduce 
the  custom  of  polyandry  established  among  them  from 
the  earliest  times.  On  one  or  both  of  these  grounds  the 
name  Mahisha-mandala  may  be  accounted  for  and  applied 
to  the  south  of  Mysore. 

L.  Rice. 

^ This  was  fairly  old,  and  happened  to  catch  the  eye,  but  no  special 
attention  has  been  directed  to  this  matter  before.  A diligent  search 
might  bring  to  light  other  and  older  examples.  The  word  actually  used 
was  kola,  which,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  dictionary,  is  merely  a tadbhava 
of  ^-fi/a—under  kolaja  for  instance.  It  was  quoted  in  the  latter  form  as 
being  better  understood. 

^ Ep.  Cam, , iv,  Gh.  83. 


MAHISHAMANDALA 


246 


REMABK8  ON  Mil.  RiCE’S  NoTE 

I am  not  very  willing  to  join  in  occupying  tlie  pages 
<.>f  this  Journal  with  what  is  nothing  but  a controversial 
discussion : so  I will  simply  take  Mr.  Rice’s  remarks 
•seriatim  as  briefly  as  is  practicable. 

He  has  quoted  me  quite  correctly  as  saying  that  an 
inscription  on  stone  “almost  invariably”  establishes  the 
sovereignty,  etc.,  etc.^  It  does  that,  not  by  the  mere 
(existence  of  it  at  a particular  place,  but  by  its  contents, 
wlien,  for  instance,  it  recites  the  general  glory  or  some 
s]>ecial  achievement  of  a king  or  other  ruler,  or  registers 
an  assignment  of  state  lands  or  revenues,  or  some  other 
administrative  act,  made  or  performed  by  him  or  under 
liis  orders.  As  my  words  indicate,  there  are  exceptions  to 
the  rule,  owing  to  the  nature  of  particular  records  on 
stone  and  otlier  circumstances.  And  the  record  of  Asoka 
in  the  north  of  Mysore  is  such  an  exception.  A somewhat 
misleading  idea  of  tlie  nature  of  the  Asoka  records  in 
general  has  been  created  by  so  often  calling  them  “edicts”. 
The  record  in  the  north  of  Mysore  is  not  an  administrative 
order  : it  is  a precept  about  morality,  published  at  a local 
Buddliist  settlement  through  the  local  authorities,  who 
were  courteously  addressed  to  that  end  in  the  preamble  of 
it  by  the  authorities  who  transmitted  the  communication. 
The  verb  dnapayati,  wliich  we  have  in  one  text  of  it 
against  the  simple  aha,  “ he  says  ”,  in  the  other  text,  is 
capable  of  various  shades  of  meaning,  and  may  be  quite 
fairly  rendered  by  “ he  issues  a precept  ”. 

I have  no  inclination  to  deny  full  value  to  the  com- 
pliment paid  to  Mr.  Rice  by  the  remark  of  the  eminent 
French  savant,  that  the  discovery  of  the  existence  in 
Mysore  of  a record  of  Asoka  should  make  an  epoch  in 

^ I made  the  remark  in  the  course  of  pointing  out  how  different  the 
case  may  be  with  records  on  copper,  which,  being  portable,  have  often 
travelled  to,  and  been  found  at,  places  far  distant  from  the  localities  to 
which  they  belong. 


246 


Indian  arcluBology.  But  it  is  difBcnlfc  to  recognize  any 
fair  basis  for  the  inference  which  is  suggested : I am 
not  awai-e  that  tlie  author  of  the  remark  has  subscribed  to 
the  belief  that  Main* shaman dala  is  Mysore;  and  he  ex- 
pressed in  the  same  place  the  view,  which  I maintain, 
that  the  preamble  of  the  record  marks  the  locality  at 
whicli  it  is  as  lying  outside  the  dominions  of  Asoka. 

If  we  are  to  accept  the  point  that  kistvaens,  etc.,  are 
popularly  known  in  the  north  of  Mysore  as  “houses  of  tlie 
Mauryas  ”,  as  showing  that  those  structures  were  erected 
or  used  by  Mauryas,  or  that  the  Maurya  sovereignty 
included  the  territory  where  the  name  is  current,  we 
must  apply  in  the  same  way,  mutatis  mutandis,  tlie 
point  that  such  structures  are  known  in  otlier  parts  as 
cells  of  the  Pandus  But  these  are,  of  course,  simply 
instances  of  fanciful  beliefs,  dating  from  medieval  times, 
which  exist  more  or  less  all  over  India,  and  have  no 
value  as  historical  evidence.  It  is  the  acceptance  of  such 
beliefs  as  these  that  has  helped,  along  with  reliance  on 
imaginative  chronicles  and  spurious  records,  to  introduce 
so  much  fabulous  liistory  into  Mr.  Rice's  writings. 

The  Mahisharnandala  of  tlie  PMi  books  may  be  safely 
identified  as  being  the  territory  of  which  the  capital  was 
Mahishmati,  the  modern  Mandhata.  It  lay  just  on  the 
south  of  a part  of  the  Yindhya  range,  and  so  (whether 
it  was  or  was  not  in  the  dominions  of  Asoka)  it  wms 
a border-land  of  the  Buddhist  Madliyadesa  or  Middle 
Country.  That  is  the  point.  Mr.  Rice  is  making  the 
old  mistake  about  the  Buddhist  missions,  based  on  not 
attending  to  what  the  books  say  about  them.  The  missions 
were  not  sent  out  by  A^oka,  and  to  places  outside  liis 
dominions;  they  were  sent  out  by  the  Buddhist  high 
priest  Moggaliputta-Tissa,  to  the  territories  lying  round 
the  Buddhist  Middle  Country. 

The  inscription  on  the.  Tanjore  plates  which  mentions 
the  '' Maisunadu  seventy  ” is  unmistakably  a spurious 


MAHISHAMANDALA 


247 


record,  falrricated  not  earlier  than  tl^e  tenth  century. 
Mr.  Rice  asserts  that,  if  not  an  original,  it  must  be  a cop^- 
of  an  original  record  belonging  to  the  third  centiuy. 
No  one  with  any  claim  to  critical  knowledge  could  advance 
siicl.1  a proposition.  And  it  would  not  help  matters  on, 
even  if  tlie  record  could  be  accepted  from  tliat  point  of 
view : tlie  site  of  the  present  city  of  Mysore  would  still 
be,  even  in  tlie  third  century,  a small  village  incapable  of 
giving  a name  to  the  province  or  to  any  appreciable 
part  of  it. 

It  seems  strange  to  have  to  say  anything  more  about 
the  inscription  wliich  is  held  to  show,  as  if  it  were  some- 
tlnng  remarkable,  that  there  was  an  Emmeyara-kula, 
a ' family  of  buffixlo-keepers',  residing  near  Seringapatarn 
in  A.i).  1175  : it  obviously  has  no  value  towards  explaining 
an  appellation  used  in  the  Pali  books  in  the  fourth  century. 
The  suggestion  itself  is  trivial  : there  must  always  have 
been  buffiiloes  and  buffalo-keepers  everywhere  in  India, 
Just  as  there  are  now. 

What  Mr.  Rice  reminds  us  of  as  regards  the  Todas 
simply  endorses  what  we  infer  on  other  grounds  as  to  the 
Eruinai-nrnlu,  the  ^ buffalo-country of  the  Tamil  poet : 
namely,  that  it  lay  outside  and  on  the  soutli  of  Mysore, 
and  has  nothing  to  say  to  any  appellation  that  was  ever 
applied  to  Myvsore  itself  or  any  part  thereof.  I may  add 
that  the  Mysore  inscription  of  A.D.  1117  ” [properly  1116] 
distinctlji^  tends  to  locate  the  Todas  already  on  the  Nilgiris, 
not  in  Mysore  : the  verse  which  mentions  them,  along  with 
some  other  peoples,  does  so  in  asserting  a conquest  of  the 
Nilgiris  by  a general  of  the  Hoysala  king  of  Mysore. 

As  I said  in  my  previous  note,  the  identification  of 
Mahishamandala  with  Mysore,  or  any  part  thereof,  or  any 
other  territory  in  that  direction,  has  notliing  at  tlie  bottom 
of  it,  except  the  point  that  the  first  part  of  the  vernacular 
name,  Maysur,  Maisur,  Mayisur,  of  a village  which  began 
to  rise  to  importance  about  A.D.  1500  and  eventually 


24*8  VERSES  RELiVTING  TO  Glif’TS  OF  LAND 

became  the  name-giver  to  the  province,  lent  itself  naturally 
in  that  period  to  be  represented  in  Sanskrit  by  mahisha 
as  giving  the  nearest  approach  to  it  in  sound,  and  was 
thought  by  archaeologists  of  the  last  century  to  have  been 
actually  derived  from  that  word. 

J.  F.  Fleet. 

[This  discussion  mnst  now  cease.—EjiD.I 


Verses  relating  to  Gifts  of  Land  cited  in  Indian 
Land  Grants 

It  was  a common  practice  in  making  grants  of  land  in 
ancient  India  for  tlie  donor  to  emphasize  the  gift  and 
endeavour  to  secure  its  permanence  by  inserting  in  the 
deed  of  grant  one  or  more  verses  whicli  had  been  laid 
down  as  law  regarding  gifts  of  land.  Sucli  verses  either 
affirmed  the  beiieticent  nature  of  such  gifts,  or  proclaimed 
the  merit  and  ])lessiiigs  which  accrue  to  those  wlio  make 
such  gifts  and  those  who  scrupulously  respect  them,  or 
denounced  the  iniquity  of  those  who  dejnived  grantees  of 
the  land  given,  and  declared  the  punishment  which  awaits 
such  evil-doers.  These  verses  are  often  attributed  to 
Vyasa  and  are  said  sometimes  to  occur  in  tlie  MahaJbhdrata, 
but  are  introduced  at  other  times  simply  as  poetical 
quotations,  wliich  were  apparently  well  known.  I have 
come  across  some  of  these  verses  in  tlie  Malidhhdrata  and 
Puranas,  and  it  may  be  of  service  to  collect  some  of 
the  commonest  quotations  here  and  mention  the  various 
books  where  they  are  now  to  be  found. 

The  general  subject  of  gifts  of  all  kinds  is  dealt  witli  at 
more  or  less  length  in  the  Malidhlmrata,  iii,  199,  and  xiii, 
67-81,  aud  single  statements  may  probably  be  found 
scattered  in  various  other  passages  in  that  work.  It  is 
also  expounded  in  the  following  Puranas : — Agni,  1^08-18 
and  271 ; Gariida,  61  and  98 ; Kiirma^  ii,  26 ; Liiiga,  ii, 
28-U]  Matsyci,  82-91,223,  and  274.-89 ; Padma,  iii,  24, 


VERSES  RELATING  TO  GIFTS  OF  LAND 


249 


and  vi,  33]  Varaha,  99-111]  and  Bkavi^ya,  iv  (Uttara- 
parvan),  IJ^S-WJ^,  of  which  fwrvan  the  Bliavisyoitara 
Purana  {133-81)  appears  to  be  another  version,^  It  is 
also  dealt  with  in  some  of  the  Upapuranas,  as  in  Saura,  10. 
But  the  only  passages  that  I have  found  which  deal 
specifically  with  gifts  of  land  are  these:  Malidhliarata,  xiii, 
62  ] Agni,  213 : Ktirma,  ii,  26,  12-15  : Ilatsya,  284 ; 
Padma,  hi,  and  yi,  33  ] Bhavmja,  iv,  164  (of  which 
Bhavi^yottara,  145,  appears  to  be  another  version) ; and 
Saura,  10,  20-30.  Of  these  authorities  the  Agni,Kurma, 
Matsya,  and  Saura  may  be  omitted,  since  their  remarks 
are  brief  and  general,  and  the  three  others  contain  the 
only  important  passages  that  I liave  found  in  this 
connexion.  Besides  these  longer  passages,  stray  remarks 
bearing  on  this  subject  are  scattered  in  the  Puranas,  such 
as  Brahma,  155 , 5-9  ; Hariv.,  326,  16367. 

I will  first  cite  various  verses  quoted  often  in  tlie  grants 
and  give  the  corresponding  verses  found  in  the  above 
books,  and  offer  in  conclusion  some  remarks  regarding 
the  verses. 

Two  verses  wliich  are  often  quoted  together  (and  often 
with  one  or  more  other  verses  added)  are  the  following: — ^ 

1.  Bahuhhir  vasudha  bhukta  rajabhih  Sagaradibhili : 

Yasya  yasya  yada  bhuinis,  tasya  tasya  tada  phalam. 

2.  Sastiih  varsa-sahasrani  svarge  modati  bhumi-dali ; 

Acchetta  canumanta  ca  tany  eva  narake  vaset. 

They  are  sometimes  found  separately,'^  and  sometimes 
vary  somewhat.  Thus  dattd  ^ appears  instead  of  hhuJdd 
in  the  first  verse,  and  in  the  second  verse  we  find  modati 
replaced  by  tidhati^  or  vasati^,  and  dcchettd  by  dhseptdl 

^ The  editions  cited  are  these  : MBh,,Celc.  ; Agni,  Garuda,  and  Liiiga, 
by  Jivanaiida  Vidyasagar,  Calc. ; Kurma  and  Vardha,  Bibl.  Ind. ; Matsya, 
Padina,  and  Saura,  Anandas.,  Poona;  Bhavisya,  Veiikate.4vara,  Bombay. 

- Fleet,  Gupta  Inscriptions,  pp.  96, 104,  108,  llo,  119,  122,  127,  133,  etc. 

^ e.g.  verse  (2)  alone  in  FOL,  pp.  238,  247.  FGI.,  p.  296. 

5 FGI.,  pp.  167, 179.  6 FGL,  p.  194.  ’ FGI.,  pp.  108,  115,  137,  296. 


250 


VEE.SE8  BELATING  TO  GIFTS  OF  LAND 


Before  corrsi dering  where  these  verses  come  from,  another 
verse  may  be  mentioned  whicli  is  often  quoted  in  grants 
and  sometimes  along  with  the  two  forniex"— ^ 

3.  Bva-dattam  para-dattaiii  va  yo  hareta  vasundharam, 

Sa  visthayaiii  kmiir  bhiitva  pitrbhih  saha  pacyate. 

Tliis  verse  appears  with  many  modifications.  Thus  the 
first  half-line  is  varied,  thus — 

3a.  Sarva-sasya-samvddhriiii  tu  yo  hareta  vasundharam. 
The  second  line  exhibits  the  greatest  diversity  ; thus  we 
find  sva-vi^fhdymn'^  and  sva-viHfkdydm'^  instead  of  sa 
vispLCtyarh,  End  majjafi  or  majjate^  instead  of  pacyate: 
and  also  the  last  three  ^vords  inverted  thus,  pacyate  pifrhhih 
sahat^  Or  this  line  is  more  largely  modified,  thus — ^ 

35.  Basti-varsa-sahasraiii  visthayaih  jayate  krmih. 

Or  again,  thus — ^ 

3r.  Gavarii  liata-sahasrasya  hantur  harati  dnskrtam. 

The  only  passage  wdiere  I liave  found  tliese  three  verses 
together  is  2\(fhna,  vi,  SS,  26-30,  wliich  runs  thus — 

• Bahubhir  vasudiia  datta  rajabbili  Sagaradibhili  : 

Yasya  yasya  yada  bhumis,  tasya  tasya  tada  phalam. 
Brabma-gbno  vatha  strl-banta  bala-gbnah  patito  ’tba  va, 
Gavaih  sata-sabasrani  ^ banta,  tat  tasya  dnskrtam. 
Sva-dattam  para-dattaih  va  yo  baret  tu  vasundharam, 

Ba  ca  vistha-krmir  bbutva  pitrbbib  saba  pacyate. 
Basti-varsa-sabasrani  svarge  tisthati  bbumi-dab  ; 

Abarta  canumanta  ca  tavad  vai  narakam  vrajet. 

Verses  1 and  3 are  found  in  Bhavisya,  iv,  16//.,  22  and 
34,  wliex'c  they  stand  thus — 

Bahubhir  vasudba  bbukta  rajabbib  Sagaradibbib : 

Yasya  yasya  yada  bhumis,  tasya  tasya  tada  phalam. 
Bva-dattam  para-dattaiii  va  yo  hareta  vasundharam, 

Sa  naro  narake  ghore  klisyaty  a-pralayantikam. 

' FGL,  pp.  104,  108,  137.  ^ FGI.,  pp.  119,  122,  127,  133. 

FOL,  pp.  119,  137.  JASB.,  1910,  vol,  vi,  p.  436. 

FGI,  pp.  108,  119,  137.  6 lA,,  1910,  p.  196. 

^ FGI,  p,  289.  8 FGI.,  pp.  238,  247. 

Sic.  The  reading  might  he  -^aha^miarh. 


VKESK8  RELATING  TO  GIFTS  OF  LAND 


251 


Verse  8&  occurs  in  Brahma,  165,  6-7,  thus — 
Bva-datfcam  j^ara-clattaih  va  yo  hareta  vasimdharftni, 

Bastir  varsa-sabasrani  vistbayaih  jayate  krmih. 

Verse  3 is  found  in  a modified  form  in  Pachna,  iii,  24, 
10,  thus — ^ 

Bva-dattam  ]mra-dattaiii  ca  medimih  yo  bared,  dvija, 
Yuktab  koti-kulair  yati  narakaiii  cati-dfirunam. 

Another  verse  often  cited  is  t]\is — 

4.  Bva-dattam  para-dattaiii  va  yatnad  raksa,  Yndbistbira, 
Mabini,  mahi-inatam  srestba ; danac  cbreyo  ’nuprilanam/^ 
But  in  many  instances  maJci-matam  is  spoilt  being* 
altered  to  mahiraaidm?  The  first  line  is  sometimes 
changed  to — 

4a.  Pim'a-dattaih  dvijatibhyo  yatnad  raksa,  Ymdbistbira/ 

The  only  place  where  I liave  found  this  verse  is 

Bhavisya,  iv,  16 Jf,  38,  where  it  stands  thus — 

Bva-dattam  para-dattaiii  va  yatnad  raksed,  Yudbistbira, 
Mablin,  mabi-bbrtaiii  srestba;  danac  cbreyo  ’nuprilanani. 

Another  verse  sometimes  quoted  is  this — 

5.  A-paniyesv  aranyesii  suska-kotara-vasinab 

Krsnabayo  ’bbijayante,  purva-dayaiii  haranti  ye  ; 
and  hi  jdyante  appears  instead  of  Bhijdya'nte^  The  first 
line  is  sometimes  altered  to — 

5a.  Bhiisv  atavisv  a-toyasii  suska-kotara-vasinab.^ 

The  onh^  place  where  I have  found  this  verse  is 

BhavUya,  iv,  164,  where  it  reads  thus — 

Toya-hlnesv  aranyesii  snska-kotara-vasinah 
Krsnabayo  ’bbijayante  nara  brahma-sva-harinab. 

^ The  same  idea  is  expressed,  but  in  different  terms,  in  MBh.  xiii,  6';.^ 
3176-7  ; Padma,  vi,  33,  35  ; and  Bhavisya,  iv,  16/f,  33. 

- FOL,  pp.  no,  122,  127,  133,  194,  198,  296. 

FGL,  pp.  96,  104,  108,  115,  137,  167. 

^ See  note  3.  ® FGL,  p,  108.  ® FGL,  p.  137. 

FGI.,  p,  ISO.  The  actual  reading  there  ivS  Bhusi'dtavJst^  a-toydmf,  and 
Dr.  Fleet  .suggests  that  the  coiTect  reading  sliould  be  VindhydtavJHV,  but 
it  seems  to  me  to  be  a mere  clerical  error  for  hlimv  afarlsr.  BhR  means 
‘‘land,  district,  piece  of  ground”,  and  the  plural,  hhuccif^,  is  given  as 
meaning  “ districts  ” in  Monier- Williams’  Dictionary. 


252 


VERSES  RELATING  TO  GOTS  OE  LAND 

A verse  that  occurs  rarely  is — 

6.  Asphotayanti  pitarah,  pravalganti  pitamahali, 

Bhumi-do  ’smat-kule  jMali,  sa  nas  trata  bhavisyatiJ 

The  only  passage  where  I have  found  this  is  Fudma,  vi^ 
17,  where  it  appears  thus — 

Asphotayanti  "^  pitaro,  varnayanti  pitamahah, 

Bhumi-data  kule  jatali,  sa  nas  trata  bhavisyati  : 

which  is  a decidedly  inferior  version,  especially  as  regards 
var  nay  anti. 

Among  verses  in  metres  other  than  the  sloka,  we  find 
the  following  in  the  Indravajrd  metre — 

7.  Agner  apatyam  prathamaiii  siivamiam, 
bhur  Vaisnavl,  Burya-sutas  ea  gavali : 

Dattas  trayas  tena  bhavanti  loka, 

yali  kaficanaih  gaiii  ca  mahirii  ca  dadyat.^ 

This  occurs  most  closely  in  MBli.  iii,  199,  13480,  where 
it  stands  thus — 

Agner  apatyam  prathamaiii  suvariiani, 
bhur  Vaisnavi,  Burya-sutas  ca  gavali : 

Lokas  trayas  tena  bhavanti  datta, 

yah  kaiicanaiii  gas  ca  mahiiii  ca  dadyat. 

It  also  appears  thus  in  Pachna,  vi,  S3,  32 — 

Agner  apatyam  prathamaiii  suvarnam, 
bhur  Vaisnavl,  Burya-sutas  ca  gavah  : 

Tesam  an -ant  am  phalam  asnuvita, 
yah  kahcanam  gaiii  ca  mahiiii  ca  dadyilt. 

Lastly  may  be  noticed  what  the  grants  say  about  the 
authorship  of  these  verses.  Verses  1,  2,  3c,  4,  and  7 are 
cited  in  some  grants  as  slokas  sung  by  Vyasa,  in  tlie 

' FGL,  p.  119. 

- Asphota  is  given  in  the  dictionaries  as  a noun  meaning  “shaking, 
swaying  to  and  fro  ”,  and  Monier- Williams  adds  “ the  sound  of  clapping 
or  striking  on  the  arms  (as  made  by  combatants,  etc. ) He  gives  the 
verhd-.sjpAwiin  the  causal  as  meaning  “to  split  open,  crush,  grind  ; move, 
agitate  quickly ; shake”.  Asphotayanti  here,  must  mean  either  “they 
clap  their  arms  (in  joy)  ” or,  according  to  the  meaning  given  by  Childers 
to  the  Pali  verb  appoOieti,  “ they  snap  their  fingers  in  pleasure.” 

^EGL,pp.  194,  198,296. 


253 


VERSES  RELATING  TO  QirXB  OF  LAND 

following  or  equivalent  'words  : Yyasa-gitaiiis  catra 
£okan  ndaharanti/’  ^ Verses  1,  2,  3^  4a,  5,  and  5a  are 
attributed  to  him  in  other  grants  in  tlie  following  or 
equivalent  words : “ uktaih  ca  bhagavata  pai-aina-rsina 
Veda-Vyasena.”  - Again,  verses  1,  2,  3a,  4,  and  b are 
attributed  in  otlier  grants  to  him  in  the  2IaJidhha/rafa  in 
the  following  or  equivalent  words:  ‘'uktain  ca  Mahabharate 
bhagavata  Yeda>-vyasena  Vyasena ^ ; and  the  same  state- 
ment is  made  more  fully  and  precisely  regarding  verses 
1,  2,  3,  4a,  and  5 in  other  grants,  thus:  ‘'uktaiii  ca 
Mahabluirate  sata-sahasryam  samhitayam  pararna-rsina 
Parasara-sutena  Yeda-vyasena  Vyasena,”  ^ where  tlie  term 
kita-sdhasrydm.  denotes  the  large  text  such  as  we  have 
it  uow.^ 

These  verses  may  occur  in  the  Mahablidrata,  though 
I have  not  succeeded  in  finding  any  of  them  in  it,  except 
verse  7.  Most  of  the  sentiments  expressed  in  the  other 
verses  are  met  with,  difierently  phrased,  in  MBh.  xiii,  6^^ : 
still,  the  slokas  in  that  chapter  are  not  tlie  same  as  these 
verses.  On  the  other  hand,  these  verses  generally  agree 
with  passages  in  the  Puranas,  as  cited,  and  since  Yyasa  is 
said  to  have  composed  the  Puranas  also,  the  statements 
that  they  were  uttered  by  him  are  correct  to  that  extent 
according  to  Indian  tradition. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  verses  and  passages  mentioned 
that,  while  the  verses  agree  substantially  with  the 
corresponding  passages  in  the  texts,  yet  there  wtxs 
considerable  variation  in  the  choice  of  words  and  in  their 
arrangement,  and  that  the  donors  of  grants  in  citing  the 
verses  quoted  the  versions  which  were  current  in  general 
use  rather  than  copied  them  out  of  books.  In  the  first 
passage  set  out  above,  from  Padma,  vi,  38,  the  third  and 

1 FOI.,  pp.  194,  198,  238,  247,  296. 

^ FGI.,  pp.  96,  104,  108,  115,  167,  179. 

FGL,  pp.  119,  122,  127,  113,  FGI,  p.  137. 

5 See  MBh,  i,  1,  105,  and  6B,  2296. 


254 


THE  AGE  OB*’  THE  TURANAS 

fourth  lines  seem  out  of  place  among  verses  relating  to 
land,  yet  the  variation  in  verse  Sc  shows  that  the  fourtli 
and  fifth  lines  were  taken  together  to  form  one  verse, 
their  order  being  inverted  and  the  fourtli.  line  being 
modified  so  as  to  adapt  it  to  its  new  setting. 

F.  E.  Pargiteu. 


Note  <jx  the  Age  ob^  the  Puranas 
The  foregoing  note  yields  some  useful  data  towards 
estimating  the  age  of  the  Puranas,  especially  of  tlie 
Padma,  Bhavisya,  and  Brahwa  Puranas. 

The  verses  numbered  1,  2,  3,  and  6 occur  in  the  Padma, 
verses  1,  3,  4a,  and  5a  in  the  Bhavinya,  verse  35  in  the 
Brahma,  and  verse  7 in  the  Afahdbhdrata  and  the  Padma, 
The  oldest  grants  in  whieli  I have  found  them  are  dated 
as  follows:  verses  1,  2,  4,  and  4a,  A.D.  475-6/  482-3/ 
493-4/  and  496-7  ^ ; verses  3 and  3a,  a.d.  482-3, 493-4,*^ 
and  496-7  verse  5,  a.d.  510-11  verse  6,  a.d.  493-4^  ; 
and  verse  7 about  800  a.d.^'  These  dates  show  that  verses 
1 to  4 and  6 were  in  common  use  before  the  year  500  a.d., 
and  verse  5 immediate]}"  after  it ; and  these  verses  occur 
only  in  those  Puranas  so  far  as  I have  been  able  to  find 
them;  while  verse  7,  though  it  occurs  latest, is  found  in  the 
Alahdhhdrata , and  so  can  luirdly  be  the  composition  of  an 
age  later  than  those  Puranas.  All  these  verses,  therefore, 
wa-ire  well  knowm  before  the  end  of  the  fifth  century. 

They  are  not  cited  as  mere  popular  sayings,  but  as  legal- 
religious  maxims  enunciated  in  the  ^astras.  They  were  so 
well  established  in  general  acceptance  that  peoi^le  often 
did  not  know  precisely  in  what  books  they  were  to  be 
found,  but  attributed  them  naturally  to  the  great  Vyasa 
(Vydsaa/tta.)  and  assigned  them  often  to  the  Alahdhhdrata, 

1 EG  I.,  p.  9(),  " FGI„  p.  104.  s EG  I.,  p.  119. 

EGL,  p.  122.  ® EGI.,  p.  108, 

® FGIi,  p.  296  ; and  earlier,  but  undated,  in  id,,  pp.  19 198. 


THE  KAMBOJAS 


255 


much  a8  well-known  .sayings  in  our  own  language  are 
often  popularly  ascribed  to  tlie  Bible  or  Sbakspeare.  The 
way  in  which  these  venses  are  cited  shows  that  the}^ 
existed  long  Ixd'ore  500  A.D.,  and  it  may  be  concluded  that 
the  three  Puranas,  tlie  Padma,  Brahma^  and  Blnivisya,  in 
which  tliey  are  found  (supposing  tliat  they  do  not  occur  in 
the  Malulhhdvaht),  existed  before,  and  even  long  l)efore, 
the  end  of  tlie  fifth  century.  Now  those  Puranas  are  by  no 
means  early  Puraruis,  but  appear  to  be  among  tlie  latest: 
lienee  it  seeims  reasonably  certain  tliat  the  Puranas  cannot 
lie  later  than  the  earliest  centuries  of  tlie  Christian  era. 

F.  E.  Pargiter. 


The  Kambojas 

As  a snapper  up  of  imconsidered  trifles,  I occasionally 
discover  that  my  particular  prize  has  been  already  .snapped 
up,  considered,  and  turned  into  a thing  of  value  by  some  one 
else.  This,  I find,  is  the  case  with  my  remarks  aliout  the 
Kamboja  mvati  (ante,  JRAS.  1911,  p.  802).  The  whole 
subject  of  the  Kambojas  had  been  previously  worked  out 
by  Professor  E.  Kuhn  on  pp.  213  K of  the  First  Series  of 
Avestd,  Paldavi  a7id  Ancient  Per  sum  Studies  in  hononr 
of  the  late  Shams -ul-tolama  Dastwr  Peshotanji  Behraonji 
Sanjana  (Strassburg  and  Leipzig,  1904).  As  the  book  is 
not  likely  to  be  familiar  to  students  of  Indian  languages, 
I take  this  opportunity  of  giving  the  reference  for  their 
benefit. 

:■  : ; G.  A.  G. 


Regarding  Dr.  Grierson  s important  note  on  the  language 
of  the  Kambojas  in  the  July  number  of  this  Journal,  I may 
call  attention  to  a paper  contributed  by  Dr.  Ernst  Kuhn 
to  the  Dastur  Sanjana  Memorial  Volume  (p.  213)  on  “ Das 
Volk  der  Kamboja  bei  Yaska 'k  Among  the  autliorities 
cited  by  Dr.  Kuhn,  who  would  appear  to  liave  established 


256 


THE  KAMBOJAS 


beyond  reasonable  doubt  that  the  Kambojas  were  a tribe 
of  the  Iranians,  is  a remarkable  gatha  from  the  Pali 
Jataka  Book,  which  I had  noticed  rnyvseU* — 

Ivltfi  patanga  nraga  ca  blieka 
hantva  kirnihi  sujjhati  makkhika  ca, 
ete  hi  dhamma  anariyaiTxpa 
Eambojakanahi  vitatha  bahiinnan. 

The  commentator  explains:  ete  kitadayo  pane  liantva 
macco  siijjliatiti  etesam  j)i  Kambojaratthavasinaiii  bahun- 
nam  anariyanam  dhamma  (ed.  Fausboll,  vi,  210). 

The  Cambridge  translation  somewhat  freely  reproduces 
the  gatha — 

Those  men  are  counted  pure  who  only  kill 

Frogs,  worms,  bees,  snakes  or  insects  as  they  -will, — 

These  are  your  savage  customs  which  I hate, — 

Such  as  Kamboja  hordes  might  emulate.  (Vol.  vi,  110.) 

This  gatha  l)y  itself  establishes  a close  connexion 
bet\veen  the  Kambojas  and  the  ancient  Iranians,  wdtli 
whom  the  destruction  of  noxious  or  Aliramanic  creatures 
was  a duty.  But  the  Kambojas  are  almost  always 
referred  to  in  Indian  literature,  both  Brahmanic  and 
Buddhistic,  w-ith  regard  to  their  fine  breed  of  horses 
{Kamhojaka  assatara,  Jataka  iv,  464,  4; 

Mahavasfu,  ii,  185).  And  this  is  confirmed  by  the 
Sanskrit  koshas,  e.g.  the  NdvialingamiBascmam  of  Amara, 
wgwr:  and  the 

Anekdrihasarkgraha  of  the  Jaina  lexicographer,  Hema- 
candra, 

Zimmer  (AUind,  Lehen,  p.  102)  refers  to  the  Kambojas 
as  a north-W'estern  tribe,  and  speaks  of  the  close  relation 
between  the  Kambojas  and  the  Persian  Karnbujiya  without 
furtlier  particularizing  the  latter.  It  is  to  be  noted,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  Nepalese  tradition  regards  Tibet  as  the 
Kambojadesa  and  the  Tibetan  to  be  the  Kamboja-bhasha 

^ The  Bahlikas  are  no  doubt  the  Pahlavas  or  Parthians. 


OEIGIK  OF  ABHINATAOCPTA^S  FARAMARTHASABA  257 


( Foiicher, IconogrwphAe  Bouddhiqtte,  p.  1 34).  And  it  is  very 
curious  that  the  early  Tibetan  mode  oE  the  disposal  of  the 
dead  seems  to  have  been  similar  to  the  Iranian.  According 
to  the  Greeks  the  practice  of  exposing  the  dead  to  birds 
of  i>rey  Avas  common  even  in  Taxila  (Vincent  Smith’s 
illuminating  note  at  p.  135  of  his  valuable  EeiHjj  History 
of  India  ; see  also  a clear  reference  to  the  practice  in 
ancient  India,  iiiksasamticcaya,  159,  ed.  Bendall,  and  the 
MaJidsilava  JMcilm).  1 more  fully  into  this 

interesting  analogy,  between 'the.- usages  of  ancient  India 
and  Persia  and  have  called  attention  to  other  parallels  in 
my  fortli  coming  Religion  of  tfm  irm  Peoples,  translated 

from  Tide’s  Gesehiehte. 

G.  K.  Nariaian. 


, , Origin  of,,  Abhinavagupta’s„,,Paramabthasara 

The  learned  world  is  indebted  to  Professor  L.  D.  Barnett 
for  having  published  Abhinavagupta’s  Paramartbasara  in 
JRAS.  for  July,  1910,  with  Ms  fait! if ul  translation, 
accompanied  with  notes  paraphrased  from  Yoga  Muni’s 
tika.  We  wish  to  trace  the  original  for  that  work,  after 
observing  that  the  18th  arya  is  not  metrically  defective 
as  observed  by  him  on  p.  710,  footnote  3.  The  metre  is 
lapagiti,  a variety  of  dryd. 

In  notes  on  stanzas  2 and  3 (p.  719)  we  find  that 
ddhdra-kdrikd  or  Foundation-Epitome  is  the  original  of 
Abilina vagupta.  The  adhara  is  the  support  of  the  world, 
viz.  Besa,  and  the  work  referred  to  here  is  the  Arya- 
panca^iti  or  Paramartbasara  of  Bhagavan  Sesa,  edited  by 
Pt.  BMasastrin  in  No.  56  of  the  Pundit  (vol.  v,  January  2, 
1871).  As  we  learn  from  Weber’s  Indian  Literature 
(Eng.  trans.),  p.  237,  n.  261,  it  is  said  in  ZDMG,  xxvii, 
167,  that  Abhinava  has  adapted  that  work  of  the 
Vaishnavite  school  to  his  Saiva  system  of  Prat^^abhijha. 

On  p.  708  Professor  Barnett  says  the  Telugu  edition 
of  Paramartbasara,  consisting  of  seventy -nine  aryas, 
JRAS.  1912.  17 


258  ORTGIK  OF  abhihavagufta’s  faramarthasara 


published  in  1007  at  Madras,  paraphrased  by  Patti>sapii 
Venkatesvariidu,  ])on*ows  a number  of  verses  from 
Abhinavagiipta’s  work.  I could  not  get  information 
about  that  work,  from  Madras,  although  I wrote  to  the 
Ananda  Press  and  to  Professor  T.  Rajgopaiachariar. 
But  I fancy  tliat  work  is  the  same  as  Sesa’s  Para- 
marthasara,  for  we  find  in  Sabdakalpadruma,  pt.  iv 
(publi>shed  1892  a.D.),  under  ^'Vedanta”,  the  extract  from 
Sesa-nilga’s  Paramarthasara,  consisting  of  seventy-nine 
aryas.  This  extract  begins  witli  the  8th  stanza  of  the 
edition  of  Aryapaiicaciti.  I may  note  here  that  this  text 
in  the  Sabdakalpadruma  agrees  more  with  the  text  of 
Paramarthasara  of  eighty-nine  stanzas  published  in  April, 
1882,  with  Pt.  Kevaldiibs  Hindi  translation  from  the 
Navalkishore  Press  of  Lucknow.  This  Navalkishore 
edition  foolishly  ascribes  the  work  to  Sankaracarya, 
although  the  beginning  and  the  end  mention  Sesa  as  the 
author,  and  it  nowliere  mentions  Sankara ; and  further, 
the  editor  does  not  give  reasons  for  his  strange  ascription. 
From  Professor  T.  Rajgopalachariar  I learn  that  oesa’s  P. 
has  been  published  in  the  Trivandrum  Sanskrit  Series, 
edited  by  Professor  T.  Ganapatisastrin. 

The  Navalkishore  edition  differs  from  the  Pundit  edition 
in  adding  two  stanzas  at  tlie  beginning,  and  in  omitting 
stanzas  75  and  77  of  the  Pundit  edition.  Further,  between 
st.  80  and  81,  as  well  as  between  82  and  83,  the  Naval- 
kishore edition  and  the  extract  under  ''  Vedanta  ” in 
Sabdakalpadruma  insert  one  arya.  The  latter  also  omits 
st.  75  and  77. 

The  edition  of  Sesa’s  P.  in  the  Pundit  is  printed  very 
badly ; the  text  has  many  gaps  left  and  is  often  unmetrical 
and  obscure.  The  extract  in  Sabdakalpadruma  shows 
more  improved  text,  which,  in  its  better  readings,  agrees 
with  that  of  the  Navalkishore  edition.  The  Navalkishore 
edition,  on  the  other  hand,  agrees  more  with  Abhinava- 
gupta  s Paramarthasara.  The  arrangement  and  sequence 


ORIGIN"  OF  ABHIKAVAGUFTA’S  PAEAMx\RTHASARA  259 


of  the  stanzas  of  these  texts  differs  from  tliose  of  the  Pundit 
edition  : e.g.,  st.  39  of  tlie  Pundit  occurs  between  42  and  43  ; 
st.  59  occurs  between  63  and  64 ; st.  68  and  69  are 
transposed  ; st.  72  occurs  after  74. 

It  a,ppears  tluit  tlie  text  of  the  Navalkishore  edition  is 
the  authentic  text,  and  was  current  more  or  less  at  the 
time  of  Abhinavagupta.  For  the  first  stanza  clovsely  agrees 
with  the  first  stanza  of  Abhinavagupta,  reading  param 
jxcrasydh  (winch  is  more  intelligible)  for  param 

parastliam  gahandt  (of  Abhinavagupta),  and  Vi^nmn  for 
Samhltnm.  Further,  the  stanza  inserted  between  80  and 
81  of  tlie  Pundit  edition  by  the  Navalkishore  edition 
occurs  almost  verbatim  in  Abhinavagupta  as  st.  82, 
Abhinavagupta  using  vetti  for  veda. 

Now  let  us  see  what  additional  stanzas  are  reproduced 
wholly  or  almost  wholly  by  Abhinavagupta.  I shall 
number  the  stanzas  of  Hesa  according  to  the  Pundit 
edition,  since  that  is  the  edition  likely  to  be  possessed 
by  scholars  in  general — 


Abhinava 

Sesa 

Abhinava 

Sesa 

Abhinava 

Sesa 

6 = 

14 

34,35  = 

30 

61  = 

71 

7 = 

15 

36  = 

34 

69  = 

76 

8 = 

16 

38  = 

33 

70  = 

78 

9 = 

17 

50  = 

62 

71  = 

79 

26  = 

25 

52  = 

58 

83  = 

81 

27  = 

26 

54  = 

54 

84  = 

82 

30  = 

28 

60  = 

73 

100-2  = 

83-5 

The  expressions  ddharam  hhagavantmn  (st.  2)  and 
ddlidrakarikd  (st.  3)  of  Abhinavagupta,  as  well  as  the 
reproduction  of  twenty -three  stanzas,  wholly  or  almost  so, 
and  the  great  indebtedness  to  the  other  stanzas  of  SesaA 
current  work,  leave  little  doubt  that  the  original  of 
Abhinavagupta’s  work  is  the  present  extant  work  of 
Besa.  This  work  has  been  cited  by  the  author  of  the 
commentary  Chandrika  on  Prabodhachandrodaya  in  his 


260  ORIGIN  OB'’  abbiinatagupta's  paeamarthasara 


tika  on  st.  of  Act  v.  The  verse  quoted  is  rahiir 
adrsyo  ’‘pi  yalJui.  This  is  ascribed  by  the  commentary 
to  ISesa,  and  occurs  in  the  current  text  of  Sesa  (Pundit 
text,  st.  1(5).  Now  this  verse  is  reproduced  almost  wholly 
by  Abliinavagupta,  in  whose  work  it  appears  as  st.  8. 
The  aiitlior  of  the  Ghandrika,  wlio  has  often  quoted 
Ablnnavagiipta.,  does  not  cite  this  stanza  under  his  name. 
This  is  further  evidence  to  sliow  that  our  text  of  Sesa  is 
the  original  of  Abhinavagupta  s work. 

Reminiscences  of  Sesas  P.  are  found  in  the  Pnabodlia- 
sudhakara  of  unknown  authorship,  appearing  in  KavyamMa, 
pt.  viii.  We  ask  the  readers  to  compare,  e.g.,  st.  133  and 
153  of  the  latter  with  st.  11  and  43  respectively  of  Sesa. 

This  work  of  Sesa  goes  under  the  name  of  Patahjalyaryah, 
and  is  included  by  the  Pundits  among  Yoga  treatises 
(vide  Yogadarsana  with  Maniprabha,  edition  in  Benares 
Sanskrit  Series,  No.  75,  by  Pt.  Damodar  Lai  Goswami, 
preface,  p.  i,  last  para.).  Of  course,  although  a yoga 
treatise,  it  deals  only  with  the  pliilosophic  portion  and 
may  be  called  seJvara-sanhhya-nibandha,  as  also  ajDpears 
from  Yoga  Muni’s  comment  on  Abhinavagupta’s  work, 
st.  2.  In  Tattvasamasa,  Patahjali  is  said  to  be  the  disciple 
of  PafxcaSkha  (Max  Muller’s  Six  Systems  of  Indian 
Philosophy,  p.  293),  who  is  described  as  a great  Samkhya 
teacher  and  a savant  in  the  doctrine  of  Pahcaratra 
theosophy,  as  we  find  from  the  Moksadharma  of  the 
Santiparva.  This  explains  the  Vaishnavite  character  of 
the  Patafijalyaryah.  This  follows  from  tlie  hypothesis 
that  J^esa  is  identical  witli  Patahjali.  This  identification 
is  supported  by  Abhinavagupta,  who  calls  them  adhara- 
karikah  (st.  2),  where  adhara  is  the  support  of  the  world, 
i.e.  Sesa,  as  appears  from  Yoga  Muni’s  comment,  and  who 
cites  Patahjaii’s  Yogasutra,  i,  16,  in  his  comment  on  the 
Natyasastra,  ch.  vi,  with  the  label  Bhujangavibhuna  ’py 
uktarn.  As  appears  f rom  the  last  stanza  of  Sesa,  the  work 
Paramarthasara  was  based  on  the  doctrine  of  the  Upanisads. 


BAO  = VIHABA 


261 


This  is  quite  true,  because  we  find  reminiscences  of 
Upanisad  passages;  e.g.,  ho  mohah  hah  sohaJi,  etc.,  is 
a reminiscence  of  the  Isavasya  (st.  58),  while  dtmajnas 
tcmxti  mcarn  (st.  67)  is  a reminiscence  of  the  Ohaiidogya, 
viii,  1,  3,  tar  at  i hkam  dtmavit 

V.  V.  SOVANI. 

Meekut  College.  

BaO  = VlHARA 

On  p.  165  of  the  Indian  Antiqtiary^  for  1893,  vol.  xxii, 
Major  (now  Sir)  R.  C.  Temple  suggests  that  the  origin  of 
the  word  bao,  used  by  the  Portuguese  (and  others)  in 
India  to  denote  a Buddhist  monastery,  is  to  be  found  in 
the  Talaing  ''monastery.'’  No  doubt  that  is  correct, 
except  that  the  Talaing  word  is  bhd,  not  bha ; but  he 
might  have  added  that  it  is  the  same  word  as  the  Indian 
vihcira.  The  Shwezigon.  and  Shwesandaw  II  inscriptions 
write  it  bihdr,  the  Kalyani  inscription  has  wilid  and 
(irregularly)  wilid.  In  Talaing  we  often  find  a confusion 
between  h and  w (representing  the  Indian  v),  e.g.  hajra, 
Bisnu,  Bissukarmnuo,  in  the  Shwezigon  inscription. 
Moreover,  there  is  a strong  tendency  in  the  language 
to  reduce  dissyllabic  words  to  monosyllables,  or  as  near 
thereto  as  may  be.  In  accordance  with  that  general  rule, 
the  first  vowel  of  a word  like  bihdr  dwindles  regularly  to 
a or  e,  and  in  this  case  it  has  vanished  altogether.  The 
modern  form  of  the  language  admits  no  final  r.  There 
can  therefore  be  no  doubt  that  bhd  represents  vihdra. 

0.  0.  Blagden. 


The  Ethiopig  Senkessar 

In  my  article  in  the  Journal  for  1911,  p.  739,  on  the 
Ethiopic  Senkessar”  I mentioned,  on  p.  744,  what 
seemed  to  me  the  important  fact  that  " the  Jesuit 
missionaries,  who  undoubtedly  took  much  interest  in 


262 


CORONATION  CHRONOGRAM 


Abyssinian  hagiography,  never  mention  the  Senkessar 
and  inasmuch  as  the  term  Synaxarinm  does  not  appear 
in  the  indices  to  the  works  of  Paez,  D’Almeida,  etc., 
I was  led  to  infer  that  it  was  not  mentioned  therein. 
But  recently  my  friend  Dr.  Duensing  has  wnatten  to  me 
pointing  out  that  the  Senkessar  is  mentioned  in  Paez  ii, 
605,  under  the  name  of  ''Cenquesar”.  Yet  in  spite  of  this 
mention  I still  hold  my  opinion  maintainable;  for,  although 
the  Jesuits  may  have  heard  of  the  Senkessar,  it  seems  to 
me  certain  that  they  made  no  use  of  it. 

I Guidl 


Coronation  Chronogram 

The  following  commemorating  the  Coronation 

of  His  Majesty  King  George  V,  may  interest  the  readers 
of  the  Journal.  The  letters  of  the  whole  line  make  up  the 
date  1911.  I may  mention  it  is  original. 

“By  Divine  assistance,  George  the  Fifth,  Emperor  of 
India,  Defender  of  the  Kingdom  and  of  the  Faith.” 

George  Ranking. 


La  Fondation  De  Goeje 
Communication 

1.  Le  conseil  de  la  fondation  n’ayant  suhi  aucun  change- 
ment  est  compose  comme  suit : MM.  0.  Snouck  Hurgronje 
(president),  H.  T.  Karsten,  J.  A.  Sillem,  M.  Th.  Houtsma, 
et  G.  van  Vollenhoven  (secretaire-tresorier). 

2.  Le  capital  de  la  fondation  etant  reste  le  meme,  le 
montant  nominal  est  de  19,500  florins  hollandais  (39,000 
francs);  en  outre,  au  mois  de  novemhre  1911  les  rentes 
disponibles  montaient  4 plus  de  2,500  florins  (5,000  francs). 

Novemhre^  1911. 


]SrOTJCES  OF  BOOKS 


MaqrizL  ^E1-MawA^iz  wa’l~I‘tibaji  fi  dhikr  el-Khitat 
wa’l-Athak.  Text  edited  by  M.  Gaston  Wiet. 
Caii‘0,  1911.  Vol.  I,  Fasc.  I,  Chap.  1-12  : pp.  xvi,  184. 
In  Menioires  publies  par  ]es  membres  de  ITnstitnt 
Fran^ais  d’Archeologie  Orientale  dn  Caire,  Tome  SO*-*. 

The  need  of  an  improved  text  of  the  Khitat  has  long 
been  apparent,  and  tliis  handsome  edition,  issued  under 
tlie  auspices  of  tlie  Ministry  of  Public  Instruction  and  of 
the  Fine  Arts,  will  be  generally  welcome.  The  under- 
taking is  a vast  one  ; the  estimate  is  a minimum  of  ten 
volumes  for  the  text,  besides  one  to  contain  the  author's 
biography,  etc.  But  the  work  is  being  pushed  on ; 
another  part,  completing  vol.  i,  is  shortly  to  appear,  and 
vol.  ii  will  not  be  long  delayed. 

M.  Wiet  seems  to  have  discharged  his  task  with  much 
care  and  ability.  The  notes,  which  ai*e  ample,  indicate 
the  variants  in  his  MSS.,  which  are  some  thirty  in  number, 
and  give  necessary  explanations  of  the  text  with  references 
to  passages  bearing  thereon  in  other  authors.  M.  Wiet's 
research  extends  not  merely  to  printed  texts,  but  to  MSS. 
The  numerous  citations  from  the  FiiWi  Misr  of  Ibn  'abd 
al-Hakam  are  corrected  by  the  Paris  MSS.  Ar.  1686  and  1687. 
This  text  M.  Wiet  had,  himself,  intended  editing,  but  in 
a graceful  note  on  p.  79  he  admits  priority  for  Professor 
Torrey’s  long  announced  edition  in  the  “ E.  J.  W.  Gibb 
Memorial  " series,  and  with  good  reason,  for  at  the  remote 
date,  189 5, given  for  the  inception  of  Professor  Torrey’s  work 
M.  Wiet  must  have  been  receiving,  rather  than  diffusing, 
knowledge.  And  those  of  us  to  whom  the  date  seems  less 
remote  may  well  begin  to  doubt  whether  we  shall  ever  be 
able  to  profit  by  Professor  Torrey’s  edition. 


264 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


Other  wo)‘ks,  fiowever,  in  the  '^Memorial  series  wliich 
already  are,  or  shortly  will  be,  at  M.  Wiet's  command,  may 
aid  him  in  liis  task.  Mr.  Guest’s  edition  of  al -Kindi’s 
Governors  and  Judges  of  E(jy2^t — often  cited  in  the 
text — slioiild  more  than  replace  the  partial  editions  of 
that  work  by  Proi'essor  Gottheil  and  by  Mr.  Koenig,  whose 
texts  M.  Wiet  lias  used  whilst  avoiding  their  errors ; see 
pp.  114,  n.  4,  and  90,  n.  19.  Again,  Professor  Margoliouth’s 
edition  of  Yakut’s  Irshad  al-Arib,  wdiich  growls  apace, 
(and  which  should  lead  M.  Wiet,  when  citing  YakCit’s  other 
work,  to  specify  it  as  Btddan),  provides  a full  notice  of 
the  grammai-ian  al-Kisad  mentioned  on  p.  89,  n.  5 ; 
see  Irshad,  v,  183-200.  On  p.  113  is  a quotation  from 
an  Egyptian  writer,  Abu  Muhammad  al-Hasan  b.  Ismail 
al-Darrab,  The  mention  of  him  in  the  Kawdhih  (note  2) 
can  be  supplemented  from  the  article  ‘"Darrab”  in  the 
Ansdb  of  al-Sam'ani,  the  facsimile  of  which,  long  announced 
in  the  “ Memorial  ” series,  will,  after  its  five  years’ 
incubation,  soon  see  the  light.  He  is  described  there 
(fob  36P)  as  an  Egyptian  traditionist,  to  wdiom  Ibn 
Makiila  read  over  the  Mimiivwa.  The  latter,  who  died 
circ.  A.H.  488,  read  also  under  the  traditionist’s  son, 
‘Abd  al-'Aziz,  and  this  clue  to  the  father’s  date  disclosed 
a notice  of  him  in  Dhahabi’s  TJrJch  al-Islam  (B.M.  Or.  48, 
229a  sub  A.H.  392),  which  states  that  he  was  born  A.H.  313, 
and  was  author  of  the  Muruwwa,  Dhahabi  says,  too, 
that  he  read  under  the  traditionist  Alirnad  b.  al-Husain 
al-Istakhri,  ob.  A.H.  336  (B.M,  Or.  48,  231a),  and  under 
Ibrahim  b.  al-Muwallad  al-Rakki,  ob.  A.H.  342  (ib.  256^), 
and  in  the  life  of  Muhammad  b.  ^Ali  al-Madara  i (vizier 
to  Khumarawaih,  died  A.ii.  345)  he  quotes  him  as 
authority  for  al-Madara’i’s  monthly  gifts  of  grain  to 
the  amount  of  100,000  Ritl  (ib.  271®)  — an  instance, 
presumably,  of  Muruwwa. 

In  a note  on  p.  168  M.  Wiet  acknowledges  his  in- 
debtedness to  a brother  Orientalist  for  a statement  about 


THE  KHITAT 


265 


a talismanic  figure  at  Baghdad,  contained  in  the  introductory 
matter  to  Khatih  Baghdadi  (text  ed,  Salmon).  A better 
reference  would  have  been  to  Mr.  Guy  le  Strange’s  Baghdad 
diiring  the  Ahhasdl  Caliphate,  where  Khatib’s  statement 
appears  on  p.  31.  Elsewhere  (p.  45,  n.  26)  M.  Wiet  cites 
this  work.  As  was  indicated  by  its  reviewer  in  the 
Journal,  1901,  p,  351,  it  constitutes,  m reality,  an  edition 
of  Khatib’s  text  and  a translation,  and  that,  again,  worked 
up  into  literary  form.  Salmon’s  text,  which  was  later  in 
date,  was,  in  fact,  not  needed. 

References  occur  also  to  BaihaM’s  Maliasin  wa  Masaivi, 
ed.  Schwally,  on  p.  105,  nn.  10  and  15  ; p.  126,  n.  9 ; and 
p.  171,  n.  5,  and  thevse  imply  no  small  labour  on  Mr.  Wiet’s 
part,  for  that  text  is  without  either  index,  or  indication 
of  contents  beyond  the  bare  headings  of  its  chapters. 

On  p.  93,  n.  11,  is  a mention  of  Said  b.  Jubairs  fairy 
wife  who,  after  bearing  him  children,  disappeared  at  the 
sound  of  her  companions’  voices.  This  pious  Moslem  was 
once  detected  anticipating  the  falcon  who  used  to  rouse 
St.  Francis  of  Assisi  for  prayer  (see  JEAS.,  1906,  p.  869, 
n.  1);  here  he  is  found  anticipating  Mattliew  Arnold’s 
Forsaken  Merman. 

M.  Wiet’s  work  sliows  throughout  evidence  of  wide  and 
•careful  research,  and  it  may,  indeed,  be  que^stioned  whether 
the  indications  of  variants  in  the  notes  are  not  excessive. 
At  any  rate,  in  the  case  of  the  lengthy  quotations  from 
Ibn  'abd  al-Hakam,  where  M.  Wiet  has  corrected  the  text 
of  the  Khitat  by  the  Paris  MSS.  of  that  author’s  work, 
the  variants  in  the  Khitat  MSS.,  some  of  them  immaterial 
and  some  obviously  blunders,  might  have  been  safely 
disregarded. 

The  London  text  of  Ibn  'abd  al-Hakam  (B.M.  Stowe, 
Or.  6),  to  which  M.  Wiet  presumably  had  not  access, 
discloses  some  variants  from  his  text  as  settled  by  the 
Paris  MSS.  These  may  have  interest,  and  I append  sucli 
as  I have  noticed. 


266 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 

For  (79, 1.  5),  (3^  1.  1);  after^  (81, 1.  2) 

add  ii!!  jJ  Jju  (4»,  1.  3) ; after  lzjJU  (ib.,  1.  3) 

add  Jwj  (ib.);  after  lyrjjTj  uXiiXj 

^^yjj  liJi!!  tisUj  ^iu  (ib.,  ].  5) ; for  |_yJ\ 

(82,  ].  7),  i_J1^  (ib.,  1.  8);  read  (93,  1.  10)  OJ 

(3^  1.  .5);  after  (ib.,  I.  ult.)  add^.^.*  i_jjt  L,j 

(ib.,  ].  7):  for  (99, 1. 12),  0\  {2\  I.  11) ; for  J^\ 
(100,  I 4f),  (ib.,  ].  1*7),  named,  Ansdb,  155‘\  1.  15, 

‘Abd  Allah  b.  Yazid,  cf.  Ibn  Hajar,  TahdMb,  vi,  No.  162  : 
after  (ib.  permit.)  add  L::^yj 

(A  (2^  ].  1);  Snyhti’s  reading  (ib.,  n.  6)  confirmed 
(2^  1.  6 a.f.) ; reading  p.  109,  n.  9,  confirmed  (3^  1.  12);, 
reading  of  text^^  (127,  1.  9,  and  n.  11)  confirmed  (20^ 
1.  6 a.f.);  after  Lh^  (129, 1, 1)  add  (19^1.13), 

but  this  should  be  read  see  Tabari,  Index,  Nawawi,. 

687,  1.  4,  and  Ansdh,  386^  1.  8,  s^ib  noiji.;  after 
(ib.,  1.  12)  add  Jb  Je  ’ 

(167,  ].  8)  pointed  thus  (10^  1.  19),  cf.  p.  169,  n.  1. 
Finally,  in  tlie  note  (p.  120,  col.  2)  on  the  Muqauqis  the 
name  in  the  text  of  the  Diwan  al-Insha  should  be 
(25^  marg.) ; it  is  said  also  that  on  Babylon  being 
attacked  by  ‘'Amr  (25A  1.  2),  d lJAjst 

Jou  , and  on  this  a note  on  the  margin  states : 

JA  4!  Jll),  where 

the  name  may  represent  l3apSo4>opo<^,  “ standard-bearer.'’ 

M.  Wiet  will  have  our  best  wishes  in  the  carrying  out 
of  his  important  wmrk. 


H.  F.  A. 


ARABIC  CHEESTOMATHY 


267 


Arabic  CiiRESTOMATfiY.  Selected  passages  from  Arabic 
prose- writers,  with  an  Appendix  containing  some 
specimens  of  ancient  Arabic  poetry.  Witli  a com- 
plete Glossary  by  Ernst  Harder,  Dr.  phil.  pp.  viii 
and  London  and  Heidelberg:  Julius  Gross,  1911. 

There  is  no  lack  of  Arabic  chrestomathies  to  serve  as 
reading-books  for  beginners.  The  above-mentioned  book 
cannot,  liowever,  exactly  be  ranked  among  them,  being 
calculated  for  more  advanced  students.  It  contains 
scarcely  a dozen  pages  of  vocalized  extracts  from  the 
Qoran,  whilst  the  bulk  of  the  work  consists  of  unvocalized 
texts,  and  therefore  presupposes  a fair  knowledge  of 
grammar.  At  tlie  same  time,  it  forms  a kind  of  intro- 
duction to  Arabic  literature  almost  from  its  beginning  down 
to  modern  times.  As  to  comprehensiveness,  it  surpasses 
all  existing  works  of  similar  character,  except  De  Sacy's 
Ohrestoinathie  Arahe,  which  will  always  remain  un- 
rivalled. Qoran  exegesis  is  represented  by  an  extract 
from  Al-Baidawi’s  commentary,  Tradition  by  a chapter  of 
Al-Bokhari’s  Sahih,  and  political  economy  by  a section  of 
the  Mitqaddima  of  Ibn  Khaldun.  The  student  is  intro- 
duced to  the  Fiqh  literature  by  the  preface  of  the  Kitdh 
al-Khdraj  of  Abu  Yusuf  al-Hanati,  one  of  the  oldest 
authorities  in  Moslim  law,  and  further  by  an  extract  from 
the  Gompendkbm  of  Abu  Shuja.  An  excellent  and  very 
needful  opportunity  of  learning  the  method  of  Arab 
grammarians  is  offered  in  the  reproduction  of  the  chapter 
on  the  verb  of  Al-Zamakhsharfs  Mufasml.  This  is 
followed  by  a short  extract  from  the  same  author’s  Golden 
Necklaces,  which  furnishes  an  appropriate  specimen  of 
Adah  literature.  Another  example  is  given  in  the  passages 
of  Al-Meidtoi’s  Book  of  Proverbs.  Geography  is  repre- 
sented by  a lengthy  extract  from  Al-Qazwini’s  Cosmo- 
graphy, and  history  by  Al-Tabari’s  account  of  the  murder 
of  the  Caliph  Omar.  The  next  two  pieces  appear  for  the 
first  time  in  print.  The  one  is  a letter  from  an  Arab  lady 


268 


KOncm  OF  BOOKS 


in  or  near  Fostat,  which,  according  to  the  compiler,  dates 
from  the  second  century  of  the  Hijra.  Tiie  letter  is 
especially  interesting  on  account  of  its  unconventional 
spelling.  Even  assuming  that  the  letter  was  written  by 
a professional  letter-writei*,  he  must  liave  been  a person 
of  education,  and  the  looseness  of  his  orthography  shows 
that  at  this  early  epoch  a certain  relaxation  of  the 
academic  rules  of  the  grammarians  seemed  permissible  for 
private  use.  The  other  document  is  a deed  relating  to  the 
cultivation  of  a field.  A rich  harvest  of  similar  letters 
and  documents  is  waiting  to  be  gathered  in  the  various 
collections,  such  as  the  Cambridge  Genizali  and  elsewhere. 
Many  of  these  documents  are  of  high  historical,  archaeo- 
logical, and  linguistic  value. 

Romantic  literature  is  represented  by  the  story  of  the 
second  journey  of  Sinbad  the  Sailor  and  the  romance  of 
the  Fugitive  Mamluk  by  Jirji  Zeidto  (printed  Cairo 
1891),  the  learned  editor  of  the  journal  Al-HildL  This  is 
followed  by  an  extract  from  the  same  author’s  Geography 
of  Egypt  Quite  a novel  feature  are  the  extracts  from 
modern  periodicals  and  newspapers,  which  give  the 
European  student  an  insight  into  a literature  to  acquire 
which  he  lias  but  few  opportunities  unless  he  has  ample 
leisure  or  makes  them  a special  object  of  study.  These 
extracts  are  particulai^ly  instructive  because  they  give  the 
reader  a fair  notion  of  the  spiritual  life  of  the  educated 
classes  in  the  Arabic  - speaking  East,  of  the  general 
education  in  Egypt  and  the  Sudan,  and,  above  all,  the 
present  status  of  woman.  Several  of  these  articles  are 
drawn  from  ladies’  journals.  The  concluding  pages  are 
filled  with  political  articles  and  essays  of  general  interest, 
local  and  financial  news,  telegrams  and  advertisements. 
In  view  of  this  wealth  of  matter  one  feels  that  the 
compiler  of  the  book  was  right  in  giving  only  a few 
specimens  of  ancient  poetry,  and  for  more  serious  study 
refers  the  student  to . Hoeldeke-Muller’s  Delectus.  It  is, 


SUMERIAN  ORAMMAR  WITH  CHRESTOMATHA 


269 


however,  to  be  regretted  that  he  did  not  give  a few 
.specimens  of  later  poetry  with  their  new  metres,  and  omi 
or  two  miiimsksluilis  and  folk-songs.  A few  literary  and 
perhaps  bibliographical  notes  on  the  authors  put  in 
requisition  would  have  been  welcome.  The  glossary 
attached  to  the  texts  is  concise,  but  seems  quite  full 
enough  for  the  purpose,  and  shows  in  its  small  compass 
the  development  of  the  language  for  modern  needs.  In 
any  case,  the  book  brings  out  very  clearly  that  students 
of  modern  Arabic  must  make  themselves  acquainted  with 
tlie  old,  and  that  no  one  can  acquire  a sound  knowledge 
of  the  vernacular  of  the  educated  classes  without  devoting 
earnest  study  to  the  classical  tongue. 

H.  Hirschfeld. 


A Sumerian  Grammar  with  Chrestomathy,  with  a 
vocabulary  of  tlie  principal  roots  in  Sumerian  and 
a list  of*  the  most  important  syllabic  and  vowel 
transcriptions.  By  Stephen  Langdon,  M.A.,  Ph.D., 
Shillito  Reader  of  Assyriology  and  Comparative 
Semitic  Philology,  Oxford.  310  pp.  (10  x 6J-  inches). 
Paris:  Librarie  Paul  Geuthner,  1911. 

The  author  explains  burner,  the  country  wherein  the 
language  now  known  as  Sumerian  was  spoken,  as  being 
a phonetic  change  of  KI-EN-GIN,  ‘Hhe  land  of  the 
faithful  lord,”  probably  originally  designating  the  region 
of  wdiich  Nippur  was  the  capital.  As  is  well  known,  the 
inventors  of  the  script,  which  developed  into  the  cuneiform 
syllabary  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  were  formerly  called 
Akkadians,  and  it  is  the  late  Professor  Jules  Oppert  who 
first  proposed  the  designation  Sumerians,  which  the  tablets 
indicate  as  the  correct  name.  As  for  the  meaning  of 
Kincji  (more  fully  Kingira),  there  is  much  uncertainty, 
but  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  compilers  of  the  bilingual 
lists  explain  kingi  or  kengi  as  meaning  country  ” (mdtu} 


270 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


fsiioply,  as  well  as  Summ  or  Simmer — in  otljer  words, 
Kiufji  or  Sumer  would  seem  to  liave  been  “ tlie  country  ” 
fi(f/r  vxcelle)hee. 

As  may  1)0  judged  from  the  number  of  images,  tlie  ^^a)rk 
is  very  cosnplete,  and  a great  advance  on  wliat  has  already 
been  pnblislied.  Notewortliy  is  the  fact  tliat  inflection  is 
associated  witli  the  use  of  postfixes  to  express  the  relations 
of  case.  By  inflection  tlie  subject,  object,  adverbial 
accusative,  oblique  case,  locative,  instrumental,  temporal, 
<.itc.,  are  expressed,  and  by  means  of  sufiixes  (postpositions) 
the  dative  (-m,  -m,  -se),  instrumental  {-da),  ablative  {4a), 
etc.  Nevertheless,  even  the  inflections  seem  to  have  had 
a sufficiently  distinct  existence  to  make  it  possible  that 
their  force  as  distinct  particles  was  felt.  Indeed,  this 
seems  not  only  to  be  indicated  by  the  interesting  and 
valuable  text  jiublished  by  tlie  late  G.  Bertin  in  the 
Journal  of  this  Society  (Vol.  XVII,  Pt.  I,  Pis.  I and  II), 
where  certain  of  them  occur  as  infixes  to  the  verbal  forms, 
but  also  in  other  texts.  That  Sumerian  wUs  close  to  the 
borderland  between  postposition  and  inflection,  however, 
seems  to  be  undoubted.  Prepositional  iihrases,  and  even 
prepositions,  also  exist  in  the  inscriptions. 

As  one  who  has  made  the  Sumerian  historical  inscriptions 
a speciality,  the  author  has  quoted  from  sources  not 
generally  used  for  grammatical  purposes  hitherto.  This 
naturally  makes  his  work  especially  valuable,  and  the 
chapters  upon  the  phonology  and  the  nouns  are  especially 
interesting.  The  verbal  forms,  with  their  many  infixes, 
are  well  described,  and  the  analysis  of  the  phrase  which 
they  generally  contain  is  brought  fully  into.  view. 

The  chrestornathy  is  in  transcription  only,  due  doubtless 
not  only  to  the  expense  of  reproducing  cuneiform  texts 
in  the  original  character,  but  also  to  the  extra  space  which 
would  have  been  required.  It  includes  “ Gudea’s  dream  ”, 
an  ''  incantation  to  the  Sun-god  ”,  and  a ''  Song  to  Istar  ”. 
The  ''Selected  Vocabulary  ” will  be  found  very  useful  and 


DIE  KEILIISrSCHBIFTEN  DEE  ACHAMENIDEN 


271 


1 


instructive  to  the  student ; it  occupies  fifty-eight  pages. 
The  list  of  classified  syllables,  ox’,  as  the  author  calls 
it,  List  of  the  most  important  syllabic  and  vowel 
transcriptions/'  might  have  been  made  fuller  in  the  matter 
of  line-forms  and  significations,  even  at  the  risk  of  a little 
repetition  (seldom  a disadvantage  in  a book  intended  for 
students). 

But  it  is  undoubtedly  the  best  book  upon  Sumerian 
grammar  that  has  been  hitherto  issued,  and  full  of 
suggestive  and  instructive  matter  even  for  the  specialist. 

_____  . T.  G,  Pinches;;,:,,. 

Die  Kehanschriften  der  Achameniden,  bearbeitet  von 
P.  H.  Weissbach,  Voi’derasiatische  Bibliothek,  3. 
8 VO.  Leipzig:  Hiniichs,  1910. 

As  pointed  out  in  the  Preface,  this  is  the  first  time  that 
an  attempt  has  been  made  to  present  all  tlmee  versions  of 
the  Persian  trilingual  inscriptions  in  a single  volume. 
It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  name  of  the  author  is 
a guarantee  for  the  thoi^oughness  of  the  work. 

Tlie  introductory  portion,  which  consists  of  eighty-four 
pages,  has  chapters  dealing  with  the  inscriptions,  languages, 
the  systems  of  transcriptions,  and  the  importance  of  the  texts. 
They  were  written  for  Cyrus,  Darius,  Xerxes,  Artaxerxes  I 
and  II,  Cyrus  the  Younger  (?),  and  Artaxerxes  III.  To 
these  are  added  certain  inscinptions  of  undetermined 
origin,  and  the  Babylonian  cylinder  of  Antiochus  Soter 
discovered  by  Rassam  at  Birs  Nimroud. 

The  text  (in  tx'anscription  only)  is  ari*anged  so  that  the 
reader  has  all  the  coiTesponding  portions  of  each  vei'sion 
either  before  his  eyes  or  at  least  close  at  hand,  together 
•with  the  German  translation ; the  left-hand  page  in  each 
case  having  the  Persian  and  Elamite,  and  the  right-hand 
the  Babylonian,  the  rendering,  and  notes  thereon. 

As  one  of  the  specialities  of  one  of  the  most  renowned 
of  the  members  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  Sir  H.  0. 


272 


NOTICES  BOOKS 


Rawlinson,  tliis  book  upon  the  Persian  inscriptions  whicli 
he  studied  is  worthy  of  the  notice  of  all  belonging  to  thi>s 
Society.  His  name  appears  as  one  of  those  who  took 
a prorriinent  part  not  only  in  decipherment,  but  also  in  the 
acquisition  of  material.  The  literature  of  the  subject,  as 
given  by  Dr.  Weissbach,  is  exceedingly  complete,  and  even 
humble  workers  find  a place  therein.  In  consequence  of 
his  many  researches  in  the  various  publications  which 
have  appeared  since  the  texts  were  first  issued,  the  author 
has  been  able  in  many  cases  to  improve  the  readings,  and 
many  additions  to  tlie  material  are  recorded  and  made  use 
of.  Lists  of  the  Persian  and  Elamite  characters,  as  well 
as  an  alphabetical  list  of  proper  names,  add  to  the  value  of 
the  work,  wliich,  however,  might  have  been  the  better  for 
an  index  in  addition  to  the  table  of  contents.  Nevertheless, 
the  book  is  a welcome  addition  to  the  literature  of  the  Old 
Persian  inscriptions,  whose  importance  cannot  be  over- 
estimated ; and  the  author  deserves  the  thanks  of  all  who 
study  or  take  an  interest  in  the  three  languages  treated 
and  used  therein.  T.  G.  Pinches. 


Travels  and  Studies  in  the  Nearer  East.  By 
A.  T.  Olmstead,  B.  B.  Charles,  and  J.  E.  Wrench. 
Vol.  I,  Part  II  : Hittite  Inscriptions.  Cornell 
Expedition  to  Asia  Minor  and  the  Assyro-Babylonian 
Orient,  organized  by  J.  R.  S.  Sterrett.  Ithaca,  New 
York,  1911. 

This  contribution  to  the  work  being  done  in  the  Semitic 
East  is  typical  of  the  immense  interest  which  the  study  of 
Assyriology  has  aroused.  Though  the  authors  have  gone 
over  ground  already  many  times  traversed,  their  methods 
are  so  thorough  that  they  may  be  said  to  furnish  a model 
for  all  future  work  of  the  same  nature.  As  is  well  known, 
rock-cut  inscriptions  are  often  considerably  weathered, 
and  even  when  this  is  not  the  case  they  may  have  been 


TABLETS  FROM  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  BREHEM  273 

(lairiao'ed  hj  the  hand  of  man,  or  by  some  accident. 
The  explorers  belonging  to  the  Cornell  expedition  have 
first  cleaned  the  inscriptions;  then,  having  beaten  in  tiie 
squeeze-paper,  made  a drawing  of  the  same,  and  afterwards 
photographed  tliem  under  tlie  most  favourable  conditions 
whilst  tlie  l^aper  was  still  adliering.  A final  copy  was 
then  in  eacli  case  pjroduced  by  comparing  the  first  copy, 
the  photograph,  and  tiie  squeeze  together.  The  result  has 
been  something  as  perfect  as  it  is  possible  to  produce,  and 
many  improved  readings  have  been  the  result  of  this 
systematic  method  of  securing  trust worth}^  material. 

The  copies  of  inscriptions  are  included  in  the  plates  ”, 
wliieh  number  twenty-seven ; the  photographs  of  sculptures 
and  inscriptions,  with  and  without  squeezes  attached, 
amount  to  forty-five.  The  latter  are  half-tone  blocks,  and 
in  many  cases  seem  to  be  only  moderately  successful.  The 
Ivriz  sculpture,  however,  is  remarkably  good,  the  boldness 
of  tlie  figure  witli  the  bunches  of  grapes  being  very  note- 
worthy. 

The  letterpress  describes  the  monuments,  and  gives 
a statement  of  what  has  hitherto  been  done  on  each. 
Great  credit  is  due  to  Professor  B.  B.  Charles,  who  ivS 
responsible  for  the  copies,  for  liis  part  of  the  work. 

T.  G.  Pinches. 


Tablets  from  the  Archives  of  Drehem,  with  a complete 
account  of  the  origin  of  the  Sumerian  Calendar, 
Translation,  Commentary,  and  23  plates.  By  Stephen 
Langdon,  Shillito  Reader  of  Assyriology  and  Semitic 
Philology,  Oxford.  11-i  x 9 inches.  Paris:  Geuthner, 
1911. 

Drehem  is  described  as  a small  mound  3 miles  south  of 
Nippur,  and  is  quite  a recent  discovery.  It  has  furnished 
a number  of  tablets,  similar  to  some  of  those  found  at 
Nippur  (NifFer)  and  to  the  majority  of  the  records  from 
JKAS.  1912.  ,,  18 


274 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 

hiigixk  (Tol-loli).  Ill  many  cases  these  documents  liavo 
cylinder  sea]-iin},)ressions,  Home  of  them  of  lustorical  and 
ma,ny  of  artistic  interest^  wliilst  those  wliicli  ha\’e 
iiisc'riplitais  ani  sometimes  of  special  value  on  that 
account.  The  seal-impnissions  oil  the  tablets  found  at 
Dreliem  are  omierally  very  fine. 

This  small  work  of  twenty-five  pages  and  twenty-three 
plates  has  translations  or  paraphrases  of  sixty-seven  of 
these  flocuments,  covering  a chronological  period  extending 
from  tlie  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Dungi  to  tlie  tirst  year 
of  Ibe-Sin — about  thirty-one  years — and,  according  to  the 
chronological  system  of  the  autlior,  corresponding  with  the 
period  2413-2382  B.c.  Tlie  earliest  text  (No.  12)  refers  to 
tliree  water-channels,  at  wliich  ten  men  worked  for  sixty 
days,  excavating  in  that  time  3,240  cubic  U (generally 
regarded  as  tlie  ammahb  or  cubit)  in  the  tirst  instance  and 
smaller  sections  in  the  otlier  two.  If  the  character  at  the 
beginning  of  line  0 be  the  tirst  was  tlie  Avater-eourse 
named  after  1) araib’Zida  or  Tammuz,  and  tlie  second  that 
of  Nannar-tirsag.  The  name  of  tlie  field  in  which  they 
were  is  broken  away. 

This,  liowever,  is  one  of  the  more  important  texts  of 
the  collection;  most  of  the  others  refer  to  cattle:  '"The 
contents  of  the  tablets  sliow  that  tlie  Arabs  have  found 
the  records  of  the  cattle  market  of  Nippur  whicli  supplied 
not  only  the  great  temple  of  Enlil  and  his  consort  Ninlil 
with  animals  for  sacrifice  but  the  otlier  temples  of  Nippur 
as  well  Frequent  reference  is  made  to  cattle  and  sheep 
supplied  to  the  city  bakery  e-omt.'' 

An  interesting  account  of  the  names  of  the  months  in 
use  at  the  old  town  of  Dreliem  is  prefixed  to  the  work, 
Mcd-azag-hiir,  the  month  of  the  eating  of  tender  Icids 
fit  for  the  sacrifice,  Aug.-Sept./'  was  the  equivalent 
of  Bar-zag-gar  or  Nisan,  March- April,  in  later  times, 
showing  a backward  movement  of  the  calendar  amounting 
to  five  months.  Evidently  the  Semites  who  wrote 


TABI.KT8  FROM  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  DREHEM 


275 


hi-mirami  for  the  mouth  Taiimitiz  had  completely  for- 
o-otten  that  ^-nnumun  in  Sumerian  means  the  sowing  of 
])arley,  which  occurs  five  months  later.”  Shiftings  of 
iiuli vidua!  monilrs  seem  to  have  taken  place  from  time  to 
time,  so  that  tlie  revolution  in  tlie  calendar  liere  described 
is  possibly  not  so  unlikely  as  it  would  seem. 

Treating  of  the  name  of  the  month  ecpiivalent  with 
I^yar,  which  is  transcribed  by  the  author  as  gur-si-sa,  it 
is  to  be  noted  that  the  Rev.  J.  P.  Way’s  tablet  (Proceedings 
of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Arclimology,  May  2,  1899)  gives 
a m on  til  called  Hi  Gusim,  or  (as  the  inscription  was 
possildy  ]*ead  in  Semitic)  cirah  Giisisi,  “ month  of  Gusisa  ” 
or  ‘‘  Gusisn  ”,  possibly  a Semiticized  form.  This  implies 
that  the  characters  <y?^yi  ought  to  be  read  Gn(cl)- 

si-s<f,  and  suggests  tl  ie  prolmbility  that  the  month -name 
gar-ra-oie-WAtmu  (-onama)  could,  wlien  the  spelling 
admitted  it,  also  be  read  with  gud  as  the  first  element ; 
cf.  the  variants  Gud-du-ne-WAj( rna),  GtLd-fa-^ie-ma( ma ) 
in  Araltersi  Tablets,  vol.  i,  pp.  106,  137;  Thureau-Dangin  s 
llfciieil  de  Tahlettes  Chaldec’UQies,  Nos.  326,  357,  366,  397, 
though  it  is  not  unlikely  that  some  other  explanation  is 
possible.  Another  doubtful  reading  is  that  of  the  third 
month-name,  ezen  ^'^‘ne-gim,  but  with  regard  to  this  it 
seems  not  improbable  that  Western  Asia  Inscriptions, 
vol.  iii,  pi.  li,  No.  8,  where  the  star-name 
*^y.^y  is  glossed  JJssl,  furnishes  the  key,  in  which  case 
Izin-  or  Ezen-Ussi  would  be  the  pronunciation. 

A valuable  contribution,  and  a work  as  suggestive  as 
any  that  Professor  Langdon  has  written. 

T.  G.  Pinches. 

Postscript, — Professor  Langdon  writes  to  me  a correction 
of  his  reading  Ne-ne-nig  ( = the  Semitic  month  Ah),  wdiich, 
according  to  Delaporte’s  4th  Drehem-tablet  in  the  Revue 
T Assyriologie,  vol.  viii,  p.  186,  should  be  Ne-ne-gara, 


276 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


M.  Delaportes  paper  gives  twenty-two  excellently-edited 
textSj  and  has  among  the  four  viceroys  mentioned,  a new 
one,  of  Mai-hasi. 

T.  G.  P. 


The  Progress  of  Japan,  1853-71.  By  J.  H.  Guimixs, 

c.M.a 

Mr.  Giibbins  has  written  an  excellent  book,  indispensable 
to  those  who  wish  to  understand  how  the  Japan  of  1853 
came  to  be  the  Japan  we  know  to-day,  to  emerge  from 
a state  of  isolation  and  obscurity  to  the  position  of  one  of 
the  great  powers  of  the  world,  the  arbitress  possibly  of 
the  destinies  of  the  Far  East.  The  course  of  constitutional 
development  is  clearly  traced,  mainly  from  a Japanese  point 
of  view  and  upon  the  authority  of  Japanese  documents. 
No  book  published  in  any  European  language  treating  of  the 
period  has  adopted  this  plan,  for  few  indeed  are  the  Avriters 
possessed  of  a sufficient  knowledge  of  the  Japanese  language 
to  investigate  the  liistory  of  tlie  time  as  told  by  the 
Japanese  themselves,  especially  of  late  by  the  new  school 
of  Japanese  historical  scholars.  Mr.  Gubbins  has  largely 
removed  the  mystery  that  hung  over  these  years,  especially 
from  1858  to  1868,  and  makes  it  clear  that  the  course  of 
history  was  far  from  being  as  abnormal  as  is  commonly 
supposed.  To  understand  it  a knowledge  of  Constitutional 
Japan  at  the  time  of  Commodore  Perry’s  visit  (1833) 
is  necessary,  and  this  may  be  sufficiently  gathered  from 
Mr.  Gubbins’  pages.  More  important  still  is  the  lucid 
exposition  given  of  the  system  of  combined  abdication  and 
delegation  that  governed  the  whole  administration  from  the 
Emperor  and  Shogun  down  to  a grade  fairly  low  in  the 
hierarchy  of  office,  a system  which,  more  fully  developed 
in  Japan  than  elsewhere,  assured  a certain  stability  of 
form  until  the  change  in  opinion  attained  its  breaking- 
point  after  more  than  two  centuries  of  domination. 

F.  Victor  Dickins. 


DOITS’-BTJXTEN-KYOKWASHO 


277 


Doits'-Buxtex-Kyokwasho.  Deiitsclie  Graiuuiatik  fiir 
Japaner.  Von  A.  Seidel.  Berlin. 

This  is  an  excellent  introduction  to  German  accidence, 
and  in  its  numerous  exercises  and  conversations  furnislies 
a well-chosen  and  extensive  vocabulaiy  and  pliraseology 
which  should  be  extremely  useful  to  the  Japanese  student 
oF  (Jerman,  who  trusts  more  to  memory  than  to  a scientific 
study  of  the  structure  of  a language.  Hence  tlie  absence 
of  paradigms  of  declension  and  conjugation  and  tlie  lack  of 
syntax  will  be  less  felt.  An  introduction  written  in  ji 
and  hand  and  also  in  romaji  gives  a good  account  of  the 
phonetics  and  scripts  of  German,  a matter  of  extreme 
importance  where  sounds  differ  so  mucli  as  between 
German  and  Jax)anese.  Tlie  pronunciation  is  carefully 
figured,  and  on  the  whole  a better  guide  to  its  subject 
within  its  limits  can  hardly  be  conceived.  It  is  interesting 
to  note  the  new  vocabulary  of  Japanese  and  the  modern 
style  of  Japanese  prose  used  in  the  explanatory  parts — 
all  in  romaji — and  the  student  of  Japanese,  English  or 
German,  may  pick  up  a good  deal  of  information  from  tliis 
outcome  of  Dr.  Seidel’s  labours. 

F.  Victor  Dickins. 


WORTERBUCH  DEll  DEUTSCH-JAPAJS’LSCHEN  UmGANGSPRACHE. 

Von  A.  Seidel.  Berlin,  1910,  Markische  Verlagsanstalt. 

In  this  well-arranged,  comfortably  printed  (in  Latin 
characters),  and  copious  volume  of  some  500  pages, 
containing  perhaps  some  30,000  words  and  compounds, 
we  have  another  example  of  Dr.  Seidel’s  industry.  It  is 
refreshing  to  find  the  system  of  spelling  Japanese  words 
devised  by  Hepburn  and  the  English  pioneers  in  Japanese 
adopted,  by  far  the  most  economical  and  congruous  with 
the  language  among  the  various  systems  that  have  been 
proposed.  (The  Japanese  are  engaged,  it  is  said,  in 
constructing  a new  system  of  extreme  complexity.)  Under 


278 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


the  inaiu.  words  a fair  number  of  illustrative  and  idiomatic 
expressions  are  given,  and  a short  grammar  is  prefixcKl, 
whicli  perhaps  Wcis  luirdly  needed,  as  of  little  profit  to 
tliose  wlio  are  likely  to  use  the  dictionary.  A caution 
might  have  been  added  that  hingo  words  (Chinese  origin) 
are  usually  ])ronounc(id  with  a slight  accent  on  th(3  first 
syllable,  cont]*ary  to  the  usual  Japanese  pronunciation, 
nor  is  it  made  clear  that  of  such  words  as  (Chinese)  glen 
each  vowel  is  sepaivitely  pronounced.  There  exist  now 
excellent  dictionaries  of  the  spoken  language,  Freneli- 
Japaaese,  Englisli-Japauese,  and  German- Japanese,  of 
which  Raguets  Fdit  Dlduninaire  is  perhaps  tlie  most 
convenient  in  size  and  arrangement. 

_ _____  F.  Victor  DickIxNS. 

A Year  of  Japanese  Epigrams.  Translated  and  compiled 
by  Wjlliam  N.  Porter.  Illustrated  by  Kazunori 
IsHiBASHf.  Gxford  University  Press,  1911. 

This  is  a very  prettily  got  up  volume  containing  veiy 
prettily  translated  and  illustrated  Japanese  so-called 
epigrams  {lutikai  or  liokku),  arranged  so  as  to  suit  all  the 
days  of  a complete  ■ year.  The  original  text  of  the /io/t7r?7^ 
is  given  in  roman,  and  notes  are  added  on  tlieir  authors 
and  as  elucidations  of  tlieir  meaning.  It  is  best  in  most 
cases  to  leave  tlie  guesses  of  the  commentators  alone,  and 
translate  the  texts  without  additions  or  omissions,  adhering 
to  them  as  closely  as  possible.  Only  in  this  way  can 
their  peculiar  spirit  be  rendered.  But  this  is  not,  at 
least  always,  the  way  chosen  by  Mr,  Porter.  Thus  he 
renders  the  first  epigram,  tori  ^lo  koye  | hana  aru  katae  i 
shi-ho-hai,  “ Let  birds  and  blossoms  pay  | due  homage 
to  the  Emperor  1 upon  eacli  New  Years  Day.'’  This 
is  not  oii]y  a wrong  translation  but  is  mere  bathos.  The 
Emperor,  is  not  mentioned,  nor  is  any  lioinage  paid  to 
him.  The  true  rendering  is:  ''Now  every wliere  ( are 
birds  a- warbling,  flowers  a-showing  | 'tis  New  Years 


HISTOiiY  OF  BENGALI  LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


279 


r^]*ayer/’^  The  allusion  is  to  the  custom  of  the  Emperor  on 
Now  Year's  Ray  pu])]ic]y  invoking  (hai)  the  favour  of  tlie 
{leities  of  th«i  four  quarters  (shiho)  for  the  Lord  of  Japan. 
This,  the  poet  hints,  is  what  the  song  of  lards  and  show 
of  pluin-hlossoms  are  now  doing.  A word  may  lierc  fitly 
he  a<lde<l  to  (^x})]ain  what  these  Jtolim  really  are,  as  an 
immense  amount  of  meaning  is  often  read  ihlo  them  by 
commentators  wliieli  is  not  in  them.  The  older  primitive 
Japanese  were  naga-nkt  oi  ten  to  a hundred  or  mor(^ 
lines — the  longest  I know  has  about  150  lines,  ThevSe 
were  composed  of  alternate  lines  of  five  and  .seven 
syllables  (all  open),  and  a concluding  couphd  of  two  lines 
{‘ach  of  seven  syllables.  Of  ihm  nag(i-vA(jA]\ 

(three  lines)  and  the  conclusion  (two  lines)  were  taken  to 
form  a fanin  of  thirty-one  open  syllables,  and  this  was 
tinally  reduced  to  a consisting  of  th(3  introduction 

only,  iiainely  seventeen  syllables.  Compression  could  no 
further  go,  and  the  art  of  the  /n>Mu6  or  luiiknisld  was 
to  compress  his  meaning  within  this  narrow  compass,  and 
tliere  wtxs  no  external  suggestiveness  ])eyond  wliat  \vas 
necessaril}'  involved  in  the  process  of  condensation  of 
subject  and  expression.  Most  of  tliem  would  be  plain 
eiiougli  to  a fairly  well-educated  Japanese,  or  to  those 
to  wdioin  tliey  were  addressed.  Apart  from  the  difficulty 
of  observance  of  more  or  less  complicated  rules  Jtokkii 
may,  with  n,  little  practice,  be  perpetrated  by  the  score. 

The  History  of  the  Bengali  Language  and  Literature. 
By  Rinesh  Chandra  Sen,  B.A.  Calcutta  : publislied 
by  the  University,  1911. 

This  is  a valuable  contribution  to  tlie  history  of  the 
Bengali  language  and  literature,  and  I wdsb.  I were  more 

^ Or  simply  and  literally  the  singing  of  birds,  the  blossoming  of  the 
side  branches  of  the  plum-tree  (taking  katae  — katayeda),  the  Imperial 
New  Yrear’s  Prayer  {shihohai).  The  three  ideas  are  enunciated,  and  the 
reader  is  left  to  connect  them  as  he  may  choose. 


280 


NOTIGEkS  of  books 

competent  to  review  it  I have  been  asked  to  notice  it,  and 
shall  gladly  make  the  attempt,  but  I Imve  for  so  main^  years 
deserted  Bengali  for  Persian  that  I am  not  able  to  do  the 
work  justice.  It  is  a very  fall  and  interesting  account  of 
ilie  development  of  the  Bengali  language,  and  has  cost  the 
author  much  physical  and  mental  labour,  and  has  even,  we 
are  sorry  to  say,  iidpired  his  health.  Dinesh  Chandra,  who 
was  for  several  years  a schoolmaster  in  Tipperah,  is  an 
enthusiastic  admirer  of  Eastern  Bengal,  wdth  its  noble 
rivers  and  beautiful  garden  - city  - like  villages.  He  is 
a patriot,  without  being  an  intolerant  one,  and  there  is  no 
bitterness  in  his  writings.  It  has  often  been  remarked 
that  classical  Latin  autliors  show  little  feeling  for  Nature. 
Virgil  and  Plorace  are  almost  the  only  ones  among  them 
who  delight  in  natural  scenery.  It  was  on  this  subject 
that  Sir  Archibald  Geikie  delivered  a very  interesting 
address  to  the  Classical  Association  a few  years  ago. 
No  such  charge  can  be  brought  against  Sanskrit  or 
Bengali  autliors,  nor,  as  far  as  can  be  judged  from  the 
romance  of  The  Two  Fair  Cousim,  does  it  apply  to 
Chinese  writers.  Indeed,  all  Oriental  poets  seem  to  delight 
in  descriptions  of  scenery  and  of  flowers.  Dinesh  Chandra 
shares  these  feelings,  and  as  he  has  a power  of  picturesque 
writing  his  descriptions  are  often  eloquent.  Chap,  vi, 
p.  692,  on  The  Poetry  of  Rural  Bengal  ”,  is  a striking 
instance  of  this  faculty. 

The  subject  of  the  Bengali  language  and  literature  has 
been  little  noticed  by  English  writers.  Tim  articles  in 
the  EncyclopcBdia  Britaiinica  and  the  hiclia  Gazetteer, 
vols.  ii  and  vii,  are  somewhat  meagre,  though  the  latter 
^vovk  has  the  merit  of  calling  attention  to  Dinesh  Chandra’s 
Bengali  work  on  the  subject.  The  accomplished  writer 
(Dr.  Grierson)  of  the  notice  in  voL  vii  of  the  Gazetteer,  p.  434, 
says  that  “Dinesh  Chandra’s  Banga  Bhasha  o Sahitya 
is  one  of  the  few  works  of  serious  research  on  European 
lines  which  has  issued  from  a modern  Indian  Press”. 


HISTORY  OF  BENGALI  LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE  281 


The  volume  by  Dinesh  Chandra  under  review  does  not 
profess  to  be  a complete,  history  o£  Bengali  literature. 
It  ends  at  1850,  so  that  there  is  little  or  no  notice  in  it  of 
Bengali  literature  of  the  present  day,  and  nothing  is  said 
about  existing  newspapers.^  Perliaps,  like  Horace,  he  was 
afraid  of  treading  on  smouldering  lava.  I hope,  however, 
that  he  will  some  day  have  the  strength,  to  give  a second 
volume  of  lectures  (the  form  wliich  his  book  originally 
took),  dealing  with  the  literature  of  the  day.  What  he 
has  done  in  the  present  volume  is  to  trace  the  rise  of  the 
Bengali  language,  and  to  analyse  its  early  literature. 
It  will  proljably  be  a surprise  to  Anglo-Indians  to  learn 
how  old  the  Bengali  language  is,  and  how  much  has  been 
done,  and  is  still  doing,  in  the  way  of  collecting  early 
Bengali  manuscripts.'^  The  common  impression  seems  to 
be  that  Bengali  is  tlie  product  of  the  last  centiiiy,  but 
Dinesh  Chandra  has  shown  that  there  are  Bengali 
compositions  as  old  as  the  fifteenth  century,  and  even 
earlier.  Apparently,  this  fact  was  unknown  even  to 
Bengalis  sixty  years  ago,  for  Babu  liar  Chandra  Dutt, 
in  an  article  in  the  Calcutta  Review  for  January,  1852,  on 
Bengali  poetry,  tells  his  readers  that  tlie  oldest  Bengali 
poem  extant  is  the  Chanda  of  Kabikankan,  and  he  adds  in 
a note  that  Kabikankan  (i\lukunda  Ram)  and  Bliarat 
Chandra  were  contemporaries  and  lived  in  the  time  of 
Rajah  Krishna  Chandra  of  Nadiya,  that  is,  in  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century  ! 

The  earliest  Bengali  poems  are  either  translations  from 
the  Sanskrit  or  are  religious  verses,  and  apparently  they 
are  without  literary  value.  Perhaps  the  most  interesting 
of  the  latter  class  of  compositions  is  the  ballad-cycle  about 
the  Snake-goddess,  Manasa  Devi.  As  Dinesh  Chandra 

^ There  is  a valuable  article  on  early  Bengali  literature  and  newspapers 
by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Long  in  the  Calcutta  lltvlew  for  January,  1850. 

- See  an  interesting  article  by  Mr.  J.  0.  Anderson,  in  our  Journal  for 
April  last,  on  the  origin  of  Bengali,  in  which  attention  is  called  to  the 
work  being  done  by  Bengalis  in  the  investigation  of  their  native  speech. 


282 


NOTICED?  OF  JiOOKS 


reiiiarks,  tlia  respect  for  Manasa  Devi,  in  the  lower 

Ganu'vtic  \'alley,  is  a natural  feeling. 

Tlie  plains  of  Bengal,  especially  the  portions  adjoining  the 
sea,  are  infe>sted  ^vitli  snakes,  and  deaths  IVom  sna,ke-l)ite  during 
tlie  ra/iuy  season  liecorne  so  eoniinon  as  to  cause  considerable 
alarm  to  tlie  ])eo])le.  'the  cottages  of  the  jioor  vilhigers  offer 
no  ])roteetion  to  ihmi  from  the  venomous  enemy,  and  when 
the  floods  come  upon  the  mud-hovels  and  thatched  roofs,  snakes 
and  other  waiomoiis  reptiles  take  shelter  there,  and  are  not 
infixsjuently  discovered  bidden  in  beds  or  coiled  up  in  pitchers 
or  other  liouseliold  ntensils.  The  ])Oor  peo}>le  have  no  means  of 
cutting  down  the  jungles  and  keeping  the  ^'illage-paths  clear. 
In  their  utter  helplessness  they  are  driven  to  take  refuge  in  God. 
Th(3  God  of  tlie  snakes  is  also  the  God  of  men,  and  by  propitiating 
Him  they  hope  to  avert  the  danger  with  which,  unaided,  the>^ 
cannot  cope.  A consolation  comes  to  them  surely,  when  thus 
resigiUKl  to  His  mercy.” 

It  accords  with  this  view  that  the  rains  are  the  special 
season  for  Alanasa  - worship.  Wliatever  might  tend  to 
propitiate  so  dread  a goddess  was  sure  to  appeal  to  the 
business  and  1x>soms”  of  the  poor  ryots  of  Eastern  Bengal. 
The  tiger  \vas  less  dreaded,  foi*  he  was  chiefly  destructive 
to  cattle.  The  earliest  writer  on  Manasil  appears  to  be 
Hari  Datta,  a blind,  or  at  least  a one-eyed  man,  and  a 
resident  in  the  great  eastern  district  of  Mymensing.  Dinesh 
Chandra  supposes  him  to  be  as  early  as  tlie  twelftli  century, 
but  tliere  seems  to  be  no  ground  for  tliis  view  beyond  the 
fact  that  lie  preceded  by  some  iengtli  of  time  Vijaya  Gupta, 
who  lielongs  to  tlie  fifteenth  centiny,  and  was  also  a native 
of  Eastern  Bengal.  Dinesh  Chandra  says  tliat  Vijaya 
Gupta  s village  is  in  tlie  district  of  Bakarganj,  but  I suspect 
that  it  is  now  in  Faridpur,  for  it  is  part  of  the  village  of 
Gaila,  whicli  is  situated  in  the  pargana  of  Kotwalipara, 
and  in  the  midst  of  a veiy  sW'ampy  country.  It  was,  and 
perhaps  still  is,  the  abode  of  many  pundits.  At  least  two 
other  natives  of  Alymensing,  besides  Hari  Datta,  wrote 
poems  about  Manasa  Devi.  One  Narayan  Deva,  who- 


HISTORY  OF  iffixXGALl  LANGUAGE  AND  LITEHATURE  28^^ 


was  a eoiitoiaporaiy  of  Vijaya  Gupta,  and  wliose  bonie  Wcis 
in  wliat  is  now  tlie  subdivision  of  Kislion^ganJ  ; tlio  otlnu* 
was  Raja!)  Raj  Sin^’b,  wl)o,  apparently,  IxJongcd  to  tbo 
family  of  tlic  Susang  Ra jabs,  and  who  lived  about  ] 25  yeaj's 
ago  (p.  292),  Dineslii  Cbandralias  given  (pp.  257  and  282) 
tb<3  story  of  Bebula.,  tlie  daugditor-in-law  of  tlic  famous 
Gband  Swadagur,  who  laid  refused  to  worship  ilanasa 
Devi.  With  all  its  extravagance,  it  is  an  atiecting  tale  of 
wifely  fidelity,  and  has  drawn  tears  from  generations  of 
Bengali  men  and  women. 

Apparently,  the  greatest  of  the  po<‘ts  of  Bengal  is 

Mukunda  Ram,  known  as  Kabikankan,  that  is,  the  jewtd 
of  [)oefs.'‘’  He  belongs  to  the  district  of  Bardwan,  and 
lived  in  the  sixteenth  e{aitury  in  the  time  of  Rajah  Man 
Singli.  Ijike  all  Eastern  poets,  lui  seems  to  Ih'ive  written 
too  iiiucb,  for  he  lias  left  25,000  lines.  ]5irt  of  bis  work 
has  bad  the  advantage  of  having  been  traiislated  into 
English  ’'rerse  b^y  the  late  Professor  Cowell,^  who  has 
compared  him  to  Crabbe.  This  is  on  account  of  bis 
realism.  It  follows  tliat  i\Iukunda  Rands  poems  cannot  be 
altogether  |)leasant  i*eading,  and  Diiiesb  Chandra  admits 
tliis,  saying  that  “Through  all  the  romance  of  the 
situations  he  creates,  there  rises  a sound  of  woe,  a deep, 
pathetic  tone  and  a murmur  of  grief  and  wailing,  and 
a gloomy  effect  is  left  on  the  mind  of  the  reader*’.  It  is 
characteristic  of  the  Hindu  mind,  at  least  of  the  former 
generation,  that  Dinesh  Chandra  should  add  that  the 
redeeming  feature  of  Mukunda’s  poetry  is  the  feeling  of 
absolute  resignation  to  the  Deity  tvhicl)  pervades  the 
poem.  It  is  this  resignation,  or  fatalism,  whicli  has 
been  the  curse  of  Bengal,  and  which  has,  we  fear,  its  root 
in  cowardice,  oi-,  at  least,  in  the  lethargy  and  feebleness 
produced  by  an  ener\'ating  climate.  Long  ago  the  Emperor 
Humayun,  who  was  a Bengali  at  heart,  felt  the  sweet 

^ His  translation  of  three  episodes  from  Chandi  appeared  in  the 
JA8B.  for  vol.  Ixxi. 


284 


mriCEB  OF  BOOKS 


poison  of  the  soft  air  of  Gaur,  and  gave  the  country  the 
tnune  of  Jinnatabad,  or  the  Paradise  of  Countries.  The 
c<.)ntemporaries  of  Ibn  Batuta  were  more  discerning,  aiid 
called  India  a “ Idissfiil  liell  It  was  the  climate  of 
Bengal,  a.nd  tlie  teaching  of  Buddhism,  tliat  lias  made 
Bengalis  liope  to  get  rid  of  snakes  ly  Inunns  and  an 
imagimiry  goddess,  instead  of  cutting  down  jungle  and 
keeping  nigh t-liglits  in  their  cottages. 

Dinesli  Chandra  devotes  many  pages  to  an  account  of 
Cluiitanya.  This  remarkable  man  was  oidy  a year  or  two 
younger  than  l\Iartin  Luther.^  Botli ' were  religious 
reformers,  but  with  what  different  results  ! Chaitanya 
was  a dreamer  and  more  akin  to  George  Fox  tlian  to 
Lutlier.  He  abandoned  lii's  wife  and  his  household 
duties,  and  liis  head  was  always  in  tlie  clouds.  If  he  did 
not  actually  commit  suicide/  lie  certainly  attempted  to 
<lrown  himself.  I am  not  sure  if  he  really  lielped  tlie 
world.  On  tlie  (jiher  hand,  Luther  broke  the  bonds  of 
Rome,  and  laid  tlie  foundations  of  the  German  language 
by  his  translation  of  the  Bible.  It  does  not  appear  that 
Chaitanya  or  his  followers  did  anything  comparable  to  tliis 
for  tlie  development  of  Bengali. 

It  is  pleasant  to  see  tliat  Dinesh  Chandra  does  justice  to 
Dr.  Carey  and  to  Rajah  Ram  Mohan  Roy.  This  great 
man  began  life  as  an  omlah  in  Rungpore,  a fact  whicli 
slionld  be  an  encouragement  to  Bengali  keranis.  He  was 
Dewan,  or  Serishtadar,  in  tlie  Colleetorate  there,  and  was 
highly  esteemed  by  Iiis  superior,  Mr.  Digby.  (See  Kissory 
Chand  Hitter’s  article  in  the  Calcutta  lieu  lew  of 

^ This  is  pointed  out  by  the  Rev.  Lai  Behari  Dey  in  an  excellent 
article  on  Chaitanya  and  the  Vaishnavas  in  the  Cahutfa  Beriew  for 
January,  18J1.  At  p.  7G9  Dinesh  Chandra  appears  not  to  he  altogether 
just  to  Lai  Behari,  and  to  underrate  his  knowledge  of  Bengali  lioines. 

- Dinesh  Chandra  says,  p.- 472,  that  Ghaitanya'Charif.a-mrifii  does 
not  say  how  Chaitan^’-a  died;  but  according  to  Lai  Behari  Dey,  Krishna 
Das,  the  author  of  the  book,  ends  with  a description  of  Chaitanya’s 
being  brought  ashore  a corpse.  His  revival  on  the  beach  is  no  doubt 
as  fictitious  as  the  Sikh  story  about, the  escape  of  Arjun. 


LE  MODERNISME  BOUDDHISTE 


285 


December,  1845.)  Jacqiiemoiit,  the  French  naturalist  and 
traveller,  describes  an  interview  that  he  had  with.  Ram 
Mohan  in  one  of  the  volumes  of  his  Voyage  dans  V 'huh\ 
Paris,  1841.  Ram  Mohan  Roy  was  enabled  to  \isit 
Ent^land  iw  tbt3  patronage  of  the  King  of  Onde,  and  to 
him  also  he  owed  his  title  of  Rajah.  Let  it  be  recorded 
to  the  lionoiir  of  the  Onde  dynasty  that  it  enabled  Ram 
Mohan  to  visit  England,  and  that  it  put  upon  the  Gumti 
the  first  river-steamer  in  India  I 

At  p.  982  of  Dinesh  Chandra’s  work  there  is  a most 
interesting  account  of  a sati,  extracted  from  a book  by 
Mr.  Buck  land.  It  is  astomiding  to  think  that  a man  who 
was  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Bengal  in  and  after  the 
Mutiny,  and  who  died  near  the  end  of  1901,  should  have, 
as  the  Magistrate  of  Hooghly,  suj^erintended  a sati,  and 
have  seen  a woman  stand  the  test  wliich  has  made  famous 
Mutius  Scf-Bvola, 

There  are  a good  many  misprints  in  Dinesl.i  Chandra’s 
book,  but  liardly  any  of  them  is  likely  to  cause  difficulty. 
The  most  important  one  that  I have  noticed,  and  which 
probably  was  not  altogether  a printer’s  error,  is  at  p.  624, 
where  Alaol  is  said  to  have  translated  the  Persian  poem 
Hastapaihdr  of  Nizami  Gaznavi.  This  is  a mistake  for 
the  Haft  Faikar  of  Nizami  of  Ganj,  the  modern 
Elizabetpol. 

H.  Beveridge. 


Le  MoDERNISME  BOUDDHISTE  ET  LE  BOUDDHISME  DU 
Bouddha.  Par  Alexandjia  David,  pp.  280.  Paris  : 
F.  Alcan,  1911. 

This  work,  written  with  lucid  simplicity  and  directness 
of  style,  and  in  a spirit  of  sympathy  combined  with 
disinterestedness,  claims  to  fill  a gap  in  French  literature 
which  cannot  be  said  to  exist  in  all  the  literatures  of 
to-day.  The  author  laments  the  want  of  popular  manuals 
by  French  Orientalists  on  Vedtotism,  Buddhism,  and 


28() 


NOTICES  or  BOOKS 


otJicr  ancient  yiti  living  phases  of  Aryan  religion  and 
])hiiosopiiy.  Slic  reminds  us  that  among  the  iutclleetua] 
classes  in  India  there  exists  a Vedantist  3Ioderuism, 
ciomluting  its  publications  by  thousands,  a.nd,  in  tin* 
Furlher  East,  a Buddhist  Modernism  witli  a.  \’^ast  pro- 
gramme of  reform  and  of  propaganda,  wliich  may  end  l)y 
dwarfing  tlie  extent  of  tlie  movement  identified  wdtli 
Martin  Luther.  Tout  cela,”  she  contends,  c est  de 
bhistoire  eontcmiporaine  . . . cependant  Jioiis  rignoruns.” 
And  frank  and  free  of  speecli  in  front  of  our  cherished 
shrines,  like  Cromwell  and  his  ''  Take  away  tliat  bauble  ”, 
she  arraigns  our  culture  for  still  confining  the  horizon 
of  the  young  person  to  tbe  Greeks : ‘‘  si  pales  a cott^ 
des  penseurs  hindous  0 upright  judge ! ”],  et  dont  les 
systemes  et  les  theories  s’ecartent  taut,  le  plus  sou  vent, 
de  nos  conceptions  modernes,”  when  “in  India  we  have 
a living  teaching  near  to  the  science  of  to-day,  and  even 
to  that  of  to-morrow.” 

As  a makeshift  for  the  unwritten  Ijocks  tliat  should 
minister  to  the  needs  of  the  busy  laity  and  the  studious 
youth,  she  luis  compiled  a quite  excellent  exposition,  from 
tlie  German  and  English  liandbooks  that  liave  been 
written,  and  from  translations  of  what  our  German  neo- 
Buddhist  friends  call  Pali-Buddhism  — no  bad  term  for 
Thera vada.  For  a writer  at  second  hand  the  exposition 
is  illustrated  by  a more  conscientious  selection  of  references 
than  is  often  the  case  in  such  works.  Mine  David  sees 
ill  the  Pitakas  tlie  oldest  sources  known  to  us;  and  she 
confines  herself  to  them  and  to  the  all  but  canonical 
Milinda.  In  an  Appendix  containing  quotations  .from 
a miscellaneous  collection,  no  discrimination  in  chronology 
is  made.  But  for  this  negative  defect,  which  here  cannot 
prove  very  misleading,  the  modern  Rangoon  brochure  from 
which  slie  quotes,  is  responsible. 

Tlie  closing  chapter  on  “deux  problemes  contemporains ” 
discusses  briefly  the  attitude  of  Buddhism  towards  women 


imAHMANAIC  SYSTEMS  OP  KELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY  287 


and  towards  the  social  question.  Mine  David  is  now 
carrying  out  au  inquiry,  commissioned  by  the  French 
Minister  of  Public  Instruction,  into  philosophical  and 
religious  movements  in  the  East.  She  combines  in  a high 
depTee  an  interest  isi  the  growth  and  decau'  of  I'oligious 
beliefs  witli,  a desire  to  make  such,  perspectives  a living 
force  in  the  present  evolution  of  liuman  culture.  AVe  have 
mucli  to  look  forward  to,  should  she  publish  the  results  of 

G.  A.  F.  Rhys  Davids. 


The  ]jiL-\H?iiANvviG  Systems  of  Eeligion  and  Philosophy. 

Py  M.  T.  Narasimhiengau.  Madras,  1911. 

In  this  paper  the  author  essays  the  task  of  presenting 

ii  summary  conspectus  of  the  three  great  systems  of  the 

\"tManta,  ^dz.  the  Advaita,  the  Dvaita,  and  the  Ah\sistad\'aita. 

.He  rightly  recognizes  at  tlie  outset  that  the  fundamental 

ideas  of  all  the  three  schools  are  already  inqdicit  in  the 

Upanishads,  and  then  he  passes  on  to  give  an  epitome  of 

the  systems  as  formulated  by  Sankara,  Erimanuja,  and 

Madhva  respectively^  coneluding  with  a brief  comparison 

of  their  chief  points  of  likeness  and  unlikeness.  The  essay, 

tliougii  summary  and  sometimes  open  to  criticism  (especially 

in  liis  attempt  to  minimize  the  radical  differences  between 

the  idealistic  Advaita  and  its  opponents),  is  thoughtful  and 

well  deserving  of  studv. 

^ L.  D.  B. 


Catalogue  of  Malay  Manuscripts  and  Manuscripts 

RELATING  TO  THE  MaLAY  LANGUAGE  IN  THE  BODLEIAN 

Lirrary.  By  Eichard  Greentree,  B.A.,  and 
Edward  Williams  Byron  Nicholson,  M.A.  Oxford  : 
Clarendon  Press,  1910. 

This  catalogue  includes  only  a dozen  works,  comprising 
two  prose  romances,  a poem,  a treatise  on  divination,  four 
letters,  a dictionary,  and  three  grammars.  But  the  value 


288 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


of  the  collection  is  high,  for  five  of  the  items  date  from  the 
♦airly  years  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  four  from  the 
seexmcl  half  of  the  same.  Now  for  obvious  climatic  and 
other  reasons  ancient  llalay  MSS.  arc  extremely  scarce  : 
you  might  scour  tlie  East  to-morrow  witliout  finding  one 
tluit  was  three  centuries  old.  (3xford,  Cambridge,  and 
two  or  three  Continental  libraries  contain  the  few  that 
have  survived  from  tliat  early  period.  Tlje  matter  is  of 
interest  and  importance,  because  these  old  MSS.  come 
down  to  us  straight  from  the  golden  age  of  Malay 
literature,  and  tliey  embody  the  spelling  of  the  period, 
which  is  ill  many  respects  different  from  the  spelling  of 
to-day. 

It  was  tlierefore  well  worth  while  to  catalogue  the  little 
Oxford  collection.  But  I cannot  quite  agree  with  the 
reasons  Mr.  Niclioison’vS  preface  urges  in  support  of  this 
praiseworthy  undertaking.  They  are,  first,  that  ‘Hhe 
opportunities  ...  of  acquiring  . . . Malay  MSS.  are  so 
rare  that  a delay  of  centuries  might  not  have  seen  any 
considerable  increase  in  their  number  ” in  the  Bodleian  : 
and  secondly  tliat  ‘‘the  chances  ...  of  obtaining  a 
competent  cataloguer  for  them  are  likewise  so  rare  that 
it  was  well  to  seize  the  . . . opportunity of  securing 
Mr.  Greentree’s  services  in  that  capacity.  I must,  witli 
great  respect,  observe  that  these  statements  seem  to 
illustrate  a certain  aloofness  wliich  has  sometiixies  been 
charged  against  the  academic  mind.  If  the  Bodleian 
desired  to  add  to  its  collection  of  old  Malay  MSS.  a 
number  of  modern  ones,  it  could  easily  have  done  so  at 
a very  moderate  cost  by  invoking  the  aid  of  the  Govern- 
ments of  tlie  Straits  Settlements  and  Federated  Malay 
States  through  the  Colonial  Office.  Moreover,  it  could 
with  equal  ease  have  found  half  a dozen  competent 
:*ataloguers  for  them  among  Malay  scholars  residing 
permanently  in  this  country  or  visiting  it  for  long  periods 
M furlough. 


MAtAt  MANUSCRIPTS 


289 


However,  I do  not  mean  to  suggest  that  the  work  has 
not  been  properly  done.  On  the  whole  the  catalogue  is 
a creditable  performance,  both  in  externals  and  in  contents. 
So  far  as  the  former  are  concerned,  it  could  hardly  indeed 
be  surpassed.  We  are  given  excellent  plates  illustrating 
the  calligraphy  and  ornamentation  of  the  several  MSS., 
and  the  general  get-up  of  the  book  is  quite  up  to  the  high 
level  of  the  Clarendon  Press.  As  for  the  essence  of  the 
work,  the  descriptions  are  good  and  much  technical 
knowledge  of  watermarks  has  been  applied  towards  the 
determination  of  the  dates  of  the  MSS.  The  few  criticisms 
I have  to  make  concern  matters  of  detail  of  secondary 
importance.  I am  at  a loss  to  understand  the  principle 
of  transliteration  adopted  for  the  rendering  of  Malay 
extracts.  It  does  not  appear  to  coincide  with  any 
recognized  system,  nor  is  it  explained.  The  use  of  vowels 
with  the  mark  of  length  (”)  may,  I suppose,  be  juvStified  by 
special  reasons,  but  is  not  strictly  in  accordance  with  the 
real  phonetic  cliaracter  of  the  language,  or  the  usual 
practice.  The  use  of  e for  the  indeterminate  vowel 
(usually  written  e)  is  a mere  convention,  but  the  convention 
should  have  been  noted  and  explained.  I see  no  real 
advantage  in  these  departures  from  the  generally  recog- 
nized system  of  orthography.  And  there  are  a good  many 
others.  Spellings  like  'amnr,  and  temat  seem  to 

me  to  be  neither  Arabic  nor  Malay,  neither  literal  nor 
phonetid.  Bakuas-nia  (for  bahwa-sanya  or  -senya)  is 
downright  wrong,  and  so  is  pertuah  (for  pertuha,  modern 
pertiia). 

One  or  two . renderings  and  readings  are  also  open  to 
criticism.  I take  the  title  of  the  book  on  divination  to  be 
kitdb  rmnal,  not  ramali.  The  former  is  the  usual  term, 
and  besides,  there  is  no  trace  of  a vowel  point  (kesrah)  or 
dots  under  the  final  letter,  and  there  is  a dot,  probably 
meant  for  suktln,  over  it.  The  account  given  of  this  work 
in  the  catalogue  says  that  it  was  written  at  the  order  of 
jRAs.  1912.  19 


290 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


the  Sultan,  the  Pengiran  Ratii  of  Palembani  Where 
Palembaiii  ” is  to  be  looked  for  is  not  explained:  and, 
in  fact,  there  is  no  such,  place.  The  original  says  (lari- 
pada  surok  ibnu  (or  ihni)  'UstiUanl  Pangeraib  liatu 
neyeri  Falemhdni,  i.e.  by  the  order  of  a king’s  son,  the 
Pangeran  Ratu  of  Palenibang  The  Pangeran  Ratu  was 
probably  one  of  the  princes  of  the  reigning  house,  very 
likely  the  heir  apparent,  and  Palembani  is  a quasi-Arabic 
adjective,  admissible  in  poetic  diction.  The  spelling 
Pengiran  cannot  be  supported  either  on  phonetic  or 
etymological  grounds. 

These  are  minor  details,  but  the  catalogue  was  prepared 
as  long  ago  as  1905.  Since  then  Mr.  Greentree’s  health 
has  unfortunately  broken  down,  and  he  has  been  unable  to 
revise  the  proofs : had  lie  had  the  opportunity,  he  would 
probably  have  corrected  some  of  these  slips.  But  it  is 
rather  a pity  that,  failing  such  revision  by  the  author,  the 
duty  of  seeing  the  little  book  through  the  press  was  not 
entrusted  to  some  otlier  Malay  scholar, 

_____  C.  0.  Blagden. 

Oeiens  Christianus  : Halbjahrshefte  fur  die  Kunde  des 
Christlichen  Orients.  Herausgegeben  von  Dr.  A. 
Baumstaek.  Neue  Serie,  Erster  Band,  Heft  i. 
Leipzig:  Otto  Harrassowitz,  1911. 

We  welcome  the  reappearance  of  this  half-yearly  Review, 
which,  after  having  been  for  some  time  in  abeyance,  has 
made  a fresh  start  under  the  auspices  of  the  Gorres 
Society  and  the  editorship  of  Dr.  Baumstark.  The  Review 
is  divided  into  three  sections,  the  first  of  which  deals 
with  the  publication  and  criticism  of  original  texts, 
the  second  consists  of  original  essays,  and  the  third 
contains  miscellaneous  matter  and  elaborate  book-notices. 
Dr.  Baumstark’s  essay  on  the  Peregrinatio  Aetherice, 
or,  as  it  used  formerly  to  be  called,  the  Peregrinatio 
Silvice,  is  the  most  elaborate  and  important  contribution 


OEIEHS  CHBISTIANX7S  291 

to  the  present  number.  The  travelKS  of  this  lady  pilgrim 
from  Spain  (or  perhaps  Southern  Gaul),  who  visited  the 
Holy  Land  and  Edessa  some  time  between  363  and  540  A.D:, 
are  of  great  importance  in  the  determination  of  many 
liturgical  and  topographical  questions.  Dr.  Baum  stark 
essays  to  determine  her  date  more  exactly  ; lie  thinks  it 
can  be  sliown  that  she  spent  the  three  years  383-5  A.D. 
in  Palestine,  which  is  pretty  nearly  the  date  assigned  to 
her  by  the  late  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  Dr.  Wordsworth,  if 
we  remember  right.  Professor  J.  Strzygowski  discusses 
the  sacred  figures  (Daniel  and  the  lions,  etc.)  on  a broken 
ivory  comb  from  the  smoimi  Hijpporegiios  in  Algeria; 
and  Monsignor  Kaufmann  refutes  Wiedemann’s  contention 
tliat  St.  Menas  was  merely  a Christian  adaptation  of 
Horus-Harpocrates.  A short  paper  on  the  position  of 
the  first  Koman  post-station  from  Jerusalem  completes  the 
list  of  original  essays. 

In  the  first  section  of  tlie  Review  Professor  Ignazio 
Guidi  publishes  two  ancient  Ethiopic  prayers  for  the 
dead  from  the  Mashafa  Genzat,  the  Abyssinian  ritual 
for  the  dead,  which  corresponds  with  the  Coptic 
niXCJOJUL  ft’Te  , and  he  compares  them  with 

very  similar  prayers  in  the  Greek  euchologion  and  the 
sacramentary  of  Serapion.  Professor  Guidi  has  apparently 
forgotten  that  these  prayers,  with  some  variations,  have 
already  been  published  by  the  Rev.  G.  Horner  in  his 
Ethio2nc  Statutes  of  the  Apostles,'^  one  of  the  most 
important  contributions  to  Ethiopic  and  liturgical  studies 
that  have  appeared  in  England  of  recent  years.  We  give 
the  first  prayer  quoted  by  Professor  Guidi  in  extenso, 
with  the  corresponding  passages  from  the  Statutes  of 
the  Apostles,  p.  229.  The  passages  of  the  latter  which 

^ The  Statutes  of  (he  Apostles  or  €ano7ie8  Ecclesiastici,  edited,  with 
translation  and  collation  from  Ethiopic  and  Arabic  MSS.,  also 
a translation  of  the  Saidic  and  collation  of  the  Bohairic  versions,  by 
Rev.  G.  Horner.  London,  1904. 


292 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


we  liave  omitted  will  be  found,  with  slight  variations,  in 
the  second  prayer  quoted  by  Professor  Guidi : Itemque 
oramus  omnipotentem  Deum,  Patrem  Domini  nostri  et 
Salvatoris  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  pro  fratribus  nostris  qiii 
obdorraierunt,  ut  requiescere  facias  animam  servi  tiii  . . . 
in  loco  herbido  prope  aquas  quietis,  in  sinu  Abraham, 
Isaac,  et  Jacob,  in  paradise  voluj^tatis,  cum  sanctis  tuis 
omnibus.  Corpus  vero  suscita  die  quam  constituisti, 
secundum  sanctam  promissionem  tuam,  qum  mendax  non 
reperitur;  assigna  ei  regiiiim  cmleste  . . . dum  largiris 
transitum  animarum  eorum  liberum  sine  impedimento  vel 
dolore.'*'  The  corresponding  passage  in  the  Statutes  of 
the  A'postles  runs  thus : “ And  again  we  beseech  thee, 
Almighty  God,  tlie  Father,  etc.  . . . for  those  who  have 
fallen  asleep  . . . and  for  the  soul  of  thy  servant  N . . . 
Give  rest  to  their  soul  in  the  place  of  pasturage,  by  the 
water  of  rest,  in  tlie  bosom  of  Abreham,  Yeshak,  and 
Ya‘cob,  in  the  garden  of  joy  . . . having  united  them 
with  thy  holy  ones.  And  raise  up  their  body  in  the  day 
which  Thou  hast  appointed,  according  to  Thy  holy  promise 
of  Thy  heavenly  kingdom  . . . Do  Thou  grant  passings 
to  their  soul  freely,  without  hindrance,'’ 

This  section  contains  two  other  articles,  the  first  on 
Greek  and  Hebrew  quotations  from  the  Pentateuch,  by 
a Nestorian  commentator  of  the  ninth  century  ; the  other 
on  the  Aimienian  version  of  the  Prologus  to  Job,  by 
Julian  of  Halikarnassus,  also  known  as  Julianus  Episcopus 
Alexandrinus.  The  original  Greek  w^as  at  first  ascribed 
to  Origen,  or  Pseudo-Origen,  but  the  question  of  authorship 
appears  to  be  clearly  decided  by  this  Armenian  version. 
For  the  first  of  these  articles  Professor  Baumstark  is 
responsible,  for  the  second  P.  P.  Forhat. 

Looking  at  the  Review  as  a whole,  we  regret  that  the 
number  of  contributors  to  this,  the  first  of  the  series,  is  so 
limited,  and  we  hope  that  in  future  the  Editor  will  be  able 
to  obtain  more  ample  assistance  from  his  collaborateurs. 


NOl’ES  OF  THE  QUARTER 

{Octo])er,  November,  December,  1911.) 


I. — General  Meetings  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 
Octoher  10,  1911. — Sir  Mortimer  Durand,  Director,  in 
the  Chair. 

The  following  were  elected  members  of  the  Society  ; — 

Mr.  A.  M.  Blackman. 

Rev.  Edward  J.  Clifton. 

Mrs.  Cora  Linn  Daniels. 

Mr.  Habibnr  Rahman  Khan. 

Mr.  Mahomed  Hasan  Khan. 

Mr.  S.  Labh  Singh. 

Nineteen  nominations  were  approved  for  election  at  the 
next  General  Meeting. 


November  IJf,,  1911. — Sir  Mortimer  Durand,  Director,  in 
the  Chair. 

A vote  of  sympathy  to  Miss  Irvine,  the  daughter  of  the 
late  Mr.  William  Irvine,  Vice-President  of  the  Society,  was 
passed. 

The  following  were  elected  members  of  the  Society : — 

Raja  Naushad  Ali  Khan. 

Kaviraj  K.  L.  Bishagratna. 

Babu  Gopal  Chandra  Chakravarti. 

Professor  Ganes  Chandra  Chandra. 

Babu  Aboni  Chandra  Chatter jea. 

Mr.  L.  Fanous. 

Professor  Johannes  Hertel. 

The  Rev.  Hardy  Jowett. 

H.H.  the  Raj  Rana  Sir  Bhowani  Singh  Sahib  Bahadur, 
K.C.S.I.,  of  Jhalawar. 

Dr.  N.  J.  Krom. 

Dr.  Berthold  Laufer. 


294 


NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 


Mr.  F.  B.  Martin. 

Mr.  Manmatha  Nath  Mukerjea. 

Balm  Manmatha  Nath  Miikherjea. 

Mr.  J.  E.  Nathan. 

H.H.  the  Maharaja  Dhiraj  Bupinder  Singh  Bahadur  of 
Patiala. 

Mr.  A.  W.  Pirn,  LC.S. 

Mr.  Donald  Plerbert  Edmund  Sunder. 

Rev.  W.  M.  Teape. 

Two  nominations  were  approved  for  election  at  the  next 
General  Meeting. 

Sir  Charles  Lyall  read  a paper  on  The  Pictorial  Aspects 
of  Ancient  Arabian  Poetry  ”. 

A discussion  followed,  in  w^hich  Professor  Margoliouth, 
Dr,  Gaster,  Professor  Hagopian,  Miss  Ridding,  and 
Dr.  Daiches  took  part. 


December  12, 1911. — Sir  Mortimer  Durand,  Director,  in 
the  Chair, 

The  following  were  elected  members  of  the  Society : — 

Mr.  N.  P.  Subramanya  Aiyar. 

Mr.  Kerest  Haig. 

Nine  nominations  were  approved  for  election  at  the 
next  General  Meeting, 

Mr.  Vincent  Smith  read  a paper  on  Indian  Painting 
from  the  Sixteenth  to  the  Eighteenth  Century 

A discussion  followed,  in  which  Colonel  Hendley, 
Mr.  Dames,  and  Colonel  Plunkett  took  part. 


II — Principal  Contents  of  Oriental  Journals 

I.  ZeITSCHEIFT  DER  BEUTSCHEN  MOReENLANBISCHEN-  GeseLLSCHAFT. 

, Bd.  LXV  Heft  ill 

Wtinsche  (Aug.).  Die  Zahlenspriiche  in  Talmud  und 
Midrasch. 

Bauer  (H.).  Zur  Entstehung  des  arabischen  Elativs. 


CONTENTS  OF  ORIENTAL  JOURNALS 


295 


Hertel  (J.).  Die  Ermhlung  vom  Kaufmann  Oampaka. 
Schreve  (Th.).  Ein  Besuch  irn  Buddhistischeii  Purga- 
torium.  (Aus  dem  Tibetischen  tibersetzt.) 

Torrey  (0.  C.).  Al-Asmai’s  Fuliulat  as~Su‘ara. 

Reseller  (0.).  Ijber  die  Zahl  vierzig. 

Einige  Etymologieii. 

Bacber  (W.).  Zur  jiidisch-persischen  Literatnr. 

Hartmann  (R.).  Znm  Ortsnamen  at-Tajjiba. 

Horten  (M.).  Was  bedentet  aUhaiin  als  philosophischer 
Terminus  ? 

Reckendorf  (H.).  Der  Ban  der  semitischen  Zalilworter. 
Schnlthess  (F.).  Die  Mai'diner  HS.  von  Kalila  und 
Dimna. 

Haupt  (P.).  Ikkar  nnd  irris.  Landmann. 

II.  Journal  Asiatiquil  Tome  XYII,  Xo.  i. 

Weill  (R.).  Les  Hyksos  et  la  restauration  nationale  dans 
la  tradition  egyptienne  et  dans  I’histoire. 

Foucher  (A.).  Les  debuts  de  Tart  bouddhique. 

Gauthiot  (R.).  De  Talphabet  sogdien. 

Gauthier  (E.  F.).  Le  calendrier  malgache. 

Levi  (S.).  Vyuthena  256. 

Tome  XVII,  Xo.  ii. 

Lammens  (H.).  L’%e  de  Mahomet  et  la  chronologie  de  la 

/-."■■■Sira.  , 

Amar  (E.).  Prolegomenes  a Tetude  des  historiens  arabes 
par  Khalil  ibn  Aibak  As-Safadi. 

Tome  XVII,  Xo.  iii. 

Boyer  (A.  M.).  Inscriptions  de  Miran. 

Levi  (S.).  Etude  des  documents  tokhariens  de  la  Mission 
Pelliot.  (Remarques  linguistiques  par  A.  Meillet.) 

Amar  (E.).  Prolegomenes  a Tetude  des  historiens  arabes 
par  Khalil  ibn  Ailak  As-Safadi, 

III.  T^oung  Pag.  YoL  XII,  Xo.  iv, 

Maspero  (G.).  Le  Royaume  de  Champa. 

Oordier  (H.).  L’arrivee  des  Portugais  en  Chine. 


KOTES  OF  THE  QUAKTEB. 


Lietard  (A.).  E-ssai  de  dictionnaire  Lo-lo  Fmri^ais,  dialecte, 
Vaoliee  (L.).  Problemes  Chinois  du  second  degrii 

lY.  AkXALS  of  AKCinTiOLOGY  AND  AxTHKOPOLOGr, 

Yol.  lY,  Nos. 

Second  Interim  Report  on  the  Excavations  at  Meroe  in 
Ethiopia.  Pt.  i,  by  Professor  Garstang  : Excavations. 
Pt.  ii,  by  Rev.  Professor  Sayce  : The  Historical  Results. 
Pt.  iii,  by  R.  G.  Bosanquet : On  the  Roman  Bronze 
Portrait  Head. 

Offbrd  (J.  A.).  Hittite  Bronze  Statuette. 

Winekler  (Dr.).  Hittite  Archives  from  Boghaz  Keui, 
translated  by  Miss  Meta  Williams. 

Newbery  (P.).  The  Inscribed  Tombs  of  Ekhmim. 

Y.  JoTJBNAn  OP  THE  BoMBAY  BrANCH  OF  THE  EoYAL  ASIATIC 

Society.  YoI.  XXIII,  No.  Ixv. 

Sedgwick  (L.  J.).  Bhakti. 

Lake  (H.  H.).  Besnagar. 

Modi  (J.  J.).  Account  of  the  Comets  as  given  by 
Mahomedan  Historians  and  as  contained  in  the  books  of 
the  Pishinigan. 

Pathak  (K.  B.).  KumaraguptA  the  Patron  of  Vasubandhu. 

YI.  Bulletin  de  l’Ecole  Pjrancaise  d’Extreme-Obient. 
Tome  X,  No.  iv. 

Maspero  (H.).  Le  Protectorat  general  d'Annam  sous  les 
T'ang. 

YII.  Dee  Islam.  Bd.  II,  Heft  iv. 

Strzygowski  (J,).  Ornamente  altarabischer  Grabsteine  in 
Kairo. 

Reseller  (0.).  Uber  fatalistische  Tendenzen  in  den 
Anschauungen  der  Araber. 

Wiedemann  (E.).  Uber  den  Wert  von  Edelsteinen  bei  den 
Muslimen. 


CONTENTS  OF  OEIENTAL  JOUKNALS 


297 


YIII.  Jotjk:n'al  of  tee  Ameeicai?-  Obiental  Society, 

YoL  XXXI,  'Ft  iY. 

Quackeiibos  (G,  P.)*  The  Maynrastaka,  an  unedited 
Sanskrit  poem  by  MayCira, 

Barton  (G.  A.).  The  Etymology  of  Ishtar, 

Kent  (R.  G.).  The  Etymology  of  Syriac  Dastabira. 
Margolis  (M.).  The  Washington  MS.  of  Joshua. 

Sverdrup  (G.).  Letter  from  the  Mahdi  to  General  Gordon. 
Conant  (C.  E.).  Monosyllabic  Roots  in  Pampanga. 

Prince  (J.  D.).  A Divine  Lament.  . 

Fay  (E.  W.).  Indo-Iranian  Word  Studies. 

IX,  X'uMisMATic  Chkonicle,  1911,  Ft.  ii. 

Rabino  (H.  L,).  Coins  of  the  Shahs  of  Pei’sia. 

X.  Yerhaijbelingen  vak  bet  Bataviaasch  Genootschap  van 
Kunsten  en  Wetenschapper.  Reel  LIX,  St.  2. 

Brandes  (J.  L.  A.).  Babad  Tjerbon. 

XI.  Bijdragen  tot  be  Taal-lanb-  en  Yolkenkunbe  van 
Xeblanbscii-Inbie.  Reel  LXYI,  Afl.  2. 

Sundermann  (H.).  Dajakkische  Fabeln  und  Erzahlungen. 
Schadee  (M.  C.).  Het  Strafrecht  der  Dajaks  van  Tajan  en 
Landak. 

Reel  LXYI,  Afl.  3. 

Kreemer  (J.),  De  Loeboes  in  Mandailing. 

Kern  (H.).  Zang  xviii  tot  xxii  van  den  Nagarakrtagama. 

XII.  Mitteilbngkn  bes  Seminars  fur  Orientalische  Sprache 
zu  Berlin.  Jahrgang  XIY,  1911. 

Schulze  (J.).  Yon  Tsingtau  nach  Nanking. 

Metzelthen  (Th.).  Pakhoi  von  Liang  Lan-hstin.  (Aus  dem 
Chinesischen  xlbersetzt.) 

Tschepe  (P.  A.).  Das  Kapitel  Jti-koung,  oder  der  Tribut 
des  Jii. 

Das  Eingreifen  der  westlichen  Nomaden  in  Chinas 

alteste  Geschichte. 


298 


NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTEB 


Walleser  (P.  S.).  Grammatik  der  Palansprache, 

Hackmann  (H.).  Die  Schiilen  des  chinesischen  Biiddhismus. 
Visser  (M.  W.  de).  The  Snake  in  Japanese  Superstition. 

XIIL  Tua^'sactions  and  Pkoceedings  of  the  Japan  Society. 
Vol.  ]X,  Pt.  ii. 

Gubbins  (J.  H.).  A Samurai  Manual. 

Trevithick  (F.  H.).  Japan's  Eail way  System. 

Jiro  Harada.  Gosekku : The  Five  Festivals  of  the 
Seasons  in  Japan. 

Yoshizawa  (K.).  Prince  Ito. 

XI Y.  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  ARCiiiEOLOGY. 
YoL  XXXIII,  Pt.  vi. 

Sayce  (A.  H.).  An  Aramaic  Ostracon  from  Elephantine. 
Langdon  (S.).  Tablets  from  Kis. 

Letter  of  Eim-Sin,  King  of  Larsa. 

Wiedemann  (A.).  Notes  on  some  Egyptian  Monuments. 
Pilfcer  (Eev.  W.  T.).  The  Eeign  of  Arad-Sin,  King  of 
Larsa. 

Pinches  (T.  G.).  An  interesting  Cylinder  Seal. 

XV.  The  Dawn.  Vol.  VII,  Xo.  1 1. 

Haydari  (A.).  A.  Mahomedan  University  for  India. 

XVI.  SiddhInta  Dipika,  Vol.  XII,  Xo,  iy. 

Naidu  (0.  A.),  Saivaism  : A Study. 

Sastry  (E.  A.).  Jabala-Upanishat. 

Tanikachala  Mudaliyar  (E.  N.).  The  Dravidian  Kingdoms. 
Sabharatnam  (S.).  The  Tamil  Nationality. 


OBITUAEY  KOTICE 


WILLIAM  IRVINE 

William  Irvine,  distingmslied  as  a student  of  the  history 
of  Mahomedan  India,  died  on  November  3,  1911.  He  was 
for  many  years  a member  of  the  Council,  and  latterly 
a Vice-President,  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  and  it  is 
fitting  that  some  memorial  of  him  should  find  a place  in 
the  pages  of  this  Journal,  to  wliich  he  has  so  frequently 
contributed. 

Irvine  was  born  in  Aberdeen  in  1840,  and  in  1863  he 
went  to  India  in  the  Indian  Civil  Service,  being  the  first 
man  of  his  year  in  the  Provincial  list.  His  province  was 
the  Province  of  Agra,  better  known  at  that  time  as  the 
North-West  Provinces,  and  now  officially  called  the  United 
Provinces  of  Agra  and  Oudh  ; and  in  this  province  he 
served  till  he  retired.  Having  an  inherited  aptitude  for 
legal  studies  (his  father  had  been  an  advocate,  which  is 
tlie  Scottish  equivalent  for  the  French  avocat),  Irvine  at 
the  outset  betook  himself  to  law,  and  his  first  work  was 
a digest  of  the  Rent  Acts  of  the  province,  published  in 
1868,  while  he  was  still  an  assistant.  He  came  to  be 
regarded  as  an  authority  on  all  questions  of  rent  and 
revenue  law,  and  his  opinion  in  such  matters  was  some- 
times sought  by  the  Board  of  Revenue,  the  highest 
appellate  authority.  It  was  not  until  after  1875  that 
Irvine  seriously  took  to  the  study  of  Indian  history.  At 
that  time  he  was  stationed  at  Farrakhabad,  and  happened 
to  come  into  possession  of  the  private  papers  and  letters  of 
the  local  Nawabs,  a family  of  Afghan  adventurers  who  in 
the  eighteenth  century  had  risen  to  power  and  made 


300 


OBITUAIIY  NOTICE 


themselves  masters  of  the  place,  and  the  last  of  whom 
perished  miserably  in  the  Mutiny,  An  account  of  these 
Nawabs  in  the  JASB.  for  1 878-9  was  his  earliest  liistorical 
work— indeed,  the  only  liistorical  work  which  lie  published 
while  in  India.  From  Farrakhabad  Irvine  went  in  1879 
as  Magistrate  and  Collector  to  Ghazipur,  wliere  in  addition 
to  his  ordinary  duties  he  had  to  superintend  the  revision 
of  the  Revenue  records,  an  arduous  and  difficult  task  which 
he  performed  with  conspicuous  ability.  He  retired  in 
1889.  Had  he  remained  he  must  have  risen  to  the  highest 
administrative  posts  in  the  province,  but  he  chose  to 
retire  early,  and  on  liis  retirement  he  devoted  himself  to 
the  study  of  tlie  history  of  India  under  the  Mahomedans. 
While  in  India  he  had  acquired  the  power  of  reading  the 
Persian  and  Hindi  script  with  ease;  he  now  betook  himself 
to  the  study  of  the  MSS.  to  be  found  in  the  British 
Museum  and  the  India  Office.  He  also  employed  men  in 
India  to  collect  MSS.  for  him.  His  purpose  was  to  write 
the  history  of  the  decline  and  fall  of  the  Moglnil  Empire 
from  tlie  death  of  Aurungzeb  in  1707  to  the  capture  of 
Delhi  by  Lord  Lake  in  1803.  This  had  been  done  by 
Mr.  Keene  and  others,  but  not  on  the  scale  which  Irvine 
planned,  nor  after  any  exhaustive  examination  of  the 
available  materials.  Copious  extracts  from  the  MSS.  he 
studied  formed  the  basis  of  Irvine’s  work  ; round  these 
he  built  up  his  remarks  and  explanations.  Besides  the 
purely  historical  details  Irvine  devoted  much  attention  to 
collateral  subjects,  such  as  the  constitution  of  the  Moghul 
nobility,  the  administrative  system,  the  system  of  land 
revenue,  and  the  organization  of  the  army.  Ballads, 
diaries,  letters,  charters,  rules  of  official  practice  and 
imperial  rescripts,  coins  and  seals,  he  made  himself 
conversant  with  them  all.  Native  authorities  were  the 
mainstay  of  his  history,  but  he  was  equally  at  home  with 
the  European  travellers  of  the  time,  and  the  doings  of 
the  various  East  India  Companies,  more  especially  the 


WILLIAM  IBYINE 


301 


English  and  the  French.  Much  of  the  information  which 
he  tlius  laboriously  gatliered  was  given  to  the  world  in 
contributions  to  tlie  Lndimi  Antiquary  and  the  Journals 
of  the  Eoyal  Asiatic  Society  and  tlie  Asiatic  Society  of 
Bengal.  The  first  chapters  of  his  history  appeared  in  the 
Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal  in  1890,  and  in 
it  lie  publislied  tlie  succeeding  cliapters  from  time  to  time, 
but  tlie  work  is  an  unfinished  torso.  It  never  got  beyond 
the  accession  of  Mahomed  Shah  (1719),  although  Irvine 
published  dissertations  on  some  of  the  later  episodes,  and 
had  collected  all  the  material  down  to  tlie  sack  of  Delhi 
by  Nadir  Slmh.  in  1737  A.D.,  and  less  completely  down  to 
1701.  His  paper  on  the  Moghul  army  in  the  JKAS.  for 
1896  was  followed  by  his  book  on  the  same  subject, 
published  in  1903.  He  contributed  the  chapter  on 
Mahoinedan  history  to  the  mw  Gazetteer  of  India,  in 
which  lie  managed  to  compress  much  fresh  matter  into 
little  space.  The  life  of  Aurungzeb,  originally  prepared 
for  Encyclopedie  d'lslamyhein^  too  lengthy  for  that 
work,  was  published  in  the  Indian  Antiquary  for  1911. 
This  was  his  latest  important  publication.  He  contributed 
a large  number  of  translations  and  shorter  papers  to 
various  periodicals,  and  frequently  appeared  as  a reviewer 
in  tlie  pages  of  this  Journal.  Among  the  more  important 
of  these  sliorter  pieces  I may  mention  the  following  : ''  The 
Baillie  Collection  of  Arabic  and  Persian  MSS.,”  in  the 
JRAS.  for  1905.  In  the  JASB.,  Baiswari  Folk  Songs” 
(1884) ; ''  Note  on  the  Official  Reckonings  of  the  Reigns  of 
the  later  Moghul  Emperors  ” (1893)  ; ''  Guru  Gobind  Singh 
and  Bandah”  (1894)  ; Jangnamah  of  Farukhsiyar  and 
Jahandar  Shah”  (1900);  this  was  a historical  ballad  in 
Hindi,  as  was  the  ''Jangnamah  of  Sayyad  'Alim  'Ali 
Khan”,  which  appeared  in  the  JA.  in  1904.  Among 
other  articles  of  his  in  the  JA,,  I may  mention  " Notes 
on  some  Anglo-Indian  Words”  (1900)  and  a paper 
on  "AurungzeVs  Family”  (1901);  also  "Ahmad  Shah, 


302  OBITUAET  NOTICE 

Abdali,  and  the  Indian  Wazii’  ‘Imad-nl-Mulk  ” (1907). 
To  Miss  Manning’s  little  magazine  lie  contributed  a 
translation  of  a most  interesting  visit  by  a Mahomedan 
traveller  to  a Hindu  mela  on  the  Ganges  in  the  ea,rly 
part  of  the  eigliteentli  century.  In  1908  the  Asiatic 
Society  of  Bengal  did  him  the  lionour  to  make  him  an 
Honorary  Member. 

Constable,  the  publisher,  first  drew  Irvines  attention 
to  Manucci.  Manucci  was  onlj;^  known  to  the  world  by 
Catron’s  abridgment,  and  Catron  liad  used  Manucci’s  text 
with  so  much  freedom,  and  added  so  much  of  his  own, 
that  tlie  work  was  useless  for  historical  purposes.  Now 
Manucci,  although  garrulous  and  a gossip,  is  after  Bernier 
tlie  best  European  authority  we  have  for  the  condition  of 
things  in  India  under  Aurungzeb.  Irvine  has  told  the 
world  in  his  Preface  the  story  of  his  hunt  for  tlie  original 
MSS.  of  Manucci  in  the  libraries  of  Venice  and  Berlin. 
Successful  in  this  quest,  he  laid  aside  the  history  which 
had  hitherto  formed  his  chief  occupation,  and  set  himself 
to  translating  and  editing  Manucci.  At  the  suggestion 
of  the  Eoyal  Asiatic  SGciety,  the  work  was  published 
by  the  Government  of  India  in  the  Indian  Texts 
Series — a series  which  owes  its  origin  to  the  enlightened 
suggestion  of  Lord  Curzon,  Long  before  Manucci 
was  finished,  Irvine  had  been  attacked  by  the  disease 
to  which  lie  ultimately  succumbed ; and  although  he 
returned  to  his  Indian  history,  it  was  only  to  bring  it 
to  a close. 

Irvine’s  conception  of  history  was  much  like  that  which 
is  at  present  in  vogue  at  the  JEcole  des  Chartes.  History 
was  to  be  mainly  occupied  with  the  search  for,  and 
investigation  of,  original  authorities,  and  to  be  an  exact 
•chronicle  of  the  doings  of  the  time.  Although  Irvine  did 
not  neglect  such  picturesque  touches  as  he  might  find  in  Ids 
■authorities,  he  did  not  profess  to  be  an  artist,  nor  would 
he  consider  historical  narrative  a fine  art.  Still  less  was  he 


WILLIAM  IRTINE 


303 


a philosopliieal  historian  : he  was  doubtful  of  generalities, 
and  lie  seldom  attempted  general iisations.  His  strength 
lay  in  detail,  and  to  be  faultlessly  accurate  was  his  pride. 
Two  things  especially  attracted  him : he  had  a Scottish 
love  of  genealogies  and  an  equal  love  of  precise  dates. 
The  diarists  of  the  Moghul  Court  were  one  of  his  chief 
€[uai'ries,  and  he  drew  up  comparative  tables  for  his  own 
use,  in  which  every  month  and  every  day  of  tlie  week  for 
several  centuries  was  shown  according  to  the  Malioinedan 
calendar.  For  liis  task  of  historian  he  was  otherwise 
thoroughly  equipped.  He  liad  an  excellent  working  know- 
ledge of  Persian  and  Hindi,  and  also  some  acquaintance 
with  xA^rabic.  Although  not  a classical  scholar,  he  had 
a wide  and  thorough  knowledge  of  several  European 
languages,  especially  French,  German,  and  Italian.  With 
a view  to  translating  Manucci,  who  often  employed 
Portuguese  amanuenses,  he  learnt  Portuguese.  Both 
nature  and  training  made  Irvine  an  excellent  judge  of 
evidence,  and  his  style  was  clear,  logical,  and  to  the  point, 
an  instrument  well  fitted  for  his  purpose.  What  he  had 
to  say  was  always  worth  the  hearing.  In  knowledge  of 
his  particular  period  of  history  he  was  unrivalled.  Had 
his  history  ever  been  completed  it  might  have  compared 
not  unfavounably  with  the  work  of  two  other  Scotchmen, 
Leyden  and  Erskine. 

But  Irvine  is  best  known  to  the  world  as  the  editor 
of  Manucci.  His  historical  studies  had  made  his  name 
familiar  to  other  scholars  engaged  in  similar  pursuits,  but 
Manucci  brought  him  into  contact  with  a much  wider 
public.  As  a commentator  Irvine  excelled  ; he  searched 
Europe,  Asia,  and  America  to  explain  an  obscure  allusion 
or  to  settle  a date.  The  work  showed  such  an  amount 
and  variety  of  learning  that  one  critic  remarked  that  it 
must  have  been  edited  by  a syndicate  of  scholars.  Irvine  s 
Manucci  now  takes  its  place  as  a classic  beside  Yules 
Marco  Polo. 


304 


OBlTtJARY  mnCE 


I have  spoken  only  of  the  historian  and  the  scholar. 
But  Irvine  was  much  more.  What  he  was  in  himself, 
how  he  thought,  how  he  acted,  I may  perhaps  relate 
tdsewliere.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  it  will  be  long  before  the 
same  period  of  history  wdll  engage  the  attention  of  any 
scholar  equally  laborious  and  painstaking,  or  equally  full, 
judicious,  and  accurate. 


J.  Kennedy. 


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JOURNAL 


OF  THE 

ROYAL  ASIATIC  SOCIETY 

1912 

: IX 

DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  PROVmCE  OF  FARS,  IN 
PERSIA,  AT  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  TWELFTH 
CENTURY  A.D, 

Translated  frosi  the  MS.  op  Ibn-al-Balkhi  in  the  British  Museum 
BY  G.  LE  STRANGE 

(CmUimied  from  the  January  Jcmrnal,  p.  30.) 

The  Darabjiri)  District 

rjpHIS  district  ^ takes  its  name  from  Dara  [Darius]  the 
Great,  son  of  King  Bahman  ibn  Isfandiyar. 
Darabjird?' — -This  city  was  founded  by  Dara,  son  of 
Bahman.  It  was  built  circular  as  though  the  line  of 
circumference  had  been  drawn  with  compasses.  A strong 
fortress  stood  in  the  centre  of  the  town,  surrounded  by 
a ditch  kept  full  of  water,  and  the  fortress  had  four  gates. 
But  now  the  town  lies  all  in  ruins,  and  nought  remains 
except  the  wall  and  the  ditch.  The  climate  here  is  that 
of  the  hot  region,  and  there  are  date-palms.  The  streams 
of  running  water  are  of  bad  quality.  A kind  of  bitumen 

1 The  Darabjird  District  is  named  by  Hamd- Allah  Mustawfi  the 
Province  of  Shabankarah,  being  called  thus  after  the  Kurdish  tribe  whose 
liistory  has  been  given  in  the  Introduction  (p.  9),  At  the  present  day  the 
district  no  longer  bears  this  name  ; and  Shabankarah,  now,  is  the  name 
of  a small  sub-district,  on  the  sea-coast,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Shapur 
pLiver,  one  of  thirteen  included  in  the  district  of  Dashtistan.  (FNIST. 
209,224.) 

2 Modern  Darab  (FNIST.  199,  201  , 

JKAS.  1912. 


21 


312 


IBK-AL-BALKHI 


is  found  [near  Darabjird]  at  a place  up  in  the 
inountain,  which  bubbles  up  and  falls  drop  by  drop.  Also 
there  is  a-  rock-salt  found  in  these  parts  which  is  of  seven 
colours  where  it  comes  to  the  surface  of  the  ground. 

Piirrj  and  Tilriim} — Two  small  towns,  of  which  Purg  is 
the  larger,  where  there  is  a strong  castle.  Both  towms  lie 
on  the  frontier  of  Kirman,  and  they  are  of  the  hot  region, 
whereby  the  dates  and  raisin-syrup  [dutiidh]  consumed  in 
that  region  for  the  most  part  come  from  here.  Indeed, 
the  whole  revenue  from  lienee  is  derived  from  [the  tax  on] 
dates  and  corn.  They  also  weave  excellently  here  by 
hand-loom.  In  both  towns  there  is  a mosque  for  the 
Friday  prayers,  and  the  [celebrated  basin  called]  Pharaoh’s 
Cup  - is  to  be  seen  near  here. 

PasdJ — This  is  a great  city  that  was  founded  bj?’  King 
Bahrnan,  father  of  Dara  [Darius].  It  w^as  formerly  as 
large  in  area  as  Isfahto,  but  now  is  gone  to  decay,  so  that 
the  most  part  lies  in  ruin.  It  has  many  dependencies  and 
districts.  Their  water  is  entirely  obtained  from  under- 
ground channels,  for  there  are  neither  springs  nor  brooks. 
The  climate  is  temperate  and  bracing,  the  place  being  very 
pleasant  and  good  to  live  in.  The  products  of  both  the 
hot  and  the  cold  regions  are  to  be  found  here,  so  that  in 
all  the  gardens  of  Pasa  you  will  find  nuts  and  oranges, 
citrons  and  grapes,  with  figs  and  the  like,  namely,  tropical 
fruits,  together  with  those  of  the  north,  all  in  abundance. 
Indeed,  there  is  no  place  equal  to  this  elsewhere.  There 
is  also  a strong  fortress  in  Pasa,  which  the  Shabankarali 
had  left  in  ruin,  but  wdiich  the  Atabeg  Chauli  has  rebuilt. 
Ivurrn  and  Runiz  are  of  the  dependencies  of  Pasa. 

Eurm  and  Punw.^ — These  are  two  towns  lying  on  the 

1 Kow  Furg  and  Tarum  (FNJST.  217,  218).  Spelt  with  dotted  T. 

Presumably  a tank  for  water. 

3 Modern  Fasa  (FNN.  229). 

^ Probably  the  village  Kurm,  which  lies  3 leagues  to  the  north  of 
Fasa;  but  there  is  also  Qa§r  Kurm,  half  a league  to  the  south-east  of 
Fasa,  which  is  known  likewise  as  Kughk-i-QMi,  "‘the  Judge’s  Kiosqne,” 


THE  FHOTINCE  ,OF  EARS 


313 


road  into  Pasa  [from  tlie  north].  The  climate  is  temperate  ; 
there  ai‘c  riinnino'  streams  ; also  in  eacli  town  a mosque 
for  the  Friday  prajmr,  and  in  both  tlie  districts  corn  and 
fruits  are  grown.  In  the  time  of  one  of  the  Atabegs, 
when  misfortune  liad  overwhelmed  Purg,  the  people  of 
[Kurrn  and  Runiz]  also  behaved  traitorously,  on  wliicli 
[the  Atabeg]  took  both  towns  by  assault  and  laid  them 
in  ■ruin.'' 

SImqq Eudbdl  [‘'the River  Go7^ge''J  and  Shaqq  3Iv<^dndn} 
—These  are  two  districts  of  the  dependencies  of  Pasa.  They 
are  of  the  hot  region,  and  coim  is  grown  here,  the  water 
being  from  underground  channels.  There  are  many 
villages  and  farmsteads,  but  no  town  here.  Now  in  these 
parts  are  many  other  districts  like  the  above,  but  which 
will  not  here  be  more  particularly  described,  lest  we  run 
to  too  great  a length,  and  all  are  alike  one  to  another. 

ffasio,  Dardkdn,  Miss,  and  Rwstdq-ar-Rnstdq? — All 
these  places  are  of  the  Darabjird  District  and  have  a hot 

,at  the  present  day.  Puuniz,  Upper  and  Lower,  is  the  name  of  two  v^iilages 
lying  5 and  6 leagues  to  the  north  of  Fasa  {FNN.  237,  238).  This  Runiz 
is  not  to  he  confounded  with  the  town  of  Runiz  mentioned  by  the  older 
Arab  geographers,  a name  which  may  be  read  Rubanj  (by  a shifting  of 
the  diacritical  points),  and  which  lay  half-way  between  Darabjird  and 
Juwaym,  being  of  the  Kiasu  District  (1st.  107,  I.H.  183). 

^ In  IstaMiri  (109)  Shaqq-ar-Rud  and  §haqq-al-Masnan.  The  latter 
is  now  unknown,  but  the  first  of  these  districts  is  probably  at  the  present 
day  represented  by  the  Sahra-i-Rud,  ‘‘the  plain  along  the  river,” 
through  which  the  River  Rudbar  flows  (FNIST.  238,  326). 

^ The  name  of  the  district  of  Hasu  is  now  written  Khasu,  with  M,  as 
is  found  in  Muqaddasi  (423),  IstaWbiri  (108)  spells  it  Hashuwa  (see 
FNIST.  202,  where,  besides  the  district,  the  village  of  Khasu  is  also 
mentioned).  There  is  probably  some  connexion  betw^een  the  name  of 
this  district  of  Hasu  and  HavSuyah,  the  Shabankarah  chief,  often 
mentioned  in  the  foregoing  articles,  and  in  the  Introduction.  Darakan, 
which  %vas  once  the  capital  of  the  province,  according  to  the  Itinerary 
given  in  Hamd -Allah  Musfcawfi,  lay  4 leagues  south  of  Ij.  All  traces 
of  its  ruins  apparently  have  disappeared,  but  at  the  place  indicated  there 
is  now  the  village  of  Darakuh,  lying  10  leagues  east  of  Fasa  (FNN.  238 
and  Persian  map).  Mas§  or  Miss  is  not  to  he  found  on  the  map,  but  is 
mentioned  by  the  Arab  geographers  (1st.  107,  Muq.  423),  who,  however, 
do  not  give  us  its  position.  Rustaq-ar-Bustaq  exists  some  4 leagues 
north  of  Furg  (FNN.  219). 


314 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 

climate.  The  date-palm  grows  here,  for  there  are  ruiiiiiiig 
streams ; also  otlier  fruit-trees  abound.  The  [pass  called] 
Tang-i-Ranbah  ^ lies  near  here,  and  in  the  middle  of  the 
pass  stands  a strongly  fortified  castle,  which  was  formerly 
held  by  Iln*ahim  ibn  It  is  now  garrisoned  by  the 

Kirman  troops. 

Ij  and  Fwstajan? — The  [first  town,  otherwise  called]  Ig,, 
was  in  former  times  a mere  village,  but  under  the  rule  of 
Hasuyah  it  became  a city.  Its  climate  is  temperate,  but 
tlie  water  liere  is  indigestible.  Fruit  is  in  plenty,  more 
especially  grapes.  There  is  a mosque  for  the  Friday 
prayers  [in  Ij].  Way.^kan  ^ is  a small  town,  now  in 
ruins,  with  a bracing  climate,  though  it  lacks  for  water. 

Istuhbdn.^ — A small  town  full  of  trees  such  as  bear 
every  kind  of  fruit.  It  has  running  streams,  and  there 
is  a castle  here,  that  is  very  strongly  fortified,  and  was 
formerly  in  the  hands  of  Hasuyah. 

Jahram.^ — A medium-sized  town,  neither  large  nor 
small.  There  are  corn-lands  here,  and  much  cotton  is 
grown,  which  is  also  exported.  Kirbds  [a  kind  of  muslin] 
too  comes  from  here,  and  the  [celebrated]  Jahrami 
blankets  are  woven  in  this  towm.  The  climate  is 

that  of  the  hot  region,  and  water  is  from  both  under- 
ground channels  and  from  running  brooks.  There  is 
a castle  here  called  [Khurshali],^  very  strongly  built,  and 
lie  from  whom  this  castle  took  its  name  was  a certain 
Arab,  of  the  time  of  [the  Omayyad  viceroy]  Hajjaj,  and 
this  [Klmrshah]  built  the  fortress.  [Fadluyah  of  the] 
Shahankarah^  rebelled  in  this  castle,  but  Nizam-al-Mulk 

^ See  below  under  Castles.  ^ See  Introduction,  p.  11, 

^ Ij  still  exists  (FNiST.  178),  but  Fustajan  is  wanting  on  the  map. 
According  to  the  Itinerary  it  lay  7 leagues  from  Pasa  and  10  leagues 
from  Darabjird. 

Not  mentioned  by  other  geographers  and  wanting  on  Persian  map, 
and  in  FNN. 

® Now  called  Istahbanat  (FNN.  175).  6 ige. 

’’  Name  omitted,  see  below,  under  Castles. 

^ See  Introduction,  p.  10.  The  name  is  omitted  in  the  text. 


THE  PROVINCE  OP  EARS 


315 


laid  siege  to  tlie  place,  taking  it  hj  assault.  At  the  time 
wlien  Persia  [was  conquered  by  the  first  Caliplis]  ^ this 
town  of  Jahram  was  accounted  especially  to  belong  to  the 
heir-apparent  [of  the  Persian  Chosroes],  hence  he  wlm  was 
declared  heir  to  the  throne,  was  held  nominally  to  be  tlie 
Governor  of  Jahram. 

3I^sJikancitJ^ — A district  near  Nayriz,  and  the  road 
going  through  it  leads  to  Nayriz.  It  is  in  every  way 
like  to  Nayriz  and  Khayrah  [which  are  of  the  Istakhr 
Kurah],  though  Mishktoat  belongs  by  all  accounts  to  the 
Darabjird  Kurah. 

Jiiivaym  of  Aim  AJwiacU — This  is  of  the  Irahistan 
District,  of  which,  indeed  it  is  the  Jaivmah  [or  chief  town. 
Further,  though  this  last  district  is  counted  as  of 
Arda^ir  Khurah,  Juwa^mi]  is  of  the  Darabjird  Kurah. 
It  is  of  the  hot  region,  and  its  water  comes  from  under- 
ground channels  and  from  wells.  Dates  and  corn  are 
grown  here,  and  kirhas  [muslin]  is  manufactured.  There 
is  a castle  here,  known  as  QaPah  Samiran,*^  and  the  town 
has  a mosque  for  Friday  prayers.  Tiie  people,  like  all 
the  rest  of  the  men  of  Irahistan,  are  a warlike  folk, 
being  for  the  most  part  noted  as  footpads,  thieves,  and 
highwaymen. 

The  Ardashir  Khurah  District 

This  district  takes  its  name  of  Ardashir  Khui'ah — the 
Glory  of  King  Ardashir '' — from  Arda^ir  the  son  of  Babak 
[founder  of  the  Sassanian  dynasty]  ; and  he  began  his 
reign  by  building  the  city  of  Firuzabad,  as  has  been 

^ Blank  in  MS.  Filled  in  from  Hafiz  Abru. 

" Mishkan  or  Mislikun  is  a village  lying  B leagues  north  of  Niriz 
(FNN.  308).  See  Iski^yirl,  109,  note  e,  for  variants.  Muqaddasi  (422) 
has  Maskanat. 

^ So  called  to  distinguish  it  from  the  other  Juwaym  lying  north-west 
of  Shiraz.  The  name  is  now  pronounced  Juyum  (FNN.  182,  186). 

See  below  under  Castles, 


■I 


316 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


already  mentioned  [in  the  historical  portion  of  our  work]. 
The  cities  and  sub-districts  of  this  Kiirah  are  as  follows. 

and  its  Districts, — In  the  days  of  the  [older] 
Persian  kings,  where  Shiraz  now  stands  was  but  [a 
townieas]  district  with  some  forts  lying  in  the  open 
countryside.  After  the  [Arab  invasion  and]  tlie  establish- 
ment of  Islam,  the  place  remained  in  the  same  desolate 
state  till  the  reign  of  [the  Omayyad  Caliph]  'Abd-al-Malik 
[65-86  (685-705)],  who  appointed  Idajjaj  ibn  Yusuf  his 
viceroy  in  these  lands.  Hajjaj  thereupon  sent  his  own 
brother,  Muhammad  ibn  Yusuf,  to  act  as  his  lieutenant 
in  Fars,  of  wliich  lie  became  later  the  permanent  governor, 
and  it  was  this  Muhammad  who  laid  the  foundations  of 
Shiraz.  The  original  extent  of  Shiraz  was  equal  to 
that  of  Isfahan,  and  they  even  say  that  Shiraz  was 
a hundred  paces  the  greater  [in  length] ; but  now  the 
city  all  lies  in  ruins,  and  except  for  one  or  two  quarters 
all  the  older  part  has  disappeared.  But  during  the  times 
of  the  Buyid  rule  [fourth  (tenth)  century]  it  had 
come  to  he  so  densely  populated  that  there  was  no  room 
within  the  city  for  the  garrison  of  [Daylamite]  soldiers, 
for  which  reason  k4.dud-ad-Daw]ali  established  a place 
for  them  outside  vShiraz,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
Gird  Fana  Khusru.^  Here  he  laid  out  most  excellent 
market  streets,  of  which  the  rents-  for  the  shops  amounted 
to  16,000  dinars  [yearly,  about  £8,000],  which  sum  was 
paid  into  his  treasury.  The  place,  however,  has  now 

^ Wetining  “the  Township  of  Fana  lOiiisru ‘Adud-ad-T)awlah’s 
personal  name.  The  site  lies  at  a short  distance  to  the  south-east  of 
^iraz,  at  a village  still  known  as  Sbxb-i-Bazar-i-^Adnd-al-Bawlah,  “the 
slope  or  glen  of  ‘Adud's  Market”;  also  called  Qura-al-Asahl,  “the 
Lower  Villages  ” (F.NN.  194). 

“ The  word  used  is  tayycirdt^  not  found  in  this  sense  in  the 
dictionaries.  It  means  literally  “flyings”,  that  is  to  say  “extra 
revenues”,  “ surplus  income  ”,  and  is  used  in  the  Shams-i^Qays,  p.  11*, 
line  10— a work  written  in  630  (1232)—with  much  the  same  signification. 
See  also  note  by  C.  Hiiart  in  the  Joimial  Aaiatiqiie,  Sept. -Oct.,  1910, 
p.  370,  on  this  word. 


THE  PEOVINCE  OF  FAES 


317 


80  gone  to  ruin  that  the  area  of  Gird  Fana  KhuBrli  is 
at  present  merely  a ploughed  field,  wliich  yields  a crop 
valued  at  250  dinars  [yearly].  The  actual  rent  that  it 
pays,  however,  is  never  more  than  one  hundred  and  odd 
dinars,  and  the  remainder  of  the  site  is  of  but  small 
value,  the  rent  Ijeing  less.  The  climate  of  Shiraz  is  cold 
but  temperate,  like  that  of  Isfahan.  The  water  comes 
in  part  from  the  river  and  in  part  is  from  underground 
channels.  The  fruit  here  is  most  excellent,  and  of  all 
vsorts  and  kinds.  The  people  of  Shiraz  are  a turbulent 
folk  and  valiant.  The  [Buyid  prince]  ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah 
had  built  himself  a palace  [in  the  city],  with  many  fine 
gardens ; but  Abii  Ghanim,  the  son  of  k^.mid-ad-Dawlah, 
wdien  he  took  up  his  abode  in  the  castle  of  Pahan-Diz,^ 
laid  the  palace  in  ruins,  carrying  off  the  woodwork  and 
the  iron,  which  'he  made  use  of  for  the  needs  of  the  new 
castle  [of  Pa,han-Diz].  In  early  days  Shiraz  had  no 
town  wall,  but  at  the  time  when  the  present  [Saljuq] 
dynasty  was  coming  to  power  Bakalijar  [the  Buyid  prince] 
caused  stones  to  be  cut,  and  with  them  built  a strong 
wall  that  went  all  round  and  about  the  city.  Of  this 

^ Pahan-Diz,  “ the  Broad  Fort,”  according  to  the  Fdrs  Ndmali  Ndsirl, 
crowns  a pointed  hill  300  ells  in  height,  half  a league  to  the  east  of 
Shiraz.  The  remains  of  brickwork  may  still  be  seen,  and  there  is  a well- 
shaft,  nearly  4 ells  across,  cut  in  the  rock,  and  going  down  to  water 
at  the  hill  base.  The  Sassanian  king  Shiruyah  is  said  to  have  imprisoned 
seventeen  of  his  brothers  here,  for  this  castle  existed  before  the  days 
of  Islrim  ; and  Yazdajird,  the  last  of  the  Sassanians,  kept  some  of  his 
regalia  here,  and  this  treasure  was  found  later  by  ‘Adud-ad-Bawlah 
(PNN.  333).  It  is  further  stated  in  FNK.  that  the  castle,  which  after- 
wards fell  to  complete  ruin,  had  been  in  327  (939)  restored  by  the  Buyid 
prince  Tmad-ad-Dawlah,  that  is  to  say,  the  uncle  of  ‘Adud,  but  this  is 
probably  a mistake,  Tmad  being  put  for  *Amid  above-mentioned.  Who 
this  ^Amid-ad-Davdah  (father  of  Abu  Uhanim)  was  is  not  very  clear. 
Abu  Ghanim  is  not  to  be  found  in  Ibn-al-Athir,  who,  however,  mentions 
two  people  of  the  name  of  ‘Amid-ad-Bawlah  ; one  (x,  23),  also  called 
"Amid-al-Mulk,  was  the  son  of  Fakhr-ad-Dawlah  ibn  Juhayr,  the 
Wazir  of  the  Caliph  Mustazhir  in  488  (1095) ; the  other  (xi,  260),  called 
Abu  Sa'd  ibn  Muhammad,  was  WazSy  to  Jalal-ad-Dawlah,  the  Buyid, 
about  the  year  420  (1029). 


318 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


wall  the  remains  may  still  be  seen.  Then,  again,  during 
tlie  latter  days  of  the  Buyid  dynasty,  when  there  was 
continual  fighting  between  Qavurd  [brother  of  Alp  Arslan] 
and  Fadluyah  [the  Shabankarah  chief],  Shiraz  Avas 
raided  again  and  again,  whereby  all  its  lands  were  given 
to  ruin,  and  so  remained  till  the  corning  of  the  good 
times  wlion  [the  Atabcg]  Rukii-ad-Dawlah  [Khurnartagin] 
was  appointed  governor,  who  knew  how  to  restore  matters 
to  order,  giving  peace  to  the  country,  so  that  [houses 
Avere  rebuilt]  and  the  lands  were  again  brought  under 
cultivation.  Later  on,  however,  during  a single  year, 
the  citjr  was  twice  stormed  during  the  troubles  of  suc- 
cessive Shabankarah  insurrections,  and  then  again  it  was 
ravaged  by  the  Turks  and  the  Turkomans,  who  carried 
off  all  that  they  could  lay  hands  on,  exacting  a poll-tax 
also  on  eveiy  man  of  the  inhabitants,  so  that  they  were 
absolutely  brought  to  beggary.  But  there  is  hope  now 
that  by  the  power  of  the  present  [Saljuq]  government — 
which  may  Allah  perpetuate! — security  will  be  permanently 
re-established,  for  Shiraz,  indeed,  is  a city  that  is  Avithout 
equal  Avhen  its  population  live  in  peace.  The  Friday 
mosque  in  Shiraz  is  a noble  building,  and  then  there 
is  the  Hospital  {blmaristan']  of  ‘Adud-ad-DaAvlah,  though 
this  is  now  fallen  into  disrepair.  Again,  there  is  the 
Library,  Avhich  is  very  excellent.  That  portion  of  the 
city  Avhich  is  still  inhabited  stands  under  the  protection 
and  in  the  oversight  of  the  familjr  of  the  Chief  Justice 
of  FarsJ  for  he  is  of  untiring  effort  to  relieA’^e  the  Avants 
of  the  poor  and  needy  of  the  city. 

Kavar} — A small  toAvn,  most  pleasant  to  live  in,  having 
many  dependent  districts,  where  there  are  extensiA^e 
orchards.  Fruit  here  [is  so  abundant  that  it  fetches]  no 
price,  though  all  the  fruit  grown  here  is  of  excellent 
condition.  Especially  so  is  the  pomegranate,  which  is  the 


* See  Introduction,  p.  14. 


“ PNN.  261. 


THE  PROTINCE  OF  FARS 


319 


equal  of  that  whicli  comes  from  Tihrilii,  and  tliere  are  good 
quinces,  also  almonds  in,  abundance.  Hence  most  of  the 
provisions  consumed  in  Shiraz  and  its  district  are  brought 
thither  from  here.  Further,  they  grow  much  corn,  also 
both  kirhas  [muslin]  and  reed  matting  are  made  here. 
Tlie  climate  is  cold  but  temperate.  Tliey  get  their  water 
from  the  River  T[iakan,  and  near  by  are  excellent  hunting- 
grounds.  There  is  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayers  in 
this  town ; but  the  people  are  a rough  folk  and  very 
thick-witted. 

is  a small  town,  somewhat  larger  than 
Kavar.  Its  climate  is  temperate  and  bracing ; indeed,  in 
all  those  parts  nowhere  is  the  air  pleasanter.  The  water 
is  very  digestive,  and  as  in  the  case  at  Pasa  every  fruit  of 
both  the  hot  and  the  cold  region  grows  here.  Thus  the 
orange  and  the  perfumed  melon  [called  ^amcwiah\i\iG: 
lemon,  and  diverse  aromatics  are  all  found  abundantly, 
also  corn-lands.  There  was  here  a very  strongly  fortified 
castle,  but  the  Atabeg  [Chauli]  has  laid  it  in  ruins.  Within 
the  town  there  is  a mosque  for  the  Friday  j^rayer.  The 
people  here  are  cleverer  than  those  of  Kavar.  There 
are  hunting-grounds  near  by,  both  in  the  hills  and  in 
the  plain. 

Khunay fqan? — A large  village  lying  at  the  head  of 
the  road  going  down  into  Firuzabad.  The  Persians  pro- 
nounce the  name  Khunafgan,  and  the  road  from  here  to 
Firuzabad  is  an  extremely  bad  one,  across  passes  and  by 
steep  mountains  where  [the  hand  must  ever]  be  on  the 
bridle.  The  road  was  also  a fearful  one  by  reason  of 
being  beset  by  footpads.-  The  climate  of  Sbiunayfqto  is 
cold  but  temperate.  The  River  Burazah,  which  is  the 
stream  that  flows  past  Firuzabad,  rises  near  by.  The 
people  of  Khunayfqan  have  the  evil  character  of  all 
mountaineers,  but  at  the  present  time  under  the  sovereign 

1 Now  called  IQiafr  (FNN.  196). 

- Now  spelt  Hunifqan,  with  the  lesser  h (FNN.  198). 


320 


IBK-AL-BALKHI 

[government  of  the  Saljiiqs]  the,  roads,  here  as  everywhere 
else,  are  now  safe,  and  no  one  dare  make  any  disorder. 

— A district  that  lies  entirely  in  the  hot 
region,  where  there  are  plantations  of  date-palms.  Its 
lands  are  tlie  caraping-gronnds  of  the  Mas'udi  tribe  of  the 
Sbabankarah;-  There  is  no  city  here,  but  Bm^kan  and 
Shaiianan  [or  Saiiana]  are  both  of  the  Bfu^kanat  District. 

MtUia  [or  Alulmcl’],  Hmnjan,  and  KabrmJ — These  are 
all  districts  of  the  hot  region,  lying  adjacent  to  the  sea,  on 
the  coast  of  Irahistan.  The  climate  here  is  hot  and  the 
Avater  unwholesome  : but  there  are  many  palm-groves, 
thou  all  nowhere  l iere  is  there  a town  of  sufficient  size  to 

O'.' 

possess  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayer. 

Kdrzm,  Qir,  and  Ahzar} — Karzin  is  a fine  town  of  no 
great  size,  but  now  in  ruins  by  reason  of  the  disorders  [of 
the  last  Buyid  days].  Qir  and  Abzar  are  two  small  towns 
belonging  to  Karzin.  They  are  all  of  the  hot  region,  and 
they  take  their  water  from  the  Tliakan  Eiver ; also  there 
are  many  groves  of  the  date-palm.  In  Karzin  there  is 
a vstrong  castle,  and  to  supply  it  with  water  they  have 

^ The  text  of  Istakhri  (p.  105)  in  error  gives  this  name  as  Tushkanat. 
The  town  of  Biishgan  is  the  pi'esent  capital  of  the  Buluk  District,  in  old 
times  doubtless  called  the  Bu^ikanat ; and  ^%anana  of  our  text  is  the 
modern  Sana  in  the  Dashti  District,  lying  4 leagues  to  the  north-west 
of  Shambah  (FNN.  212-13).  See  also  below  in  the  Itinerary. 

- See  Introduction,  p.  12. 

It  is  a question  ^rh ether,  from  the  Persian  text,  three  places  or  two 
are  here  mentioned.  The  names  are  not  now  to  be  found  on  the  map, 
but  the  last  name  in  the  list  may  be  identified  with  the  modern  Cabri, 
lying  17  leagues  to  the  north-west  of  Gillah  Dar  (PNISr.  260).  Istakhi'i 
{p.  105,  where  many  variants  are  noted)  gives  them  as  three  separate 
places,  none  of  which  were  large  enough  to  possess  a mosque  for  the 
Friday  prayers.  Miihu  he  gives  under  the  form  of  Hamand  or  Hamid. 
Hamjan  appears  as  Hajman  or  Hamhan.  Kabrm  or  Kirin  may  be  Kizrin 
or  Kirzin,  the  equivalent  of  Kiarzlrt,  which  lay  one  march  distant  from 
the  well-known  city  of  Karzin  (and,  was  not  to  be  confounded  therewith). 
Cf.  I.H.  204,  Muq.  456. 

All  three  famous  in  the  times  of  the  Ai'ab  geographers.  Karzin  is 
now  merely  a village,  Qir  is  a township,  and  Abzar  town  w'as  probably 
at  Kim  Dih,  the  capital  of  the  Afzar  District,  half  a league  east  of  Ab 
Oarm  (FKIST.  179,  245,  246). 


THK  PROVINCE  OF  PARS 


321 


constructed  a syphon  tube  which  goes  down 

from  the  castle  to  the  bed  of  the  Thakaii  Elver.  The 
[townships  of]  Harm  and  Kariyto  ^ are  of  tlie  dependencies 
of  Karzin. 

Taivwajr — This  of  old  was  a township  of  considerable 
size,  and  it  was  settled  by  a population  of  Arabs,  for  it 
lay  in  the  hottest  and  most  desert  part  of  the  hot  region. 
But  at  the  present  day  it  lies  in  ruins,  and  of  these  Arab 
folk  wlio  peopled  it  in  former  times  hardly  any  remain. 
[After  the  disappearance  of  these  early  inhabitants],  how- 
ever, ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah,  had  brought  hither  a tribe  of 
Sjnian  Arabs,  settling  them  here,  and  at  the  present  time 
such  Arabs  as  are  still  found  here  are  the  descendants  of 
this  tribe.  There  are  no  running  streams  [in  Tawwaj  ],  but 
there  is  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayers. 

Mdnclistdjn? — This  is  a desert  region  measurino* 30 leagues 
in  length  by  the  like  across,  wliere  there  are  many  villages 
and  districts  like  those  found  throughout  Irahistan.  This 
district  lies  along  the  sea-coast,  and  its  crops  are  so  fertile 
that  one  mann-weight  of  seed-corn  produces  a tliousand- 
fold  harvest.  Tliere  is,  however,  no  ground-water  for 
irrigation,  and  they  depend  on  the  rains  alone  for  their 
supply.  The  peojde  have  their  drinking-water  from  the 
tanks  whicli  they  have  made.  All  along  this  coast-region 
the  rains  should  come  in  the  beginning  of  winter,  in  the 
months  of  Azar-Mah  and  Di-Mah  [corresponding  with 
November  and  December],  and  then  they  get  for  that  year 


^ The  towns  of  Harm  and  Kariyan  lie  7 and  GJ  leagues  respectively  to 
the  north-west  of  Bid  Shahr  (FNN.  182).  Haram  or  Harm  is  probably 
identical  with  the  stage  which  Muqaddasi  calls  Hurmuz,  lying  one  march 
from  Karzin.  Istaldiri,  who  also  mentions  this  Hurmuz,  says  it  had  np 
Frida}?"  mosque,  being  but  a small  place  (1st.  lOo,  Muq.  456). 

“ Tawwaj,  often  mentioned  by  the  Arab  geographers,  has  left  its  name 
to  the  modern  district  of  the  coast-lands  near  the  mouth  of  the  ^apiir 
River.  The  site  of  the  town  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  the  present 
Dih  Kuhnah  (Old  Village),  the  chief  town  of  the  (modern)  Shabankarah 
sub-district  of  the  Dashtistan  District  (FNN.  185,  209). 

« FNN.  213* 


322 


IBH-AL-BALKHI 


a magnificent  crop,  gaming  much  wealth.  If,  liowever,  in 
tiiose  two  aforesaid  months  no  I'ain  falls — even  thoiiglx  it 
may  come  later,  and  in  abundance  during  a subsequent 
month — ^then  they  get  no  good  crops  and  the  harvest  is 
wanting. 

and  its  Neighbotirhood,—Smii  in  old  times  was 
a great  city,  very  populous  and  full  of  mercliaridise,  being 
the  port  of  call  for  caravans  ^ and  ships.  Tims  in  the 
days  of  the  [Abbasid]  Caliphs  it  was  a great  emporium, 
for  here  might  be  found  stores  of  'attar  [of  roses]  and 
aromatics  sucli  as  camphor,  aloes,  sandal-wood,  and  the 
like.  [For  its  merchants]  immense  sums  of  money  were 
to  be  gained  here,  and  so  matters  continued  till  the  last 
days  of  the  Buyid  supremacy.  Then,  however,  the 
ancestors  of  the  present  Amir  Kaysh  attained  to  power, 
and  they  got  into  their  possession  the  Island  of  Qays 
with  the  other  neighbouring  islands,  whereby  the  revenue 
that  had  formerly  been  taken  by  Siraf  was  cut  off  and 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Amir  Kay.^.  Further,  the 
Atabeg  Rukn-ad-Dawlah  Khumartagin  [when  he  had  first 
been  appointed  governor  of  Fars]  lacked  power  and  states- 
manship to  provide  a remedy  for  this  state  of  affairs. 
None  the  less  he  did  truly  on  one  or  two  occasions 
proceed  to  Siraf  with  a view  of  building  ships  of  war  that 
should  invade  the  Island  of  Qays  and  the  other  isles,  but 
each  time  that  he  did  so  the  Amir  Kaysh  sent  presents 
to  him  and  gave  bribes  to  those  persons  who  were  about 
him,  so  that  they  dissuaded  him  from  accornplisliing 
his  project.  Next  it  came  to  pass  that  a certain  one 
of  the  Khans  [of  Qays  Island]  named  Abu-l-Qasim 
succeeded  finally  in  getting  possession  of  Siraf  also,  and 

^ The  ruins  of  Siraf  exist  at  Bandar  Tahiri  (FNN.  224). 

2 The  phrase  is  Imriha  wa  hashtlhd^  and  for  hurl,  a word  not 

found  in  the  dictionaries,  Hafiz  Abru  has,  in  the  corresponding  passage, 
Mrvdnhd.  The  ordinary  use  of  hUriyd  or  huriyali  is  for  “ matting 
^ It  is  to  be  noted  that  here  and  elsewhere  it  would  seem  that  Kaysh 
w'as  the  family  name  of  the  Amir  of  Qays  Island. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  FAR8 


:32S 


tlieii  every  year  or  two  [Khumartagin]  would  dispatch 
an  army  thither  with  great  effort  [to  make  Iiini  evacuate 
Siraf],  but  he  could  accomplish  nothing  against  him. 
Tims,  therefore,  as  matters  now  stood,  no  merchant  would 
bring  his  sliip  into  tlie  port  of  Siraf  to  refit,  nor  for 
shelter  would  any  anchor  there  on  the  voyage  to  Kirman 
from  Mahruban  or  Dawraq  or  Basrah,  wherefore  no  goods 
but  leatherware  and  pots/  and  things  that  the  people  of 
Fars  alone  had  need  of,  now  passed  by  the  road  of  Siraf, 
and  thus  the  town  fell  to  complete  ruin.  There  is  still 
here,  however,  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayer,  and  there 
are  many  dependencies  and  outlying  lands.  The  climate 
is  excessively  hot,  and  there  is  no  water,  except  for  one  or 
two  springs,  wherefore  they  have  always  to  depend  on 
collecting  the  rainwater  [in  tanks]  for  drinking  purposes. 

Rmnm  [or  Zavion]  Zavdn,  Dculhin^  and  Davvdn? — 
These  are  three  districts  of  Arda^ir  Khurali,  all  lying  in 
the  hot  region,  but  with  some  parts  within  the  hill 
country,  where  the  climate  is  temperate,  corn  being 

^ The  text  h.fxsjiirm  vm  zard/ah,  and  Hafiz  Abru,  in  the  corresponding 
passage,  has  jurm-i-zard/ah,  '^Hhe  crimes  of  giraffes.”  For  this  it  is 
proposed  to  read  charm,  “leather,”  and  zardfali  as  plural  of  zarf, 
“ a pot  or  vessel.”  But  the  reading  must  be  faulty,  and  the  translation 
is  very  uncertain. 

- For  Ramm  or  Zamm  see  Introduction  (p.  13).  Dadhin  and  Bavvan  are 
mentioned  by  Istakhri,  p.  112.  Bavan  is  still  the  name  of  a village  lying 
2-^  leagues  to  the  north  of  Kazirun,  but  neither  Badhin  nor  Ramm 
Zavan  occurs  on  the  map ; and  as  regards  the  latter  place  there  is  some 
confusion  in  the  spelling  of  the  name.  Its  position  is  given  in  the 
Itinerai’y  as  lying  half-way  between  Ghundijan  and  Tawwaj,  being 
6 leagues  distant  from  either  place  (and  for  the  position  of  these  two 
towns  see  below  in  the  Itinerary),  The  name  there  is  spelt  Rawa-adh- 
Bhiwan,  which  is  varied  to  Ramm-adh-BhIwan  in  the  list  of  the  Kurdish 
Ramms  (see  Introduction,  p.  13).  Both  these  spellings,  however,  appear 
to  be  the  Arabic  form  of  the  Persian  Ramm  Zavan  (or  Ravan  possibly) 
given  as  a district  and  again  below  among  the  Castles.  In  the 
Arabic  authorities  there  is  much  variety  in  the  spelling  by  a shifting- 
of  the  diacritical  points.  IstaWiri  (98,  114,  145)  mentions  it  as  the 
Kurdish  Ramm  of  which  Al-Husayn  ibn  Salih  was  chief,  and  spells 
the  name  variously  Rawa-adh-Bhiwan  and  Ramm-ad-Biwan.  Again, 
Yaqut  (ii,  821)  gives  it  under  the  heading  Ramm-az-Zizan. 


324 


grown  here.  Tliese  districts  come  between  Kaziriin  and 
Nawbanjan. 

Flrazilhad} — This  city  was  called  Jur  in  ancient  days, 
and  the  celebrated  Juri  roses  came  from  here.  In  tlie 
times  of  the  Kayani  kings  of  old  this  was  a mighty  city 
with  strong  fortifications.  Then  when  [Alexander  the 
GIreat]  he  of  tlie  Two  Horns  invaded  Fars,  at  first,  hotvever 
much  he  tried,  he  could  not  succeed  in  taking  this  citj^ 
But  there  is  near  liera  a stream  called  the  Burazah  River, 
•which  flows  at  a higli  level,  going  by  the  mountain-slopes. 
This  river  Alexander  turned  from  its  course,  throwing  it 
against  the  city  [walls],  and  he  set  his  army  round  and 
about  until  at  length  they  obtained  possession.  Now  the 
city  of  Firuzabad  stands  in  the  midst  of  many  gorges,  and 
all  around  and  about  its  circuit  there  are  mountains,  for  the 
which  cause  all  the  roads  that  lead  thither  have  to  traverse 
the  summits  of  divers  passes.  The  [diverted]  river  there- 
fore soon  afterwards  laid  the  city  completely  under  \vater, 
for  the  gorges  filled  and  became  as  a lake,  seeing  that  the 
w^ater  could  find  no  outlet.  In  this  condition  Firuzabad 
remained  for  many  long  years,  the  w’aters  continually 
rising,  until  Arda^Ir  the  [founder  of  the  Sassanian 
dynasty]  came  to  the  throne  and  began  the  conquest  of 
the  [eastern]  wmrld.  And  wdien  he  reached  Firuzabad,  he 
assembled  together  many  engineers  and  sage  persons  in 
order  to  contrive  a means  of  clearing  away  those  watei’s. 
Now  there  \vas  a great  master  among  his  engineers,  whose 
name  was  Burazah.-  With  skill  he  contrived  to  bore  [the 
beginning  of]  a tunnel  to  carry  off  the  ^vaters ; but  first 
he  set  in  the  mountain  side  iron  posts,  each  one  like 
-a  column  for  size,  attaching  thereto  huge  and  strong 
chains,  and  these  posts  were  very  firmly  planted.  Then 
he  continued  his  tunnel  through  the  flank  of  the  mountain, 

^ The  ruins  are  now  known  as  Kushk,  the  Kiosk  ” ; the  older  name 
Jur  still  lingering  (FNIST.  241). 

The  name  is  clearly  written  in  the  MS.  with  all  the  vowels  marked. 


THE  PEOYXKCE  OF  FARS 


325 


he  himself  labouring  with  the  workmen,  niitil  but  a little 
part  remained  before  the  boring  would  get  through.  King 
Ardashir  now  was  brought  to  be  present,  and  Burfizaii  the 
master  engineer  spoke,  saying : When  I shall  liave 
pierced  this  tunnel  through,  the  water  will  rush  out  with 
force,  which  Avould  carry  me  away  and  also  [cany  away 
to  destruction]  those  who  are  working  at  the  boring  witli 
me.  Therefore  [for  our  safety]  I have  caused  this  great 
leathern  sack  to  be  made.'’  In  this  Burazah  and  his  many 
workmen  now  took  their  place,  and  it  was  firmly  fastened 
to  the  great  chains  [above  described],  a great  number  of 
men  being  ajipointed  to  haul  back  with  all  their  might  on 
the  chains  as  soon  as  the  tunnel  should  come  to  be  bored 
through.  These  therefore,  in  companies,  sat  down  to  the 
task.  Then  the  portion  that  remained  un bored  of  the 
tunnel  was  finally  carried  through.  And  the  water  now 
began  to  get  power,  drawing  after  it  the  sack  in  which 
the  engineer  Burazah  and  his  company  of  workmen  were 
sitting,  and  however  much  from  above  the  people  strained 
all  their  strength,  it  was  of  no  avail,  for  the  stream  at  last 
became  so  strong  that  it  burst  the  chains  asunder, 
[whereby  Burazah  and  all  his  men  perished]  ; and  the 
remains  of  those  chains  are  still  to  be  seen  on  the 
mountain  side.  When  therefore  after  this  fashion 
the  waters  had  been  drawn  off  [King  Arda.^ir]  laid  the 
foundations  of  FirCizabad  as  the  city  now  exists ; and  its 
ground-plan  is  circular,  even  as  though  drawn  with 
compasses.  In  the  middle  of  the  city,  even  as  it  were 
the  centre  point  of  the  circle,  they  laid  out  and  built 
a platform  to  which  the  name  of  Iran  Girdah  [or  Ay  van 
Girdah,  ''the  circular  hall”]  was  given,  and  this  the  Arabs 
call  Tirhal  ["  the  Tower  ”].  On  the  summit  of  the  platform 
pavilions  ^ were  built,  and  in  their  midst  a mighty  dome, 
which  was  called  Gunbad  [Kirman  or  Girman].  The  four 


^ The  word  used  is  sdyahd,  ‘‘shades,  shadows,”  i.e.  “ shad}’’  places”, 
in  this  sense  not  found  in  the  dictionaries. 


S26 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


walls  l)elow  this  dome,  up  to  the  spring  of  the  cupola, 
uieasured  in  height  75  ells,  and  these  walls  were  built  of 
blocks  of  stone.  The  cupola  rising  above  this  was  built  of 
kihi-burnt  l>ricks.  Water  was  brought  hither  from  the 
top  of  a mountain,  1 league  distant,  and  carried  to  the 
height  [in  tubes  to  make]  a fountain.  They  dug  also  two 
tanks,  one  called  BtlmPw,  the  Old  Owl,'’  the  other  Bum 
Javan,  ^‘the  Young  Owl,”  and  over  each  of  these  tanks 
they  built  a tire-temple.  The  city  [of  Firuzabad]  is  most 
pleasant  to  live  in  and  a place  to  see ; also  hunting- 
grounds  abound  near  hy  ; the  climate  is  temperate, 
bracing,  and  very  agreeable.  Luscious  fruit  in  plenty 
and  of  all  kinds  is  found  here ; also  digestible  water  is 
abundant,  for  there  are  many  running  streams.  They 
have  built  here  too  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayers,  also 
a fine  hospital ; and  Sahib  'Adil  ^ [the  Wazir  of  the  last 
Buyid  prince]  founded  a very  good  Library  here,  the  equal 
of  which  will  be  met  with  in  no  other  place.  The  castle 
of  Saharah  stands  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Firuzabad. 
The  people  of  this  city  are  a clever  folk,  accustomed  to 
business  and  given  to  good  works. 

SimJvdn  and  Hlrak? — Simkan  is  a small  town  but  most 
pleasant,  iind  the  wonder  of  the  world,  for  this  reason,  that 
through  its  midst  runs  a river,  spanned  by  a bridge,  and 
in  the  one  half  of  the  city  which  stands  on  the  hillside 
along  this  bank  of  the  stream  the  climate  is  of  the  cold 
region.  In  this  quarter  there  are  only  vineyards,  producing 
such  abundance  of  grapes  that  these  fetch  no  price,  so 
they  [dry  and]  press  them  for  the  most  part,  making 
a condiment^  thereof,  while  some  being  kept  are  left 

^ See  Introduction,  p.  8. 

- Sinikan  is  no^y  the  name  of  the  district  of  which  the  chief  city, 
doubtless  older  Simkan,  is  called  Dizah.  Hirak,  or  Habrak  {for  the 
reading  is  uncertain),  is  no  longer  to  be  found  on  the  map.  According 
to  the  Itinerary  it  stood  half-way  between  Simkan  (Dizah)  and  Karzin 
225). 

^ The  terms  used  are  ^asir,  squeezed”  or  expressed  and  ‘alldqah, 
‘^hung  up,”  that  is,  ‘‘cured,”  ‘‘  preserve.” 


32T 


till  a syrup  is  formed,  which . after  boiling  down, 
coagulates  into  a block  that  becomes  hard  as  stone. 
These  blocks  [of  grape-raisins]  are  made  very  large,  and 
before  one  can  eat  of  them  they  have  to  be  soaked  in 
two  or  three  times  their  weight  of  water.  Further, 
they  are  sold  at  a very  cheap  rate.  And  as  to  the 
quarter  of  the  city  which  lies  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  this  is  entirely  of  the  hot  region,  where  the  date- 
palm  grows,  also  oranges,  lemons,  and  the  like.  Hirak 
is  a large  village,  where  there  is  a much  venerated 
shrine  In  Simkan  there  is  a mosque  for  the 

Friday  prayer ; the  people  here  are  [warlike,  always] 
carrying  arms. 

A small  town  of  the  hot  region,  where 
fruits  of  all  kinds  grow,  especially  most  excellent,  grapes. 
There  are  running  streams,  and  the  climate  is  more 
temperate  than  in  the  other  towns  of  the  hot  region. 
Thex^e  is  here  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayers. 

district  that  lies  entirely  in  the  Ixot  region, 
where  the  date-palm  grows.  There  is  no  city  here,  and 
this  district  lies  adjacent  to  Irahistan.  Its  people  always 
go  armed, 

Sarvistan  and  Kuhanjdn? — These  are  two  towns  that 
lie  between  Shiraz  and  Pasa.  Their  climate  is  like  that  of 
Shix*az.  Thex'e  are  running  streams  and  some  few  gardens, 
producing  grapes  and  other  fruits  of  the  cold  regioix.  The 
hunting-grounds  here  are  famous,  especially  the  mountain 

^ There  is  a Maymaiid  to  the  east  of  Firuzabad  (see  FNiST.  30o).  Bat 
possibly  the  chief  town  of  the  JSTaband  District  is  intended,  lying  on  the 
■coast  to  the  east  of  Siraf,  as  mentioned  by  Istakhri  (p.  104).  This  is  lio 
longer  to  be  found  on  the  map. 

2 The  MS.  is  clear,  but  there  is  doubt  as  to  the  reading.  Istakhri 
(pp.  105  and  136)  apparently  mentions  the  same  jdace  under  the  spelling 
Jibrin.  It  is  wanting  on  the  map. 

^ Sarvistan  exists  and  Kubanjan  is  presumably  equivalent  to  the 
modern  Kuhinjan  (FNN.  221,  223).  Yaqut  (iv,  316)  gives  Kubanjan  as 
‘‘a  village  of  the  Shiraz  (District)”.  Probably  it  is  identical  with 
al-Usbanjan,  which  IstaMiri.  (p.  136)  mentions,  coupling  it  with 
Sarvistan. 


328 


IBH-AL-BALSHI 


region  of  Kfibanjto.  Near  here  is  tlie  Salt  Lake 
[Naniakistin],^  where  no  fish  or 'creature  can  exist  for 
its  saltiiess.  Each  town  has  a mosque  for  the  Friday 
players,  and  the  people  here  carry  arms,  being  overbearing 
in  their  ways. 

The  SJf  [or  Coast]  Districts.—ThesG  districts  lie  along 
the  seashore.  They  are  all  of  the  hot  region,  and  for  the 
most  part  the  inhabitants  are  Arabs.  The  climate  here 
is  extremely  unhealthy.  The  best-known  of  these  coast 
districts  are  the  two  called  respectively  the  Sif  of  the 
People  of  Abu  Zuhayr  and  the  'Umarah  Sif.^  In  neither 
district  is  there  any  town  with  a Friday  mosque,  and 
nothing  is  gx’own  here  but  dates. 

Ldjyhir  and  Kaharjdn.^— These  are  districts  lying  near 
Karzin.  They  are  of  the  hot  x^egion,  and  the  climate  is 
unhealthy.  Dates  are  grown  here.  The  people  are  all 
high^vaymen,  and  in  neither  district  is  there  any  town 
with  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayer. 

Kurdn  and  Irdhistan^—Both  the  Irahistto  District 
and  Kuriln  lie  in  the  desert  country,  and  Kuran  is  counted 
as  of  Siraf.  Its  climate  is  so  extremely  torrid  that  only 
men  who  are  native-boim  can  stay  hei’e  by  reason  of  this 
excessive  heat  during  the  summer.  There  are  no  running 
streams  nor  underground  channels.  Their  corn-lands  lack 
irrigation  entirely,  and  no  fruit  is  grown  here  excepting 
only  dates.  Further,  in  their  plantations  the  date-palms 

^ Not  marked  on  the  map. 

" From  the  accounts  of  the  Arab  geographers  the  Abu  Zuhayr  Coast 
lay  near  Siraf,  while  the  ‘Umarah  Coast  was  opposite  the  Island  of  Qays. 
Neither  name  now  is  found  on  the  map. 

® The  town  of  Laghir  exists,  near  the  bend  of  the  Thakan  Biver, 
6 leagues  north-west  of  Khunj  (FNN.  198).  Kaharjan  is  no  longer  to 
be  found,  bub  Is^khri  mentions  it  as  upon  the  ^JQiakan  River  (which  he 
calls  the  Shadkan),  Kaharjan  coming  below  Naband  and  above  Basht 
Dastaqan  on  the  sea-coast  (1st.  106,  IH.  191). 

^ Neither  Kuran  nor  the  Irahistan  District  is  to  be  found  on  the 
present  map.  Kuran,  however,  is  given  in  the  Itineraries  as  situated 
8 leagues  from  Laghir  and  four  days  march  from  Siraf. 


THE  PROYINCE  OF  FAR8 


S29 


do  not  stand  on  the  level  gi‘ound,  for  by  reason  of  tlxe  lack 
of  water,  and  that  these  may  not  perish  from  the  droiiglit, 
they  dig  in  the  soil  a great  trench,  as  deep  down  as  the 
date-palm  is  high,  and  the  palm-trees  are  planted  in  the 
bottom  of  this  trench,  so  that  only  their  \'ery  tops  appear 
above  the  ground-level.  Then  during  the  winter  these 
trenches  are  filled  by  the  rains  with  water,  [ wliich  sinks  in], 
and  so  all  the  year  round  the  palms  get  moisture.  The  dates 
are  of  rare  excellence.  Hence  it  is  a saying  Where  is  it 
that  the  date-palms  grow  in  a pit  ? ” and  the  answer  is 
“ In  Irahistan  In  this  country  near  every  village  there 
stands  out  in  tlie  desert  a fort,  for  all  the  people  hero  are 
footpads,  and  everyone  carries  arms  seeing  that  each  man 
seeks  to  rob  his  neighbour  and  to  shed  his  blood.  When 
a man  here  is  about  to  go  out  as  highwayman  he  will  take 
threshed  corn,  with  some  dry  bread  crumbled,  in  a wallet, 
and  in  a night  and  a day  will  cover  20  leagues  of  the 
road,  and  so  accomplish  his  villainy.  Further,  the  people 
here  are  always  in  revolt  against  the  Government,  since 
no  army  can  stay  in  these  parts  for  more  than  the  three 
months  of  the  springtime,  for  they  cannot  hold  out  the 
winter  here  by  reason  of  the  rains,  with  the  consequent 
lack  of  fodder  [for  their  beasts],  nor  during  the  summer 
by  reason  of  the  heat.  Nevertheless,  in  the  days  of 
the  Buy  id  supremacy  they  were  brought  under  subjection, 
and  for  a time  forced  to  obey  authority ; and  during  the 
reign  of  'Aclud-ad-Dawlah  10,000  of  their  men  served  in 
his  army  as  soldiers.  Their  chief  at  this  time  was  one 
of  the  name  of  Habi.^  Then  after  the  days  of  'Adud- 
ad-Dawlah  they  again  revolted,  and  none  of  them  could 
be  got  to  pay  any  tribute  until  recently,  indeed,  when 
the  Atabeg  Chauli  by  force  of  arms  has  become  master  in 
their  territories. 

^ The  Paris  MS.  gives  the  name  as  JabI;  the  corresponding 
passage  in  Hafiz  Abru  has  Jani  j he  is  apparently  not  mentioned  by 
Ibn-al-Athir. 


830 


IBM-AL-BALEHI 

Najlrmn  and  Najiraiii  is  a small  town  and 

Ilfiras:!]!  a village^  both  being  of  the  dependencies  of  Siraf, 
and  lying  in  the  very  hot  region. 

Hucfi  a ad  f^ajnyahr--~~ThesQ,  with  some  other  districts, 
are  of  tlie  coast-lands  that  belong  tohhe  Island  of  Qays, 
Ixiing  iiinler  the  rule  of  the  Amir  Kaysh.  They  all  lie 
adjacent  to  tlie  liot  region  of  the  Kirman  province. 

The  islands  that  belong  to  this  district  of  Arda.^ir 
Khiirah  are  these  : the  Island  of  Lar,  the  Island  of 
Afeunali,  and  the  Island  of  Qays;  and  the  Island  of  Qays 
is  tlie  chief  among  them  all.  The  description  of  these  and 
of  the  otlier  islands  [of  the  Persian  Gulf]  will  be  given 
in  the  chapter  whicli  the  author  has  written  describing 
the  seas,  and  which  will  be  found  on  a later  page, 
wlierefore  there  is  no  need  to  detail  them  here.  [It  is, 
ho  we  vev,  wanting.] 

The  SiiAFUR  KHUiiAH  District 
This  district  took  its  name  from  Shapiir,  son  of  King 
Ardashir  founder  [of  the  Sassanian  dynasty] ; and  the 
central  city  of  the  district  is  Bishavbtir;  this  with  the 
other  towns  and  sub-districts  being  as  follows. 

lyadjjlvTir? — Tlie  Arabs  wrote  the  name  Bishabilr,  it 
having  originally  been  Bi-Shabur,  and  then  to  lighten 
.the  pronunciation  the  Bl  was  dropped,  so  that  finally  it 

1 Spelt  Hushi  for  the  second  time,  and  IQiiirasln  in  the  Paris  MS. 
It  is  not  mentioned  ]>y  the  Arab  geographers.  Najiram,  according  to 
Ishakhri  {p.  34),  lay  to  the  north  of  Siraf.  ISTeither  names  now  occur  on 
the  map,  but  Najiram  is  probably  identical  with  the  present  harbour  of 
'Bandar  Dayyur  in  the  Bashtl  District  (PNN.  217). 

- Huzfi  is  probably  the  modern  Chiru,  in  the  Shib  Kuh  sub-district  of 
Laristan,  lying  10  leagues  w'esb  of  Oharuk.  In  IstalAri  (p.  163)  the 
name  occurs  ^"ariousIy  as  Siru,  SurG,  or  Shahru.  Saviyah  may  be 
a clerical  error,  for  which  we  should  read  Tavunah,  the  name  of  a village 
lying  1 league  to  the  westward  of  Charuk  (PNIST.  289). 

Modern  >%apur  (FNN.  247).  Written  variously  in  the  MS. 
Bishavbur  and  in  the  Paris  copy  Bi-Shapur,  and  in  error  Ni^iapur  with 
■other  variants.  The  name  originally  was  Bih*:Shapur,  ‘‘  the  Good  Thing 
of  King  Sapor.” 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  VAllS 


mi 


lias  come  3iow  to  be  called  Shapfir.  lu  tlie  most  aiieient 
da3^s  a city  was  founded  here  by  King  Talnuurayi’ 
a time  when  there  was  no  other  city,  in  ail  Fars  excepting 
only  Istalvhr,  and  tlie  name  [of  Shaptir  town]  was  then 
called  Din  Dila.  When  Alexander  the  Great  appeared  in 
Fars,  lie  laid  this  town  in  ruins,  so  that  nouglit  remained 
standing  tliereof.  Then  when  the  kingdom  liad  come  to 
the  hands  of  Shapur  lie  for  the  second  time  founded  it, 
and  brought  all  its  buildings  to  completion,  giving  to  the 
new  city  his  own  name.  Indeed,  to  eveiy  city  that  King 
Shapur  founded,  he  gave  the  same  his  own  name,  that 
liis  memory  might  thus  be  kept  in  mind  ; and  this  was 
the  city  of  Bi.^apur.  The  climate  here  is  that  of  the  hot 
region ; and  by  reason  that  on  the  north  side  it  is  shut  in 
[by  hills]  the  town  is  unhealthy  and  damp.  The  water 
supply  is  from  a great  stream  that  is  called  the  Bi.^aptir 
River.  It  is  a very  large  river,  but  seeing  that  there  are 
here  many  rice-fields,  its  water  is  noxious  and  uinvhole- 
some.  There  are,  however,  in  this  district  so  many 
orchards  of  fruit-bearing  trees  of  all  kinds,  such  as  date- 
palms,  orange,  shaddock,  and  lemon-trees,  that  fruit  here 
fetches  no  price ; and  those  who  pass  by  the  road  even  fail 
to  pluck  it.  There  are  also  aromatic  flowers  in  great 
abundance,  such  as  water-lilies,  the  narcissus,  violets, 
and  jasmine : further,  they  produce  much  silk  here,  for 
mulberry-trees  grow  luxuriantly.  Then  lioney  and  \vax 
are  clieap,  both,  in  this  city  and  in  Kazirun.  Of  late  years 
Bi-Sbapur  has  fallen  much  to  ruin  through  the  tyranny  of 
Abu  Sa‘d.^  Now,  however,  since  the  establishment  of  the 
present  Saljiiq  government  its  buildings  are  all  being 
restored.  It  has  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayers,  and  tlie 
people  are  intelligent. 

JirraliJ — Called  in  Persian  Girrah.  It  is  a small  town, 

^ Of  the  Shabankarah  ; see  Introduction,  p.  12. 

“ The  district  of  Jirrah.  exists,  and  the  town  of  that  name  is  probably 
to  be  identified  with  the  modern  Ishfayiqan  (FNN.  18o).  For  the 
Masaram  District  see  below  in  the  Itineraries. 


382 


IBN-AL-BALEHf 


having  a warm  climate.  Its  water  is  from  a stream  that 
is  known  as  the  Oirrah  River,  and  this  takes  its  rise  in 
tlie  Masaram  District.  This  town  produces  nothing  but 
rice~\vhi(*h  pays  the  land-tax^ — dates,  and  corn.  Tlie 
peoplii  for  the  most  part  go  armed.  There  is  a mosque 
in,*, re  tor  the  Friday  prayers.  The  district  called  Mur-i- 
Jiri'ah  is  of  this  neighhourhood. 

(JhunflJjaiiJ — This  is  known  as  Dasht  Bari  in  Persian. 
It  is  a small  town  of  the  hot  region,  and  its  water  is  from 
a single  brackish  well,  there  being  no  other  source  in  the 
place.  No  corn  is  grown  liere.  There  is  a mosque  in  the 
town  for  the  Fi'ichxy  prayer,  and  many  pious  men  were 
nati\'es  of  this  place.  There  are  now  many  shoemakers 
and  w’eavers  living  here. 

Khtdii  Kurndrij,^ — Two  small  towns  lying  in  the 

hill  eountiy  of  the  very  hot  region.  Innumerable  date- 
palms  grow  here,  but  no  other  fruit-trees.  Tliere  are 
some  running:  streams,  but  the  water  of  these  is  warm  and 
not  wliolesomo  to  drink.  The  corn  crops  liere  sometimes 
fail  entirely,  but  at  other  times  are  abundant.’”'  The 
people  of  the  place  carry  arms,  and  for  tlie  most  part  tliey 
are  robbers. 

A nlnmln  and  BllM  Qutd.^ — These  places  lie  contiguous 
to  Nawbarijan.  Anburan  is  a small  town,  of  which 

^ The  MS,  is  without  diacritical  points,  and  in  ruzz-i-Mardjl  the  first 
word  may,  instead  of  ruzz^  “rice,”  be  read  as  zm\  “gold”  (i.e.  money), 
or  mz,  “ grapes.”  The  translation  is  uncertain. 

- Mur  of  eJirrah  no  longer  exists,  but  4J  leagues  to  the  north  of 
Kaziriai  there  is  the  village  of  Murdak,  which  may  have  a connexion 
with  the  name  (FNN.  255). 

No  town  of  Ghundljan  now  exists,  but  from  its  position  as  given  in 
the  Itinerary  modern  Jamilah  probably  occupies  its  site  (FNN.  195). 

**  FNN.  195. 

Baks,  “lacking,”  and  hdrydh^  with  the  sense,  not  given  in  the 
dictionaries,  of  “abundant  ”.  These  words  occur  again  below. 

Ba^it  is  now  the  chief  town  of  the  Bav!  sub-district  in  Ktih  Giluyah 
(FNN.  271),  This  probably  marks  the  site  of  Anburan,  mentioned  also 
by  Istakhri  (p.  110),  but  the  names  Anburan  and  Qutaare  now  unknown, 
and  the  Arab  geographers  make  no  mention,  of  Basht  Quta. 


THE  PROVINCE  OE  FABS 


333 


a number  of  pious  folk  are  natives.  Tlie  climate  is 
temperate,  and  there  are  many  running  streams.  Basht 
Quta  is  a district  lying  in  the  cold  region  of  the  mountain 
lands. 

Junhad  Alallaghdn}  — This  is  a small  town  which 
stands  in  its  own  district.  The  climate  is  hot,  and  there 
are  inany  running  streams.  Fruit  is  grown,  also  aromatic 
plants.  There  is  a castle  here,  among  other  neighbouring 
castles  that  are  well  fortified  and  celebrated.  The  air  in 
this  castle  is  so  cool  that  [stores  of]  wheat  can  be  kept 
here  without  damage,  and  they  have  inade  good  cisterns 
for  water.  There  is  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayer  in 
the  town. 

Tit  Ahirdan  and  Juyihdn A~TheQe  are  two  districts 
wherein  are  many  large  villages  but  no  town.  Of  villages 
there  are  Eharrarah,  Dudmaii,  and  Dih  Gawz  [Nut  Village]. 
All  these  districts  lie  among  bi'oken  rocky  ground,  with 
stony  ascents  and  descents  like  those  in  the  Kharraqan 
[District  in  Persian  Traq],  though  here  the  country  is 
rougher  and  the  roads  steeper.  The  climate  is  of  the  cold 
region  and  good.  On  all  sides  there  are  orchards,  with  fruit 
of  every  kind  ; more  especially  groves  of  nut-trees,  and 
in  such  numbers  as  to  be  beyond  count,  nuts  being  carried 
into  Shiraz  and  the  surrounding  districts  from  here. 
Honey,  too,  is  abundant.  Now  all  the  hills  here,  with 
their  ascents  and  descents,  are  everywhere  sown  for  corn 
crops.  Some,  where  the  hillside  is  steep,  lack  for  water, 
but  the  valleys  are  well  irrigated,  for  tliere  are  numerous 
running  brooks.  The  village  of  Kharrarah  [which  means 

^ The  modern  Du  Gunbadan  (Two  Domes),  lying  8 leagues  west  of 
modern  Basht. 

- Tir  Murdan  exists,  and  Jtiyikan,  which  IstaWiri  writes  Juyikhan 
(p.  110),  is  modern  Chawgan,  lying  4 leagues  east  of  Fahliyan  (FNN. 
303,  304).  l^arrarah  (position  given  in  the  Itinei’aries),  Dudman,  and 
Dih  Gawz  (Nut  Village)  are  not  to  be  found  on  the  modern  maps,  for  this 
Dudman  cannot  be  the  present  village  of  that  name  lying  1 league 
south-east  of  Shiraz. 


334 


IBK-AL-BAl^KHI 


liumniing  ”]  is  so  named  because  near  by  this  village 
a streairi  falls  into  a deep  gorge,  where  it  makes  a great 
noise  [as  of  humming],  which  in  the  Arabic  tongue  is 
calleii  p' the  Humming  of  the  Water”]. 

Aba  Nasr,  the  father  of  Ba  Jul,^  and  who  left  so  many 
desc<mdants,  came  originally  from  Tlr  Miirdan.  All  the 
people  of  this  district  go  armed,  and  for  tlie  most  part 
they  are  bandits  and  higliwaymeii  by  night.  Furtlier, 
there  are  excellent  hunting-grounds  here. 

Hamm  and  Bdzrang.'^ — These  are  two  districts  lying 
between  Zir  [or  Zlz]  and  Surnayram.  The  climate  is  that 
of  the  cold  region,  for  the  districts  stand  high  in  the  hill 
country,  with  torrents  of  water  and  many  running  streams. 
From  years  end  to  year’s  end  snow  is  never  long  absent 
from  the  mountains  here,  and  there  are  many  good  hunting- 
grounds.  The  source  of  the  Shirin  River  is  in  the  Bazrang 
District.  The  chief  town  of  this  region  is  Sartoi.  Most 
of  the  men  here  are  muleteers. 

SiinfulM? — This  is  a district  of  tlie  very  cold  region 
lying  near  Saram  and  Bazrang.  There  are  many  running 
»streams  here. 

Klmlldr^ — A large  village  where  tliey  quarry  the 
millstones  which  are  used  throughout  the  greater  part 
of  the  province  of  Filrs,  for  the  stone  here  is  of  excellent 
quality.  The  curious  f)art  is  that  in  ail  Fars  they  grind 

^ The  reading  of  the  name  is  uncertain,  and  this  Abu  Nasr  is  not 
mentioned  in  Ibn-al-Athh*. 

“ The  modern  district  is  called  Churum,  of  which  the  chief  town  is 
called  Tall-Cxird,  “ Round  Hill,”  lying  10  leagues  north-east  of  Bihhahan. 
The  name  of  Bazrang,  frequently  mentioned  by  the  Arab  geographers, 
has  disappeared  from  the  map,  as  also  is  wanting  the  town  of  Zir,  which 
Muqaddas!  (p.  389)  writes  Ziz.  Surnayram,  now  called  Samiram,  lies 
4 leagues  to  the  south-west  of  Isfadi^au  (FJSTlSr.  220,  273). 

^ Spelling  most  uncertain,  and  apparently  no  longer  to  be  found  on 
the  map.  Variants  may  be  read  Simbakht,  Sallmsat,  Salimnahast,  etc.; 
and  it  is  probably  the  place  given  in  IstaWiri  (p.  113)  as  As-Saljan  (with 
many  variants). 

^ Khullar  lies  9 leagues  north-west  of  Shiraz  and  o leagues  beyond 
Guyum  (Juwaym)  (FNN.  191). 


335' 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  EARS 

their  com  witli  millstones  from  this  village,  but  when  tlie 
people  thereof  liave  to  grind  their  own  corn  they  go  to 
some  other  village  to  do  so,  for  in  their  own  place  there  is 
no  streain  [to  turn  a mill],  and  the  springs  even  are  very 
scanty  in  their  w^ater  supply,  on  which  the  people  liave  to 
depend  for  drinking.  Except  for  these  millstones  the 
place  produces  nothing ; there  is  neither  corn  nor  fruit 
grown  liere,  and  they  look  to  the  quarrying  of  these 
stones  for  their  means  of  living,  whereby  too  they  are 
enabled  to  pay  taxes  to  the  Treasury  to  the  amount  of 
700  dinars  yearly. 

Khumdyijdii  mid  Dih^Ali} — These  are  two  districts,, 
and  [Dill  'Ali]  the  chief  town  has  a mosque  for  the  Friday 
prayers.  The  climate  is  cold,  and  there  are  many  walnut 
and  pomegranate  trees  here,  also  much  honey  and  wax 
comes  from  these  districts,  which  lie  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Tir  Murdan  and  near  by  Bay  da.  The  people  generally 
go  armed  ; they  are  for  the  most  part  muleteers.  In  the 
neighbourhood  are  excellent  hunting-grounds. 

Kdzirim  and  its  District— The  original  seat  of  Kazirun 
was  at  [the  three  villages  called]  Nawdar,  Darist,  and 
Rahban,  and  the  city  was  first  founded  by  TahmuraDr. 
King  Shapur,  in  later  times,  built  greatly  here,  making  of 
Kazirun  an  outlying  part  of  Bi^abur.  The  climate  is  hot, 
like  tliat  indeed  of  Bishavur,  and  all  the  water  they  drink 
has  to  be  taken  from  wells,  for  there  are  no  running 
streams,  only  the  three  underground  water-channels  of> 
the  villages  above-mentioned.  Their  corn-lands  entirely 
lack  irrigation  and  depend  on  the  rains.  The  city  of 
Kazirun  lies  in  ruins,  but  the  farms  round  about  are 
populous,  and  their  homesteads  are  not  [mere  cabins]  like 
those  of  other  hamlets  in  these  parts,  but  are  strongly 

^ Dill  'Ail,  now  more  generally  called  Dali,  lies  4^  leagues  south-east 
.of  xArdakaii.  The  name  of  IQiuraayijan,  mentioned  by  Ispxkhri  (p.  Ill) 
as  a district,  but  with  no  town  large  enough  to  possess  a mosque  for  the 
Friday  prayers,  has  disappeared  from  the  map. 


IBK-AL-BALEHI 


built  hoiifies,  well  'fortified,  as  a defence  against  the 
Sjjabankarali  [Kurds],  who  are  nuinerous  throughout  this 
distriet.  Each  farmstead  here  stands  separate  one  from 
ufiotla-r,  and  they  are  not  built  together  [in  groups  of 
villages].  The  cloths  called  Ttizl  [originally  coming  from 
1 awwaj]  wliich  they  make  here  are  woven  from  the  fil>re 
of  the  fiax-jilant.  Of  this,  first  tliey  tie  up  the  fibrous 
stalks  in  bundles  and  throw  these  into  a tank  full  of 
water,  leaving  the  fibre  loose  until  it  has  rotted.  It  is 
next  gathered  uji,  the  fibre  being  separated  out,  and  the 
fiax  is  tlien  spun  into  linen  thread.  Next,  this  linen 
thread  is  waslied  in  tlie  water  of  the  Rahban  water- 
clianiiel ; and  thougii  the  water  liere  is  but  scanty,  it  has 
tlie  propei’ty  of  making  white  the  linen  thread  that  is 
waslied  in  it,  and  if  it  be  washed  in  any  other  ^vater 
it  never  becomes  wliite.  Now,  this  Rriliban  water-channel 
is  the  property  of  tlie  rojuil  Treasury,  and  the  custom  is 
now  established  that  the  profit  tliereof  belongs  to  the 
house  of  the  Amir,  tlie  Treasury  having  granted  the  usage 
thereof  to  the  weavers  who  weave  the  cloths  under  the 
orders  of  the  Treasury.  There  is  an  inspector  \vho 
oversees  on  belialf  of  the  Treasury,  and  there  are  the 
brokers  wlio  set  a just  price  on  the  cloths,  sealing  the 
bales  with  a stamp  before  they  are  delivered  over  to 
the  foreign  merchants.  In  times  past  it  was  all  after 
this  wise.  The  brokers  would  make  up  the  bales  of  the 
^^Kazirimi  cloth,  the  foreign  merchants  \voiild  come  and 
buy  the  bales  as  they  stood  thus  made  up,  for  they  placed 
reliance  on  the  brokers,  and  in  any  city  to  which  they 
were  carried  the  certificate  of  the  Kaziruni  broker  was 
merely  asked  for  and  the  bale  would  then  be  sold  at 
a profit  without  being  opened  [for  examination].  Thus  it 
often  happened  that  a load  of  Kaziruni  bales  would  pass 
from  hand  to  hand  ten  times  over,  unopened.  But  now, 
in  these  latter  days,  fraud  has  become  rife,  and  the  people 
becoming  dishonest  all  confidence  is  gone,  for  the  goods 


THE  PBOVmCE  OF  FAHS 


337 


with  the  Treasury  stamp  are  often  found  deticient,  whereby 
foreign  traders  have  eorne  to  avoid  tlie  mereliandise  of 
Kazirun.  This  fraud  was  especially  eonnnon  during  the 
reign  of  the  Amir  Abu  whose  bad  government  and 

tyranny  were  manifest  to  all.  If,  however,  tliis  evil  state 
of  things  could  be  changed,  much  wealth  would  still  accrue 
from  this  manufacture.  Further,  in  addition  to  the 
revenues  to  be  derived  from  the  Kazirimi  cloths,  which 
belong  to  the  house  of  the  Amir,  there  are  the  land-tax 
and  the  customs,  both  of  which  would  increase  greatly 
under  a just  and  stable  government.  In  \^arious  of  the 
townships  of  Kazirim  there  are  mosques  for  the  Friday 
prayers.  The  people,  however,  are  covetous  and  need}?' ; 
further,  they  are  a slanderous  folk.  In  all  these  parts 
there  are  places  where  [a  criminal]  may  take  refuge,  as  it 
were  in  a Havlm  [or  Sanctuary],  and  of  such  is  [the  shrine] 
of  Shayyi  Abu  Ishaq  Shirazi,  whom  Allah  sanctif}?- ! 
Among  the  populous  districts  of  Kazirun  are  Mur  and 
Shitashgan.^ 

Naivbanjan^  and  Bavvdn, — Nawbanjtin  in  former 

times  was  a very  great  and  beautiful  city,  but  during 
the  misrule  of  Abu  Sa^d  of  Kazirun  it  was  more  than 
once  taken  by  storm,  being  sacked  and  burnt,  so  that 
even  the  great  mosque  was  then  destroyed  by  fire.  In 
this  state  of  ruin  it  remained  for  many  years,  being 
but  a lair  for  lions  and  wolves,  a place  of  ravenous 
beasts  and  their  prey ; its  population  was  scattered 
-abroad,  and  its  people  perished  in  foreign  lands.  When, 
however,  the  Atabeg  Chauli  arrived  in  Fars,  and  the 
province  was  rid  of  Abu  Sa'd,  he  began  to  rebuild  the 
■city,  and  it  may  now  be  hoped  that  under  the  stable 
government  [of  the  Saljtiqs]  its  prosperity  will  be  restored. 


^ Of  the  ^abankarah  ; see  Introduction,  p.  12. 

^ Probably  Mur  of  Jirrah,  see  above  under  Jirrah,  Shitashgan  is 
unknown. 

^ Now  known  as  Nawbandagan  (FNN.  303). 


838 


IBK-AL-BALKHI 


cliriiatf.^  here  m that  of  the  liot  region  ])iit  temperate. 
It  hfis  many  riinriiiig  Btreaiiis.  Fruits  of  all  kinds  grow 
liere,  also  aronuitie  plants  in  abundance. 

Tht‘  \’'a]e  of  Sha‘b  Bavvan  ^ lies  in  tlie  neiglibourliood  of 
Xawhanjfui : and  it  may  be  tlms  described.  It  is  a great 
valley  enelo.seil  between  two  ranges  of  mountains,  31-  leagues 
in  length  by  11-  leagues  across.  Its  climate  is  that  of  the 
cold  region,  nr^ne  better  anywhere.  Villages  one  after 
another  extend  along  the  valley,  and  a great  river  flows 
down  the  middle  part  thereof,  so  that  no  place  is  cooler  or 
more  healthy  to  live  in.  Further,  there  are  many  excellent 
springs  everywliore  about,  and  from  the  head  of  the  valley 
to  its  foot,  all  down  its  length  and  across  it,  there  are 
fruit-tn^es  growing  everywhere,  so  that  from  their  shade 
tlie  sunlight  miver  falls  upon  the  ground.  The  fruit  here 
is  of  all  kinds,  and  very  excellent  in  quality.  Should 
a man  walk  f}*om  one  end  of  the  valley  to  the  other, 
the  sunshine  will  nowhere  fall  on  him  ; and  from  one 
end  of  tlie  year  to  the  other  the  snow  remains  on  the 
summits  of  the  mountains  that  lie  on  either  hand.  It 
lias  been  said  by  wise  men  that  there  are  four  Earthly 
Paradises,  to  wit,  the  Ghawtah  [Garden-lands]  of  Damascus, 
Sughd  [Sogdiana]  of  Khurasan,  [this  Valley  of]  Sli‘ab 
Bavvan,  and  lastly  the  Meadow  of  Shidan‘^;  by  which 
they  mean  that  these  four  places  just  mentioned  are  the 
loveliest  and  pleasantest  places  of  the  whole  earth.  There 
are  here  in  tlie  neighbourhood,  besides  this  valley  of 
SliaT)  Bavvan,  many  other  districts,  both  in  the  hill  countiy 
and  in  the  plains,  which  are  well  populated,  fertile,  and 
ricli,  with  running  streams.  The.  White  Castle — QaPali 
Sapid — stands  at  the  distance  of  1 league  from  Xaw- 
banjan,  and  the  description  of  the  same  will  be  given 
later  in  the  section  relating  to  the  Castles.  All  the  district 

1 See  FNN.  SOS. 

- OtherwUse  called  the  Meadow-land  of  Shidaii  and  mentioned  below,, 
but  its  situation,  unfortunately,  is  no.where  given. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  EARS 


339 


round  Sha'b  Bavvto  is  of  the  hill  country,  and  round 
Nawbanjan  there  are  limitless  hunting-grounds.  The 
people  of  Nawbanjto  are  a discreet  folk,  with  an  aptitude 
for  politeness. 

Bilad  ^dhfbv} — This  countryside  lies  between  tlie  Fa5*s 
and  Khuzistto  provinces.  In  olden  times  it  was  ^^ery 
populous,  but  it  now  has  fallen  to  ruin.  Its  climate  is 
temperate  though  of  the  hot  region,  and  there  are  many 
running  streams. 

Z'lr  and  Kuli  J%L‘U/yak? — -The  Jiluyah  Mountain  is  a hill 
district  with  many  lands,  and  its  chief  town  is  Zir.  The 
climate  here  is  Cold;  there  are  abundant  running  streams 
and  numerous  fine  villages.  During  the  recent  times  of 
disorder,  and  especially  when  the  Assassins — and  may 
Allah  cause  them  to  perish  I— held  sway  in  the  land,  all  this 
district  fell  greatly  to  ruin.  Fruit  orchards  are  numerous, 
and  in  Zir  there  is  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayer.  This 
district  lies  not  far  distant  from  Sumayram,  and  there  are 
fine  hunting-grounds  within  its  borders. 

^ “ The  Country  of  Sapor  ” is  still  found  on  the  map  (PNN.  266). 
According  to  Muqaddasi  its  chief  town  was  called  Jtimah  (the  Township), 
and  Hindiiwan  or  Hindijan  was  within  its  limits  {Muq.  422,  1st.  113). 

- Kuh  Giluyah  is  still  the  name  for  the  great  province,  with  many  sub- 
districts,  occupying  all  the  mountain  region  to  the  north-west  of  Fars 
(FNN.  262).  For  Zir  or  Ziz  see  above  under  Saram. 


( To  he  continued. ) 


X 


A PEOPOS  DE  LA  BATATIOM  El  BOBBIEE 
Pah  B.  GAUTHIOT 

T^EPIJIS  qu’eii  avril  1911,  a paru  dans  ce  meme  journal 
une  note  sur  la  langue  et  Teeriture  des  anciens 
documents  sogdiens  retrouves  par  M.  M.  A.  Stein,  dans 
une  tour  du  vienx  Ihnes  chinois,  il  nous  a ete  possible 
d’etudier  de  plus  pres  ces  textes  si  curieux.  M.  M.  A.  Stein, 
d’accord  avec  M.  Cowley,  qui  les  avait  le  premier  examines, 
a bien  voulu  mettre  a notre  disposition  les  photographies 
des  six  lettres  ” les  mieux  conservees.  Celles-ci,  malgre 
r^ge,  et  bien  qu'elles  soient  toutes  plus  on  moins  deteriorees, 
constituent  des  documents  precieux;  ce  ne  sont  pas  le 
moins  du  monde  des  debris : toutes  presentent,  malgre 
leurs  lacunes,  des  morceaux  d un  seul  tenant,  dont  la 
longueur  est  variable,  il  est  vrai,  mais  qui  fournissent  des 
phrases  suivies,  des  formes  nominale»s  et  verbales  variees, 
bref  de  veritables  petits  textes. 

Cependant,  elles  restent  difficiles  a comprendre  comma 
tons  les  documents  anciens  qui  se  referent  a la  vie 
journaliere.  MSme  sur  les  domaines  on  nous  sommes 
le  mieux  informes,  notre  connaissance  de  la  vie  pratique 
avec  tons  ses  details  precis  demeure  fort  imparfaite ; 
la  litterature,  en  effet,  ne  nous  renseigne  pas,  on  peu 
s’en  faut,  sur  ce  sujet.  On  pent  s’iinaginer  des  lors  quelle 
est  notre  indigence  quand  il  s’agit  d’une  langue  ignoree 
pour  ainsi  dire  il  y a pen  d’annees,  et  qui  etait  parlee 
par  des  homines  dont  les  moeurs,  les  conditions  et  le  genre 
d’existence  nous  sont  encore  inconnus.  Il  est  a craindre 
dailleurs,  que  la  litterature  religieuse  bouddhique  traduite 
du  Sanskrit  ne  nous  donne  guere  de  renseignements  sur 
le  vocabulaire  technique  et  familier  des  Sogdiens ; mais 
on  pent  esperer  que  les  apocryphes,  les  textes  contenant 


S42  A PEOFOS  m LA'BATATION  IN'  SOGDIEN 

dew  recctifhs  ina^dques  oti  autres,  et  les  progres  de 
rar(jlH‘ol(.>gie  de  I’Asie  centrale  dans  son  ensemlde  nous 
aideront  da\’antage.  Dans  quelque  temps,  pent-otre,  il 
sera,  possible  de  donner  line  veritable  efUtion  des  docu- 
ments de  M.  M.  A.  Stein,  snrtout  si  la  fortune  qui  a tant 
fait  dejii'  pour  b.^s  arebuologues  et  les  liiiguistes  en  Asie 
centrale  se  moiitre  favorable.  En  attendant,  leur  etude 
iinguistique  atbmtive,  a Taide  des  renseignements  fournis 
par  hi  sogdien  bomldlnque,  inanicheen  et  chretien,  ainsi 
qiie  par  les  an t res  dialectes  iraniens,  peut  donner  de\s 
maintenant  des  resiiltats  positifs. 

II  est  deja  possible,  par  exemple,  de  se  rendre  compte, 
que  le  sogdien  apparait  dans  les  textes  anciens  rapportes, 
par  M.  M.  A.  Stein  et  qu’il  a troiives,  dapres  les 
renseignements  qu’il  nous  a obligeamment  fournis,  aupres 
de  documents  cbinois  dat4s  des  annees  1 a 20  de  notre  eve, 
sous  line  forme  deja  nettement  definie  et  qui.  n’a  varie  sur 
aucuu  point  essentiel  jusqu  an  septieme  siecle  an  rnoins,  ou 
elle  servait  de  langue  litteraire  aux  boiiddliistes,  et  jusqu'au 
neiivieme,  ou  les  redacteurs  maniebeens  de  rinscrij^tion  de 
Kara  Balgassoun  Fecrix^aient  encore  (cf.  F.  W.  K.  Miiller, 
BitsiingsbeHchte  de  Fxlcademie  de  Berlin,  1909,  n^  xxvii). 
Sans  doute  n etait-eile  plus  parlee  alors  comme  elle  etait 
notee : les  maniebeens  et  les  chretiens  qui  se  sent  adresses 
au  penple  out  use  d’une  langue  sensiblernent  plus  evoluee 
et  debarrassee  des  cryptogrammes;  car  le  sogdien  a ete 
traite  sur  ce  point  comme  le  moyen  persan.  Dans  les 
documents  bouddhiques  eux-memes,  ou  du  moins  dans 
certains,  se  manifesto  le  desaccord  entre  la  vieille 
orthographe  traditionelle  et  Fusage  familier  au  copiste 
ou  au  redacteur:  pour  xien  donner  qiFun  exemple,  le  mot 
''  monde  ” est  dans  les  textes  bouddliiques,  et  sur 

Finscription  de  Kara  Balgassoun  (cf.  Muller,  loc.  laud., 
p.  729)  dont  le  caractfere,  litteraire  et  savant  est  un  trait 
essentiel,  quil  faiit  mettre  avant  tout  en  relief.  Mais 
la  spirante  bilabiale  /3  a tendu  assez  tot  a perdre  sa 


343 


A ;PK0P08  DE  LA  DATATION  EN  SOGDIEN 

soiiorite  et  a passer  a / an  contact  d'une  con^sonne 
sourde,  et  cette  modification  .est  indiquee  parfois  par  les 
])ouddbistes  an  rnoyen  d'ma  point  souscrit  an  (ainsi 

Documents  Inventaire,  n®  35 1 9) ; qnant  aiix  eliretieus 

ils  ecri  vent /rm/SS  (cf.  F.  W.  K.  Muller,  Sitzungshericlde  de 
i’Academie  de  Berlin,  1907,  no  xiii,  p.  6);  le  ineme  fait 
s’est  prodnit  pour  le  /3  de  ‘‘qnatre”  (ci  Mem.  Soc.  Ling., 
t.  xvii,  pp.  137  et  151).  Mais  la  force  de  la  tradition 
litteraire  a ete  grande  en  sogdien  (cf.  JA.,  jnillet-aont, 
1911,  p.  56  et  suiv.),  ei  elle  a peso  sur  les  innovations  des 
manicheens  enx-in§nies,  ainsi  qne  Ton  pent  s’en  i^endre 
compte  facilement  en  lisant  le  premier  des  Zvjei  soghdische 
ExJmrse  de  M.  F,  C.  Andreas  (v.  Sitzungsberichte  de 
I’Academie  de  Beilin,  1910,  n°  xv),  on  est  donne  nn 

aper^u  dn  r61e  des  graphics  historiqnes  en  sogdien 
rnanicheen.  Dans  Tensemble  d’aillenrs,  Funite  rnise  en 
relief  ici-m^me  (JRAS.,  April,  1911,  p.  501  et  suiv.)  se 
confirme  a Fexamen : on  avait  deja  signale  (ibid.,  p.  505) 
qne  le  participe  passe  dn  verbe  'taller”  etait 
les  documents  Stein  cornme  dans  Fensemble  dn  sogdien; 
on  pent  aj outer  qu’il  en  est  de  meme  pour  presqne  tout 
le  vocabnlaire  et,  en  particnlier,  les  verbes  dont  void 
quelques  exemples  : 

prB~,  " vendre  ” (p.  ex.  T.  XII,  a.  ii,  4,  ligne  3). 

S/3r-,  "donner”  (p.  ex.  T.  XII,  a.  ii,  4,  1.  10). 

SV~,  " avoir  ” (p.  ex.  T.  XII,  a.  ii,  3,  1.  8). 
prm'y-,  " ordonner  ” (p.  ex.  T.  XII,  a.  ii,  4, 1.  5). 
ryryoi-  (pres.),  yryt-  (part,  pass.),  "acheter”  (ji.  ex. 

T.  XII,  a.  ii,  Sg,  11.  5 et  6). 
fys-,  " entrer  ” (T.  XII,  a.  ii,  1,  11.  7 et  8). 

A c6te  de  cela  les  quelques  traits  d’archaisme,  d'aillenrs 

^ Nous  transcrivons  ici  le  sogdien  tanb  des  lettres  rapportees  par 
M.  Stein  que  des  textes  bouddhiques  ou  de  Tinscription  de  Kara* 
Balgassoun,  e’est-a-dire  tout  le  sogdien  note  en  ecriture  sogdienne  ” 
conformement  aux  indications  donnees  dans  le  Journal  A siatique,  janvier- 
fevrier,  1911,  p.  81  et  suivantes. 

JRAS.  1912. 


23 


844 


A PEOFOS  m LA  DATAflON  EK  SOGBIEN 


precieux,  paraisnent  peu  de  chose.  Notoiis,  eepeiidant,  qtie 
requivaleiit  cle  Firanien  comrauii  ^haca  (pcrs.  j!),  (|iii  doit 
otre  ivgiiliereineiit  en  sogdien  ac  (cf.  Ifim.  Soc.  Ling., 
fc.  xvii,  p.  155),  est  precisement  atteste  sous  cette  forme 
daus  jes  doeuiiients  Steiu  ofi  on  le  trouve,  entre  autrcs, 
T.  Xn,  a.  ii,  5,  li.  11  et  32,  T.  XII,  a.  ii,  1,  1.  9,  tandis 
qii’en  sogdieii  bouddhique,  nmnicheeri  et  cliretien  on  iie 
!*eiicoritre  plus  que  can  note  respectivernent  cnn  et  Jlf ; Di- 
ce cam  est  visiblement  un  derive  de  Ajoutons  que 

ia  lettre  T.  XII,  a.  ii,  3 presente  la  forme  SwySryh  soit 
^SuySar-  ''hlle”  a ia  iigne  27,  au  lieu  du  des  textes 

bouddhiques,  ecrit  tantot  Zwyt,  tantot  hywt,  et  dont  le  -f 
est  dll  a Fanalogie  de  mt  ''  mk*e/'  et  autres 

semblables. 

IJn  point  particulier  oil  se  marque  la  continuite  de  la 
tradition  litteraire  du  sogdien  est  la  forme  de  la  clausule 
qui  sert  a dater  les  lettres  rapportikis  par  M.  M.  A.  Stein. 
Quatre  sur  six  sont  munies  de  cette  formule  qui  se  presente 
d’abord  sous  Faspect  suivant  dans  le  document  publie  en 
fae-simile  dans  le  eahier  de  janvier,  1911,  de  ce  Journal : 
hrt  ZNH  lyldi  JcB  10  niyk  onyiu  kS  IJ^  syth. 

Le  sens  de  cette  phrase,  qui  forme  la  ligne  9 du  texte  en 
question,  est  clair : elle  signifie  fait  cette  lettre  lors  du 
dixieme  mois,  lors  du  quatorze  ecoule  Le  participe 
pass6  krt  (ecrit  aussi  Icrt)  ne  fait  pas  de  difSculte  (cf.  avest. 
kdTdta-) ; le  mot  kh  non  plus  (cf.  avest.  ka^a) ; myiv  est 
le  correspondant  tout  a fait  regulier  de  Firanien  ^mah- 
et  du  persan  si  Fon  tient  compte  de  la  loi  posee  par 
M.  Andreas  du  passage  de  h intervocalique  a cr  en  sogdien. 
Quant  k 10  myk  c’est  exactement  notre  “ 10*^“®  ” et  il  se 
lisait  Hasmmk  ou  Plus  interessants  sont  le 

cryptogramme  ZNH  et  les  mots  lykh  et  syth.  Nous 
examinerons  d’abord  ce  dernier. 

II  est  en  effet  une  partie  essentielle  de  la  formule  que 
nous  etudions  et  se  retrouve  partbut.  Dans  le  document 


A PEOPOS  DE  LA  DATATION  EN  SOGDIEN 


345 


T.  XII,  a.  ii,  la  clausule  est  tres  endominagee,  mais  on 
y lit  claireinent : 

krt  ZNH  lylch ^0  (;i)  + 6 syth, 

c’est  a dire,  en  somme,  la  m&ne  chose  que  plus  liaiit.  Les 
aiitres  documents  dates  presenteiit  de  legeres  variations  : 
inais  I’un  an  inoins  emploie  S7i5/i  de  la  meme  fac;on  et  a la 
in  erne  place  ; on  a dans  T.  XII,  a.  ii,  3 : 

wpyU  ZNH  lylch  pv  HZrtyh  YRH[  pr  10  syth, 

L autre  (T.  XII,  a.  ii,  5)  porte : 

wp'ySt  ZNH  lykh  "c  kiyn  pr  ^Irtyh  m^yw  p W {1  T), 
suivi  d'une  abreviation  ou  plutdt  d'un  coniplexe  de  lettres 
ecrasees  et  surchargees  ou  il  est  difficile  actuellement  de 
rien  distinguer.  Le  scribe  sentant  venir  le  bout  de  la  ligne 
des  la  fin  de  m^yiv  a laisse  tomber  le  r du  second  pr  qui 
n’est  represente  que  par  a ecrit  verticalement  au  lieu  de 
les  aligner  horizontalement  les  unites  du  nombre  12  et 
a reduit  ce  qui  devait  suivre  a un  trace  pour  ainsi  dire 
illisible  et  qui  peut-etre,  ou  meme  probablement,  doit 
signifier  syth.  Quoiqu  il  en  soit  ces  deux  dernieres  formuies 
ne  sont  pas  plus  difficiles  a comprendre  dans  Fensemble 
que  les  deux  premieres  : np'ySt  correspond  evidemment 
a hrt,  la  preposition  pr  est  Tequivalent  de  hi  et  elle 
signifie  de  £a9on  sixre,  car  elle  se  rencontre  frequemment 
a travers  tons  les  textes  sogdiens,  ''a,  sur/'  Quant  a 
HSrtyh  et  'hrtyh  ce  sont  deux  formes  de  Fordinal 
troisieme  ’’  sur  Texplication  duquel  il  est  inutile  d'insister 
ici  et  pour  lequel  il  suffit  de  renvoyer  aux  Memoires  de  la 
Societe  de  Linguistiqive,  t.  xvii,  pp.  147-8.  Enfin  YRH' 
est  le  cryptogramme  s6mitique  qui  repond  au  sogdien 
myw,  '' mois ''  (cf.  hebr.  syr.  l^r*),  et  'c  hen  est 
une  indication  de  pi^ovenance,  ainsi  qu’il  ressort  de  la 
lettre  meme. 

En  somme,  si  on  reserve  momentanement  les  autres 
points  interessants  que  soulevent  les  formuies  qui  viennent 
d’etre  citees  et  analysees,  on  constate  d’abord  que  syth, 


346 


A FEOms  m LA  DATATION  EN  80GD1EN 


saws  qiie  le  wot  ‘'jour ''  8oit  expriwe,  et  joint  k nsi  nom  de 
nombro  vavdinal  (fopposition  avec  rordiiial  qiii  precede  le 
liiot  “ wois*’  est  flagrante)  indique  la  date  de  la  joiuiiee 
dans  les  lettres  aneiennes  que  nous  elevens  a M.  M.  A.  Stein, 
Or,  il  till  est  de  weme  exactement  dans  les  documents 
bouddbiques  de  la  collection  de  Paris  qni  proviennent  de 
Tonen-lK.)uaiig  et  dont  la  date,  sinon  d origine  premim-e,  du 
moins  de  copie  est  singiiliO'einent  plus  basse.  La  pliipart 
sont  incomplets  et,  coiaine  ii  est  naturel,  ce  sont  les  deux 
extremites  qui  rnanquent  gOieralement.  Mais  parmi  ceiix 
dont  la  tin  est  a pen  pres  conservee,  il  en  est  un  dont  le 
temoigiiage  est  parfaiteinent  clair  : e’est  celui  qui  se 
tenninc  (Doeuments  Pelliot,  Inventaire,  3520)  par 
cette  indication 

2rr  rayw  .srS  ivyivswmy  m'yy  'pnehs  sytyh 

e’est  a dire  " en  lannee  du  .tigre  (inyvj  srS),  sixieme 
(cf.  Mem.  Soc.  Ling.,  t.  xvii,  pp.  152  seq.  et  158)  mois, 
quinze  (jours)  <k*oul& Il  n y a done  pas  de  doute  sur 
la  manitu'e  de  dater  en  question,  ni  sur  son  caractere 
traditionnel  en  sogdien  ; les  bouddhistes  du  septieme  siecle 
et  apres  se  servaient  encore  de  syt-  et  opposaient  encore 
Tordinal  du  mois  an  nombre  cardinal  du  jour. 

Ce  qui  est  tout  a fait  remarquable  e’est  qukn  faisant 
ainsi,  ils  continuaient  un  vieil  usage  iranien  qui  est  atteste 
en  vieux  perse.  Le  verbe  iranien  sak-  dont  8yt-  (e'est 
a dire  ^saxt-)  est  le  j)articipe  passe  passif  regulier  sert 
tout  specialement  a indiquer  Tecoulement  du  temps 
(cf.  Bartliolomae,  Altiranisches  WK,  colonne  1553).  Dans 
la  grande  inscription  de  Bisuttin  O^kH^a  avec  le  pluriel 
(sou vent)  et  avec  le  singulier  (une  fois)  sert 

precisement  a indiquer  la  date  du  jour  (v.  pour  les  renvois 
Bartliolomae,  Altiran.  Wh.,  col.  784).  La  tournure  perse 
n’est  d ailleurs  pas  tout  k fait  claire : et 

sont  suivis  du  verbe  '^etre'^  et  precedes  du  mot  raueV 
a 1 instrumental  dans  le  cas  du  pluriel,  au  nominatif  dans 


A PEOPOS  DE  LA  BATATION  EN  SOGDIEK 


347 


celui  du  singnlier  et  d une  forme  du  mot  mois  ” qui  peut 
t^re  soit  le  locatif  de  mah-^  soit  le  genitif  de  maka- ; 
toutefois  il  reste  que  est  inseparable  de  Tavestiqiie 

mk-,  saxt-,  et  ]3lus  encore  du  sogdien  syU,  Le  mode 
d’emploi  du  radical  sak-,  6alca-  differe  dans  la  langue 
aucienne  du  Fars,  et  dans  celle,  plus  recente,  du  Nord 
scytliique  qui  est  etudiee  ici,  mais  sa  valeur  est  la  jneme, 
et  il  remplit  sur  Tun  et  I’autre  domaine  linguistique  le 
meme  role  special  et,  poiir  ainsi  dire,  technique.  En  vieux 
perse  comine  en  sogdien  le  quantieine  du  inois  est  designe 
par  un  nom  de  nombre  cardinal. 

A c6te  de  ce  point  essentiel  pour  I’intelligence  des 
formules  qui  servent  a dater  les  documents  en  sogdien, 
il  en  est  queiques  autres  qui  s’y  rattachent  et  qubl 
convient  d’examiner  des  rnaintenant.  On  a vu  plus  haut 
<|ue  deux  des  quatre  clausules  qui  terminent  les  lettres  que 
nous  devons  a M.  M.  A.  Stein  common  cent  par  krt,  participe 
passe  du  verbe  ^kr-,  ''  faire,”  forme  facile  a comiirendre,  et 
que  les  autres  debutent  par  un  autre  participe  passe 
nyi'yk,  dont  nous  nous  sommes  contente  dbndiquer 
provisoirement  qu’il  remplissait  le  role  de  krt.  Mais  la 
signification  exacte  de  ce  7i2)yst  est  particulieremeiit 
interessante.  Il  figure  dans  I’inscription  sogdienne  de 
Kara  Balgassoun ; M.  F.  W.  K.  Muller  i’a  dechiffre  tres 
exactement  a la  ligne  2,  ou  il  a lu  wp'ystw 
(cf.  Sitzmigsbericlite  de  TAcademie  de  Berlin,  1909,  p.  727) 
qu’il  a traduit  par  ont  ecrit  Cette  traduction  manque 
un  peu  de  precision  ; c’est  ''  ont  compose  “ ont  redige 
qubl  faut  dire  (c’est  a dire  en  allemand, ''  haben  zusammen- 
gesetzt,''  ''  haben  festgestellt,  verfasst  ”)  car  npysUv  S^rnt 
rend  exactement  le  chinois  m d’  une  part  et  de  Tautre 
se  distingue  nettement  de  fyB  ''  ecrit  en  sogdien  meme. 
Ce  pyB  figure  au  debut  des  documents  Stein  et  sur  leur 
adresse,  ainsi  que  Ton  a vu  dans  ce  Journal  meme  (April, 
1911,  p.  505),  et  dans  les  deux  lettres  qui  se  terminent 
par  la  clausule  du  type  np'yStw  ZNH  . . . , a savoir 


848 


A PBOPOS  BE  BA  BATATION  EN  SOGBIEN 


T.  XX,  a.  ii,  8,  i}t  T.  XXj  a.  ii,  5,  i]  se  trouve  reptJte  a la 
fin  dll  texte.  Aimsi  dana  T.  XII,  a.  ii,  5 on  lit : 

pi/si  MjV  $ntk  prijywsp 

vpyU  ZNH  iykh  'cka'npr  tSrtyk  ....  etc. 
fFoii  il  n^ssni-t  clairenient  (jiie  la  lettre  a ete  “ecrite  (de  la 
part  de)  son  eselavo  Pryyivsp  (un  nom  d'aspect  bieii 
iranien,  a lire  peutAAre  Frlxf^'r/sp  ?),  ‘ laais  qiie/  ceci  a ete 
urran,B^e  (fixe,  nkiige)  au  troisieine  inois  . . . etc.  Ce 
sens  de  npyst  expli(|iie  d’ailleurs  bien  inieux  son  alternance 
avec  krt,  fait,”  qiie  ne  pourrait  le  faire  celni  de  “ ecrit  ” ; 
np'y^^i  et  krt  portent  sur  le  fond,  pyM  ne  concerne  que 
Fexeciition  niaterielle  en  (jneJque  sorte.  Dans  ces  con- 
ditions il  est  interessant  de  noter  que  np''yM  se  rencontre 
aussi  a 1a  till  des  textes  bouddhiques,  ainsi  Doctionerds 
Pelliot,  Iiiventaire,-  351 oil  on  lit:  npySty  ZNPI 
pwsfk,  c’est  a dire  ‘'ce  sutra  (livre)  a ete  arrange  (fixe, 
rcklige)  Et  la  coinparaison  s’inipose  avec  le  turc  yarat-, 
qui  figure  par  exeinple  dans  le  faineux  colophon  que 
M.  F.  W.  K.  iliiller  a decouvert  et  si  ingenieuseraent 
utilise  (v.  HiiziimjHherichte  de  I’Acadeinie  de  Berlin,  1907, 
pp.  OoH-GO)  : le  sens  propre  de  yarcdmis  est  justernent 
celui  de  rq^'yst;  Tun  et  Fautre  indiquent  une  “ redaction” 
(cf,  S.  Levi,  JA.,  Mai-Juin,  1911,  p.  437,  an  mot  tokharien. 
On  sait  que  la  dependance  oil  sont  les  scribes 
turcs  par  rapport  a leurs  eollegues  sogdiens,  surtout  en 
matiere  de  locutions  traditionnelles  et  de  forrnules,  est 
toid  a fait  etroite.  Quant  a Fetymologie  de  n'pyst,  sa 
signification  etant  ainsi  precisee,  elle  n*est  pas  douteuse  : 
le  rnot  se  compose  dabord  du*prefixe  m-,  le  meme  que 
dans  V.  perse  nipUta-,  et  ensuite  d'un  participe  passe  ^p'yM^ 
qui  est  a im  radical  indo-iranien  ^pdg-  ce  que  fiy^t  (le 
mot  est  bien  atteste  en  sogdien;  cf.  pers.  est 

a indo-iranien  %hag- ; or  *pdg-  est  atteste  par  ailleurs  en 
indo-europeen  avec  prteisement  le  sens  de  " arranger,  fixer, 
rediger  ” : on  a par  exemple  en  latin  pango,  pegf  e 
mnvpages ; en  grec  ''  ajuster,  fixer.” 


A PROPOS  DE  LA  DATATION  EN  SOGDIEN  849 

Eestenfc  le  cryptograiniBe  s4mitique  ZNH  et  le  mot 
lykli  iinportauts  Tun  et  I’autre.  Le  premier  repond  lettre 
pour  lettre  au  pehlvi  sassanide  rr'  , ZNH,  de  fa^on 
moins  exacte  au  pehlvi  litteraire  qui  ne  pent  guere 
etre  lu  que  DNH  (avec  la  correspondance  regiiliere  de 
s et  de  cl  issus  d’un  aiicien  arabe  J)  soit  rararneen 
Sa  pi*eseiice  etait  attendue  comme  on  le  voit ; c'est 
le  demonstratif  normal  servant  a designer  lobjet  rapproche, 
'‘  ce,  cette,  celui-ei,  celle-ci.”  Mais  son  identification  est 
neanmoins  importante.  D'abord  elle  a permis  de  completer 
lalpliabet  sogdien,  anquel  il  manqnait  le  /i,  PI.  II  est  vrai 
qiie  son  absence  ne  se  f aisait  pas  beancoup  sentir : ainsi 
qu'on  I’a  montre  dans  le  Journal  Asiatiqtie  (Janvier- 
fevrier,  1911,  p.  85)  le  iranien  disparait  en  sogdien 
a Tinitiale  des  mots  et  devient  a rinterienr  x.  II  ne 
restait  done  de  possible  qne  des  finales  nouvelles  oii  il  se 
presente,  en  effet.  Sa  forme  est  semblable  a celle  dn 
h des  inscriptions  sassanides  qui  lui  ne  se  rencontre 
effectivement  qixe  dans  des  cryptogrammes,  et  n’est  pas 
sans  rapport  avec  celle  de  la  finale  pehlvie  yi  que  Ton  lit 
trop  souvent  encore  MJJ  comme  s'il  s agissait  d’une 
ligature.  On  le  trouve  reproduit  d'une  part  avec  le 
fac-simile  du  document  Stein,  T.  XII,  a.  ii,  6,  public  dans 
ce  Journal  (January,  1911,  p.  166)  et  dans  Talphabet 
dresse  par  M.  Cowley  (JEAS.,  January,  1911,  p.  166,  et 
April,  1910,  p.  500,  colonne  de  droite,  dernier  caractere 
a droite),  d autre  part  dans  le  Journal  Asiatique  (janvier- 
fevrier,  1911),  au  deuxieme  specimen  sogdien,  ligne  2, 
troisieme  mot.  Ce  mot  a d’ailleurs  6te  transcrit  de  fa5on 
erronee  (ibid.,  p.  95)  par  6wrno ; e’est  cwrh  qu’il  faut  lire, 
-c  et  -no  finaux  ayant  nettement  une  forme  differente. 
Ainsi,  Talphabet  sogdien  est  bien  pres  sans  doute  d’etre 
connu  en  entier : il  n’est  pas  jusqu’au  signe  assez  bizarre 
qui  commence  le  mot  que  M.  Cowley  avait  reconnu  devoir 
signifier  “to”  (v.  JEAS.,  January,  1911,  p.  163),  qui  ne 


850 


A momn  m:  la  batation  m soodiek 


puisse  etre.  iclentifie  anjoiird’hui.  Ce  mot  avait  ete  transcrit 
par  M.  Cowk‘y  par  et  cette  interpretation  avait  4te 
jiccepiee  par  nous  (v.  JRAS.,  April,  1911,  p.  506).  Pour 
cela  nous  avions  ete  oblige  rradmettre  qiie  notre  systeuie 
rle  lecture  iie  s’appliqiiait  pas  necessairement  aux  crypto- 
grairunes  scbnitiqiies  et  de  maintenir  dans  ie  cas  special  en 
question  la  ^’aleiir  S a uu  signe  que  partout  ailieurs  nous 
proposions  de  lire  correcteinent  r.  C’est  la  iin  point  qu’il 
faiit  corriger:  c’est  par  'R,  qu’il  faut  transcrire  le  petit 
mot  qiii  precede?  sur  I’adresse  et  au  debut  de  la  lettre  la 
designation  du  destiiiataire.  Dans  d’autres  documents  de 
M.  M.  A.  Stein  la  lettre  initiale  n’est  pas  tracee  aussi 
negligemment  que  dans  T.  XII,  a.  ii,  4,  qui  a ete  etudie 
specialement  par  M,  Cowley  et  reproduit  a la  suite  de  sojj 
article  (JRAS.,  January,  1911);  sa  forme  ne  laisse  alors 
plus  de  doute  sur  sa  valeur  et  son  origine : e’est  un  tres 
pared  par  exeriiple,  a celui  de  Falphabet  des  inscriptions 
sassanides  2^,  e’est  a dire  a un  2,  mais  ren verse  sur  la 
droite  ct  coiiche.  D’autro  part  il  a tendu  a se  rapproclier 
dul,  Tf;  et  en  sogdien  bouddhiqiie  Ton  rencontre  j)arfois 
un  cryptogramme  WR  qui  a la  valeur  d’une  preposition 
et  signifie  ''  a L’evolution  du  a done  ete  pareille  en 
pehlvi  et  en  sogdien ; dans  les  deux  langues  iraniennes 
a cryptogrammes  semitiques  que  Ton  connait,  le  memo 
signe  etranger  et  qui  n’etait  jamais  prononc4  a about!  au 
mtune  terme  final. 

Ce  n est  pas  tout.  La  lecture  qui  n’etait  qu’un 
exp&lient,  puisqu’en  pehlvi  est  la  graphie  de  nioyen 
pars.  tal%  pars,  b,  qu’il  signifie,  en  tant  que  preposition 
et  que  conjonction  a la  fois,  ^^jusqu’k”  et  non  “a”,  et 
qu’il  ne  sert  pas  du  tout  a exprimer  le  datif,  est  rendue 
impossible  par  suite  de  I’existence  de  WR  en  sogdien 

bouddhique.  Des  lore,  e’est  pehlvi  , quo  la  tradition 
lit  val  et  ol,  qui  seul  entre  en  ligne  de  compte : son  sens 
est  exactement  celui  que  Fon  attend,  car  il  doit  etre  lu 


A PEOPOS  DE  hA  BAPATIOJsP  EN  SOGBIEN 


351 


a/tvi,  aw  et  se  tradiiit  precisement  par  a II  reste,  il  est 
vrai,  que  1 on  a un  r final  pour  un  I attendu  et  que  la 
confusion  cle  p et  de  I apparait  eomme  exclue  en  ecrituro 
sogdienne ; autant  vaudrait  parler  d’une  confusion  entre 
le  lamed wi  le  rea  en  syriaque.  Mais  il  est  une  possibilite 
qu’il  faut  envisager  et  que  Ton  nous  permettra  d'indiqiie]* 
ici : c’est  que  rinterversion  en  question  remonte  an  pelilvi 
de  Perse.  La,  en  effet,  r et  I out  fini  par  etre  confondues 
dans  I'ecriture,  assez  tot  a ce  qu'il  semble ; et  Tusage  des 
cryptogramines  en  sogdien  est  inseparable  de  celui  que 
Ton  en  a fait  en  moyen  persan.  Il  ne  faut  pas  perdre  de 
vue  que  rintroduction  de  mots  arameens,  non  point  dans 
la  laiigue,  mais  dans  la  graphic  d’un  idiome  etranger  est 
le  fait  de  scribes  formant  une  sorte  de  caste,  d’une  forte 
tradition  bureaucratique,  d’une  chancellerie  ou  un  dialecte 
semitique  jouait  un  role  preponderant.  Or,  rien  de  tout 
cela  n’a  existe  en  Sogdiane,  ou  ne  pouvait  ineme  s’y 
etablir,  tandis  que  les  Perses  Tont  precisement  cree ; la 
circulaire  portant  traduction  de  la  proclamation  que  Darius 
avait  fait  graver  dans  le  roc  a Bisutun  et  que  M.  E.  Sachau 
vient  de  publier  (Aieamciische  Papyrus  %ind  Ostraka, 
Tafel  52  und  54~6)  en  est  un  temoignage  eclatant  parmi 
bien  d’autres.  Les  successeurs  des  I'ois  perses,  les  souverains 
grecs  et  arsacides,  les  princes  locaux,  ont  pu  endommager 
de  facon  plus  ou  moins  grave,  laisser  pericliter  par  endroits 
et  par  moments  Tancien  et  grandiose  appareiladministratif ; 
mais  loin  de  le  detruire  ou  de  le  remplacer,  ils  en  ont  au 
contraire  utilise  les  debris.  Les  nombreuses  dynasties 
diverses  qui  ont  gouverne  en  Perse  depuis  les  Acheinenides 
jusqu’aux  Sassanides  se  sont  toutes  appuyees  sur  cet 
element  national  si  stable  et  si  resistant.  C’est  a lui  que 
les  Arsacides  doivent  leur  style  officiel,  c’est  lui  qui  a fourni 
aux  Sogdiens  le  modele  de  leur  langue  commune.  Ainsi 
s’explique  qu’a  travers  le  pehlvi  du  Sud~Ouest,  le  pehlvi 
septentrional  et  le  sogdien  le  rneme  stock  de  cryptogrammes 
se  retrouve  a peu  de  chose  pres  pour  les  demonstratifs,  les 


A PEOPOS  m hk  BATATIDN  EK  SOGBIEN 


eonjoiictioBs,  les  prepositions  et  un  certain  nombre  d adjectifs 
<..‘t  do  siibstantifs.  Dans  les  trois  langues  I’ancien  dn 
di:bn<.»nstratit‘  soinitique  est  represente  egalement  par  qui 
s(.;  r<*nc()ntre  aussi  dans  les  pajiyrus  d’Egypte  de  Tepoqne 
per>se  et  les  inscriptions  d'Asie  Slineiire  (cf.  Brockelmaiiii, 
(L  verf/L  Gr.  <1,  mm,  Spr.,  p.  134,  et  E.  Sacliau, 
xinmidische  Papyrus  und  Ostraka,  p.  262),  coinme  en 
assyrien,  tandis  que  les  dialectes  araineens  voisins  de  Tlran 
ont  a sa  place  d,  Ainsi  s'expliqne  aiissi  que  le  sogdien  ne 
presente  en  quelque  sorte  qu’un  minimum  de  cryptogramines. 
Ge  qu’il  en  possede  ne  forme  qu  un  groupe  reduit  et  qui 
n’a  pas  ete  s’accroissant  comme  celui  du  pehlvi,  puisqu'il 
n’etait  pas  en  contact  direct  avec  le  monde  semitique ; il 
est  tout  a fait  caracteristique  que  Ton  n’ait  rencontre 
jusqu’iei  en  sogdien  aucun  verbe,  aucun  pronom  personnel 
et  deux  noms  de  nombre  seulement  notAs  sous  leur  forme 
s4mitique.  L’usage  des  cryptogrammes  institue  en  Perse 
par  radministration  centrale  et  pour  elle,  a bien  penetre 
jusque  dans  les  pays  du  Nord  de  I’lran,  mais  il  est  alle 
sattenuant  et  ne  s'est  maintenu  dans  ces  provinces 
lointaines  et  mal  jointes  a Tempire  que  sous  une  forme 
comparativement  fort  moderee. 

Mais  Tunite  fondamentale  est  certaine.  Les  crypto- 
grammes du  sogdien  ne  peuvent  pas  etre  consideres  a part 
de  ceux  du  pehlvi  ni  du  style  de  la  chancellerie  perse. 
Dans  ce  Journal  meme  (April,  1911,  p.  506)  on  a essaye 
d expliquer  la  forme  singulierement  alteree  du  semitique 
''mille,’'  en  sogdien,  on  il  ressemble  a comme  le. 
resultat  d une  obliteration  purement  graphique.  Lddenti- 
fication  de  4tait  shre,  mais  il  est  evident  que  le 

moyen  qui  s’ofirait  alors  d’en  rendre  compte  etait  desespere. 
La  solution  est  aujourd'hui  fournie  precisement  par  des 
documents  sortis  des  bureaux  administratifs  des  Acheme- 
nides : il  faut  lire  non  point  NLP,  mais  I,  i LP, 
Par  example,  la  circulaire  officielle  portant  traduction  de  la 
proclamation  de  Darius  que  Ton  a retrouvee  a Elephantine 


A PROPOS  DE  LA  DATATION  EN  80GDIEN 


353 


ecrit  ^7  ail  lieu  de  quand  le  mot  est  precede  d’uu 
signe  pour  un c est  a dire  d’une  barre  ! : ron  trouve 
ainsi  !,  c’est  a dire  1 mille”  pour  “ mille/’  a la 

ligne  11  du  papyrus  61  (recto)  et  ailleurs  (cf.  E.  Sacliau, 
Aramdische  Pcupyrus  ii.  Ostraka,  pp.  19  et  189), 

Pour  iinir,  il  convient  de  revenir  en  peu  de  mots  sur  le 
ternie  Zi/M,  qui  a ete  traduit  par  '‘lettre  ’’  au  cours  de 
cette  note.  II  ne  parait  pas  etre  atteste  en  iranien  en 
dehors  des  documents  examines  ici ; nous  n’ayons  pas  non 
plus  retrouve  de  cryptogramme  semitique  dont  le  sens  £ut 
satisfaisant  et  qui  s’ecrivit  hylch  ou  lykh:  Mais  sa  valeur 
est  sure.  On  a vu  que  la  clausule  ou  entre  lykh  est  tout 
a fait  parallele  a celle  qui  figure  a la  fin  d’un  stitra 
bouddhique  : or  cette  derniere  portant  apres  np'jsty  ZNH 
. . . ‘/arrange  (redige)  ce  ...  ” la  designation  exacte  du 
texte  qu’elle  termine,  savoir  pivsfk,  “sutra  (livre)/'  il  n'est 
gum*e  douteux  que  dans  np'j^t  ZNH  lykh  . . . “ arrange 
(redige)  ce  lykh  . . . '\  lykh  ne  soit  le  nom  du  document 
au  bas  duquel  il  figure  et  qui,  dans  Tespece,  est  une 
*‘lettre'’.  Le  mot  se  retrouve  dans  le  texte  de  deux  des 
documents  Stein,  et,  dans  tons  les  passages  le  sens  de 
“ lettre ''  lui  convient  parfaitement ; ainsi,  Ton  a,  dans 
T.  XII,  a.  ii,  3 . . , '‘yw  lykh  H ^yrm  je  n’ai 

regu  aucune  lettre  . . Aussi  n’est-il  guere  douteux  que 
lykh  est  commun  au  sogdien  d'Asie  centrale  et  au  prakrit 
du  Khotan  : c’est  exactement  le  lekha,  “ lettre,”  des  docu- 
ments en  kharosthi,  sur  le  rdle  duquel  on  consultera  avee 
profit  le  Ancient  Khotan  de  M.  M.  A.  Stein,  p.  365  et  suiv. 
La  notation  de  I est  la  m^me  que  dans  p)y^>  soit  ^p^l, 
“ elephant,”  et  le  h rend  la  voyelle  finale  du  mot  Sanskrit. 
En  effet,  les  aspirees  des  langues  de  Tlnde  sent  toujours 
I'endues  en  sogdien  par  les  occlusives  simples  corre- 
spondantes,  et  le  h represente  dans  Tecriture  sogdienne 
non  pas  une  consonne,  mais  une  myelle : lykh  doit  etre 
hi  a peu  pres  Hekd. 


XI 


BOCUMEITS  SAHSCEITS  DE  LA  SECOXBE  COLLECTIOlf 
M.  A.  STEm  ^ 

By  L.  BE  LA  VALLEE  POUSSIN 

ch.  vn,  001 A 

Fragments  be  l’Ubanavarga  be  Dharaiatrata 

1.  MS.  sur  papier  ; slanting  i 12  folios.  Voir 

JRAS.  1911,  p.  762. 

On  remarquera  la  freqiiente  confusion  de  la  vsonore  et  de 
la  soiirde  gena  = kena,  dv  = tv  (xxx,  34),  spantati  = spandati 
(xxxi,  2 ),  angusena  ==  ankusena ; yonisas  tvij am  = yoniso 
dvijam  (xxxi,  5),  ja  = €a  (ii,  5),  nipadinah  — nvpatinah 
(xxxi,  1\  edam^etan,  tavati^dhdvati  (xxxi,  33),  etc. 

La  ponctuation  est  parfois  marquee,  tant&t  par  le  visarga 
(que,  dans  cet  emploi,  nous  represen  tons  par  ;)  ^ tantOt  par 
un  trait  horizontal  ^ (represente  par  une  virgule).  Ce  trait 
sert  aussi  de  trait  d’union  entre  deux  parties  d'un  mot 
coupe  en  passant  a la  ligne. 

Le  \dsarga  est  souvent  omis  devant  k ou  p,  souvent 
aussi  ailleurs,  notamment  en  finale  ; il  est  parfois  confondu 
avec  Tanusvara  (dans  kinicanah — cf.  kimcanam  des  MSS. 
'du  Turfan,  xxx,  49,  50 — -le  visarga  est  pent  etre  une  marque 
de  ponctuation),  parfois  simplement  fautif  (xxxi,  23,  29). 

L'anusvara  remplace  la  nasale  ou  fait  double  emploi 
(xxii,  2 ; xxx,  37,  etc.).  De  nombreux  liy  previennent 
relision  de  la  voyelle,  et  sauvent  le  metre,  menace  par 
la  transposition  du  pracrit  en  Sanscrit. 

La  nasale  linguale  {n)  est,  quatre  ou  cinq  fois,  negligee 
(i,  7 ; xxi,  29  ; xxx,  32  ; xxxi,  9) ; les  erreurs  de  copiste 
sont  assez  rares  (cirna,  i,  27  ; dhrdha,  ii,  5 ; chana,  xxxi,  11). 

On  remarquera  le  redoublement  du  groupe  t s,  xxx,  43, 
utstsnka,  xxxi,  5,  tat  stsamgrhndmi. 

1 See  JRAS.  1911,  pp.  758  and  1063. 

- Yoir,  par  exemple,  xxxi,  1 et  2. 


DOCUMENTS  HAKSCEITS 


liMl 

2.  LTIdfiiiavarga  esb  connu  dapiiis  longtenips  par  la 
trackietioii  qiie  W.  W.  Eockhill  en  a doniiee  d’apres  les 
vei'sions  ti betaines  du  Kandjoiir  et  du  Tandjonrd 

Les  di\'er.ses  sources  sont  iinaniuies  a iioiamer  Dharma- 
iratfi  coimao  rauteur  de  cefcte  collection  d'u/Mnas.  Mais, 
bien  qu'il  n’ait  pas  ete  compile  par  Ananda  et  les  autres 
s(f/in(pfikams,  bien  qu’il  porte  le  nom  d’lin  moderne, 
rUdaiiavarga  est  parole  du  Boiiddha”  et,  reconnu  coinnie 
teb  il  a pris  iegitiinement  place  dans  le  Kandjour  et  dans 
le  Tandjoiir.  Les  Vaibliasikas  soutiennent  que  leurs  sept 
Traites  d’Abliidliarma,  pour  avoir  des  auteurs,  sont  aussi 
autheiitiques  que  leVinaya  et  les  Sutras,  que  TUdanavarga: 

car  ils  ont  ete  dits  par  morceaux  par  Bhagavat  et  reunis 
en  un  tout  par  Katyayana,  etc.,  comme  ITIdtoavarga  a ete 
reuni  par  le  Bliadanta  Dharmatrata comme 
rUdanavarga  a ete  mis  en  collection  (varga,  nikaya)  par 
Dliarmatrata.”  - 

3.  La  troisieme  mission  allemande  du  Turfan(Grunwedel-- 
von  Le  Coq)  a rapporte  trente-cinq  feuillets  en  slanting, 
appartenant  a divers  MSS.  et  contenant  les  fragments  d’un 

^ Udanavai'ga,  a collection  of  verses  from  the  Buddhist  Canon, 
compiled  by  Dharmatrata,  being  the  Northern  Buddhist  version  of 
Dhammapada,  translated  . . . , Londres,  1883. — Par  le  fait  TUdana- 
varga  n’est  ni  une  version  ni  une  recension  du  Dhammapada,  mais 
une  collection  prose  ou  vers. 

L’excellente  edition  que  M.  H.  Beckh  vient  de  donner  de  la  traduction 
tibetaine  de  TUdanavarga  (Berlin,  G.  Reimer)  me  parvient  an  moment 
ou  je  corrige  Fepreuve  du  present  article.  Elle  permettra  d’idenfcilier 
les  sources  de  Dharmatrata : j’ai  du  moins  retrouvd  dans  I’Udanavarga 
tous  les  udaTias  de  FUdana  pali. 

2 Voir  Wassilieff,  p.  270  (297),  qui  traduit  le  Siddhanta  de  Mafiju- 
ghosahasa,  premiere  partie,  fob  143  de  mon  edition : muon  pa  sde  hdun 
. . . hco7}i  Idan  lidm  \kyis  dl  bur  gswis  pa  ha  tai  hu  sogs  hyis  gcig  tit  bsdus 
pa  yin  ie  htmmpa  chos  shymi  hyis  ched  du  hrjod  pai  tsom  hzhin. — Comme  il 
est  dit  dans  le  Ran  hgrel  (Bh^sya) ; . . . htsun  ha  iai  hu  la  sogs  pas 
hsdm  Tias  hzhag  ste  htsun  chos  shyoh  hyis  ched  du  hrjod  pai  sde  sde  thsan 
dit  hyas  pa  hzhin  no, 

Le  Dharmatrata  dont  il  s’agit  est  d^signd  par  Taranatha  (p.  68)  comme 
le  compilateur  {hsdu  ha  po,  Sammler)  de  FUdanavarga,  dont  Wassilieff 
(ibid.,  p.  300)  dit  tres  bien  qu’il  est  fait  de  slokas  (?)  reunis  du  Vinaya  et 
des  Sutras.  , . r 


DOCUMENTS  SANSGRITS 


357 


ouvrage  clont  R.  Pischel  a reconnu  les  etroites  relations 
avec  rUdanavarga  tibetain.  A en  juger  d apres  le  titre  de 
sa  notice  (‘'Die  Turfan-Recensionen  des  Dliarnmapada/’ 
Sitziingsherichte  de  Berlin,  1908,  pp.  968-85),  il  parait 
penser  que  cet  Udanavarga  doit  Stre  regarde  comme  line 
recension  du  Dhammapada,  et  que  les  MSS.  Griinwedel- 
Le  Ooq  contiemient  des  fragments  de  diverses  recensions 
dn  meme  Dbammapada. 

Par  le  fait,  les  divex'gences  des  MSS.  du  Turf  an  sont 
trop  insignifiantes  pour  justifier  le  terme  de  recension; 
et  ces  MSS.  contiemient  la  redaction  original  e de 
Dliarmatrata,  conservee  dans  le  canon  tibetain.  Pischel  le 
dit  lui-xn§me  : "aueun  doute  iiest  possible : notre  recension 
sanscrite  est  la  source  de  la  traduction  tibetaine  (Pischel, 
p.  968)} 

La  parente  des  MSS,  du  Turfan  et  du  MS.  Stein  est 
prouvee  par  les  lectures  fautives  ou  anormales  qui  leur 
sont  communes  (rsayor,  xxix,  44,  etc.)  ; le  MS.  Stein, 
comme  les  MSS.  B et  0 du  Turfan,  comme  le  tibetain,  omet 
dix  des  douze  stances  mhhccmidarsinam,  ambhdnudar- 
Unam,  chap,  xxix,  qui  figurent  dans  le  MS.  A ; contient, 
comme  B,  la  stance  xxx,  50  ; presente  les  memes  fautes 
que  B ad  xxix,  40,  45  (B  54),  mais  la  m&ne  lecture  que 
A,  xxix,  46. 

4.  Aux  douze  folios  de  la  collection  Stein,  il  faut  ajouter 
trois  folios  de  la  collection  Pelliot,  publics  par  M.  Levi 
(JA.  1910,  ii,  p.  444).  Quinze  folios  de  rUdtoavarga  de 
rillustre  grotte  ont  done  etc  sauvfe  ; ils  contiennent — 

1.  Anityavarga,  st.  24-42.  (fols.  3-4.) 

2.  Kamavarga,  st.  1-19.  (fols.  4-5.) 

12.  Margavarga,  st.  18-20. 

13.  Satkaravarga,  st.  l-lla~6.  (un  folio.) 

21.  Tathagatavarga,  st.  8-18. 

^ Il  est  faclieux  que  B.  Pischel  ne  s’explique  pas  sur  les  divergences 
“ nicht  ganz  gering  *’  du  chapitre  xxvi.  Il  arrive  que  la  version  tibdtaine 
soit  plus  proche  des  originaux  palis  que  nos  redactions  sanscrites. 


358 


BOCUMENTB  SANBCRITS 


22. 

2:1 

24 

20. 

m, 

31. 


Snitavargii,  st.  1-2,  19  [Pelliot]. 
Atiiiavarga,  wt.  1-20  [Pelliot]. 
Sahasravarga,  st.  1-2  [Pelliot]. 
Yiigavarga,  st.  39-53. 
Siikimvarga,  st.  26-52. 

Cittavarga,  st.  1-38. 

‘Bliiksiivarga,  st.  3-1*1  [Pelliot],,  15- 


-29. 


(trois  folios.) 
(fols.  52.) 
(fois.  55-7.) 
(fols.  57-9.) 
(fols.  62-3.) 


Le  folio  63  est  le  seul  qiii  porte  mie  indication  complete; 
encore  le  ciniire  des  dizaines  est-il  douteiix ; on  lit  nette- 
ment  les  5 et  6 des  folios  55  et  56.  Mais  la  coiiiparaison 
avec  la  version  tibetaine  est  decisive ; a calcnler  depiiis 
notre  premier  feuillet  dn  Yiiga  jusqn’an  fenilJet  dn  Bhiksu 
on  a 162  stances  pour  douze  feuillets,  soit  une  moyenne  de 
131  ; ce  qui  donne  presque  exactement  54  feuillets  pour 
les  732  stances  qui  precedent,  dans  le  tibetain,  la  stance 
x:xx,  26. 

Dapres  le  ineiae  comput,  les  feuillets  du  groupe  xxi-xxiv 
seraient  les  33,  34  (manquant),  35,  et  36. 

Les  titres  de  1,  12,  21,  22,  et  30  sont  attestes  par  notre 
MS.;  ceux  de  2,  29,  31,  par  Pischel ; 13,  23,  et  24 
paraissent  au  moins  tres  vraisemblables  (Rockhill:  satkara, 
atma,  et  “ Numbers ''). 

5.  L'importance  de  PUdanavarga  est  attestee  par  les 
biliiigues  Sanscrit- ‘"tokliarien”,  Feuillet  Berezovski  (Izvestia 
de  Saint- Petersbourg,  1909,  p.  547)  et  Feuillet  Pelliot, 
FM.  8a,  que  MM.  Levi  et  Meillet  ont  studies  (JA.  1911, 
i,  p.  434).  Ils  contiennent  Udtoavarga,  i,  40-2  ; ii,  1-2  ; 
et  xxix,  46-51. 

6.  Nous  n’entreprenons  pas  Pedition  critique  de  nos 
fragments  de  PUdanavarga,  mais  seulement  la  lecture  de 
nos  feuillets.  Toutefois,  il  a paru  convenable  d'indiquer 
les  references  p^lies  et  sanscrites  (dues  pour  une  bonne 
part  a M.  R 0.  Franke,  voir  JEAS.  1910,  p.  759),  et  les 
donnees,  surtout  tibetaines,  qui  ont  aervi  a la  restitution 
de  passages  illisibles  ou  disparua. 


'DOCUMENTS  SAKSCRJTS 


359 


Les  syllabeft  entoiirees  de  “square  brackets”  soiit  celies 
<|ui  ont,  YU'olmbleiiient,  tigure  dans  le  MS.  lorsqu’ii  etait 
intact.  On  a place  entre  parentlieses  les  lettres  oinises  par 
le  scribe. 

I 

...  ...  22] 

[sarvasattva  iiiaris]yant[i]  nuxranautam  hi  jivitani 

yathakarma  gamisyanti  punyapapapl)a][opagali  23] 

[narakam  papakar]mana[].i]  krtapunyas  tu  svargatini 

anye  tn  inargam  bliavyeha  nirvasyanti  nirasravah  24 

nai[vanta]rikse  na  sain[u]dramadhye 

na  parvatanam  vivaram  pravdsya 

na  vidyate  san  prthivJpradeso 

yatra  sthitam  na  prasa[lieta]  mrtyii(h)  25 

[ye]  ceha  bluita  bhavisyanti  va  pnnali 

sarve  gamisyanti  viliaya  deham 

tarn  sarvahaniin  kusa[lo  viditva] 

dharme  sthito  bralimacaryam  careta,  26 

cirnam  ca  drstveha  tathaiva  roginam 

mrtafi  ca  drstva  vyapayatacetasam 

ja[hati]  dhi[r]o  [gr]liaband}iantoi, 

kama  hi  lokasya  na  supraheya(h)  27 

ciryanti  vai  rajaratha(h)  sucitra 

hy  ato  ^ariram  api  ja[3B][ram  npe]ti 

sat[a]n  tu  dharmo  na  ja[ra]m  upeti 

santo  hi  tani  satsu  nivedayanti  28  . 

dhik  tvain  astn  jare  grtoiye  [varna]pakar[i]n[i  jade 

ta]tha  manoramam  bimbam  tvaya  yad  abhimarditam  29 

yo  pi  varsasatam  jivet  so  pi  mrtyuparayanah 

anu  hy  enam  ja[ra  yat]i—  .i  mo—  i vtotakah  30 

Sana  vrajanti  hy  anivartamana 

diva  ca  ratrau  ca  vilnjyamanah 

matsya  iva[  1 pa]cyam[a]na 

dulikhena  jatimaranena  yuktah  31 

ayur  diva  ca  ratrau  ca  caratas  tisthatas  tatha, 

JRAS.  1912. 


360 


DOCtfMEXTK  SAN8CRIT8 

imdinfii|i  [iii]  yatha  nroto  fea]e[cl)a]ti  na  iiivartala  32 
ye«im  ratridivapayo  liy  ayiir  alpataram  bliavet 
alpodake  fa  iiiatsynnani  ka  im  [tatra  rat]i[r  bliavet]  33 
[par  jij[!  |rnaai  idain  [rfijpam  rogaiiidain  prabhamgurain 
bbetsyatf  prity^asamiHlehain iriaranantamlii  jivitain  [4a]  [34] 
[aeirairi  bata  kayo  yam  prt}u]v[iin  adlji]s[e]syati 
sfinj'O  \’yapetavijnruio  nirastam  va  kadamgaram  35 
kirn  aneiia  sarirena  [visra]vaputina  [sa]d[a] 

[!)i]iyain  [r]og[a]bh[i]bhiiteiia  jara  maranabliiruna  36 
aiiena  putikayciiia  hy  afcurena  prabhangiina, 
iii[  ] ? param  santini  yogaksemam  anuttaram  37 
iha  varsairi  karisyami  bemantam  grismam  eva  ca, 
bfilo  vieiiita[yat]i[ti]  hy  antarayain  iia  pasyati  38 
tain  putrapasuwammattam  vyasaktamanasam  naram 
siiptairi  grrunam  mahaiighaiva  mrtyu[r  adaya]  gacchati  39 
na  santi  putras  tranaya  na  pita  napi  bandhavah 
antakenabhibhiitasya  na  lii  tranPi  bliavanti  te  40 
idam  [me  kriiya]m  kartavyam  idam  krtva  blia^dsyati, 
ity  evam  npantano  martya  jara  mrtyns  ca  mardati  41 
tasmat  sada  dhyruiarata(h)  samahitri 
hy  a [4n]  tapino  [i7i]tijartotadarsinah 
maram  sasainyam  abhibhuya  bhiksavo 
bhaveta  j[a]tim{ii‘anaBya  paragah  42 
|j  aiiityavarga  prathama  [h  1]  ll 

Leif  cldfreH  pluch  entre  square  h'achefif’’^  renvoknt  a (' edition  de 
M,  IL  BecJch. 

23-4,  a~h.  [21-2]  Sam.-  i,  97  ; ISTetti,  p.  94 ; 23-4,  Mhv.  ii,  pp.  (>G 
efc  424, 

[23]  n 

25  [24],  Dhp.  128;  Pet'av.,  p.  21;  Mil  150;  i)iv.  532,  561; 
Tantriikhyfiyika,  ii,  6. 

2(>  [2t5].  Udilna,  v.  2 (p.  48).  a.  bhavisyanti ; d.  brahmacaryam. 

27  [26],  Cf.  Therag.  73,  at  Jat.  9,  Comm,  (i,  p.  139).  La  deniiere 
ligiie,  SN,  772d.  a.  eii'iiam  {jirnarti  ?) ; K roginaip ; c~d.  brtan  pas  . . . 
khyim  spans  gyi. 

28  [27].  Dhp.  151 ; Sam.  i,  71 ; Jat.  537,  42  et  76  (v,  483,  494)  ; 
Dutreuil,  21  (p.  98). 

29  [28].  Sain,  v,  217  ; cf.  Div,  361,  24.  b.  rga  ba  khyod  ni  blun 
zhih  nan  | khyod  ni  mi  rigs  byed  pa  §te  ( yid  du  oh  bai  . . . Rockhili, 


DOCUMENTS  SANSCRITS 


■'S6I" 

“thou  . . . doest  not  what  is  right”;  mais  rigs  = 7^?/ /a,  rania. 
d.  jade — hlim. 

30  [*29].  a-}).  Sain,  v,  217  ; Dutreuil,  2 (p.  90).  a.  Suttanipfita, 

589.  c~d.  hdi  dag  rga  bar  hg^'ur  ba  am  I yah  na  na  ba  ah  hehi  bas 
hjoms,  “ ils  deviendront  vieux  ou  seront  vaincus  par  la  mort,  deveiius 
inaiades.” 

31  [30].  c.  ehu  thsan  nan  du  gdus  pai  ha  dan  hdra,  “semblables  a des 
poissons  liouillis  ihralh)  dans  Teau  chaude  ””  ???.« imJtaptajale  pacclndh. 

32  [31].  Cf.  Sam.  i,  109;  Therag.  145,  452;  Jat.  538,  106  (vi,  26). 
d.  Jat.  510,  1 (iv,  494)  ; Dutreuil,  5 (p.  91)  et  Frag,  xviii'*^, 
a.  dyur  tivd. 

33  [32].  Jat.  538,  101  (vi,  26) ; Dutreuil,  C'”  6 (p.  9*2).  d.  de  la  dga 
bar  bya  ci  yod. 

34  [33].  Dhp.  148  ; cf.  Itiv.,  p.  37  ; Dutreuil,  O'®  3 {p.  90).  d.  Lalita, 
p.  328,  etc.  ' 

35  [34].  Dhp.  41  ; Dutreuil,  C'o  14  (p.  95)  ; Therig.  468  ; Rockhill, 

cf.  Manu,  iv,  247,  eb  Siittanipata,  200.  a.  aciram^  aoirena  (Dhp.  et 
Dutreuil)  est  represente  par  pur,  “sans  obstacle”  (sans  delaist?)- 

hgyel  bar  hgyur,  “ sera  oublie,  neglige.” 

36  [35].  Cf.  Dutreuil,  19  (p.  97).  h~c,  rgj'un  du  nad  kyis  mhon 
gduh  ishih  | rtag  tu  mi  gtsah  hdzag  pa  dah,  “laissant  toujours  s’ecouler 
des  impiiretes,”  d de  .wZd  probable. 

37  [36].  c~d.  Therag.  32  ; a~h,  Therig.  140  = Sain,  i,  131  ; Dutreuil, 
Qvo  17  (p.  96).  t.  mmedka  de  Dutreuil  est  traduit  par  don  d\i  gner 
bar  gyiB  ^prcirtliayet, 

38  [37].  Dhp.  286  ; Dutreuil,  C'’“  36  (p.  86).  c.  rnam  par  sems  byed 
pas.-— 7 parait  visible  ainsi  que 

39  [38].  Dhp.  287  ; Dutreuil,  37  (p.  86)  et  Frag.  xxxiv‘t>. 

40  [39],  Dhp.  288. 

41  [40].  Cf.  Dutreuil,  C‘«  35  (p.  86)  ; JA.  1911,  i,  p.  440  ; cf.  Therig.  955. 
a.  spandana7)i  martyam.  Traduit  en  Tib.  en  padas  de  9 syliabes  (cf. 
Dutreuil) : hdi  ni  bya  ba  byas  zin  don  hdi  bya  | de  dag  byas  nas  bdag 
gis  hdi  byao  zlies  1 de  Itar  mi  ni  yohs  su  gompana  | rga  dah  nad  bcas  hchi 
bas  mhon  du  boom,  “ Ayant  fait  cette  action,  cette  chose  est  a faire ; 
ayant  fait  ces  deux,  je  dois  faire  ceci : tandis  que  Thomme  acheve  ainsi, 
il  est  ecrase  par  la  mort  accompagnee  de  la  vieillesse  et  de  la  maladie.” 

42  [41].  Itiv.,  p.  40  ; JA.  1911,  i,  p.  440. 

II 

kaina  janami  te  mulam  samkalpat  kama  jayase, 
na  tva  samkalpayisyaini  tato  me  na  bliavisyasi  1 
kaiTiebhyo  jay  ate  sokali  kamebhyo  jay  ate  bhayam 
kamebhyo  vipramuktanam  nasti  sokah  knto  bhayam  2 
ratibhyo  jay  ate  soka(li)  rati[bhyo]  j[a]yate  bhayam 
ratibhyo  vipramuktanam  nasti  sokah  kuto  bhayam  2 
madhnragra  vipake  tu  katuka  hy  abhi  [ ] ? itah 


TOCU'MENTB  BkKHCRlTH 


mm 

kasiia  fda/Jlmiiti  [vjai  bala[ni]  nlkevainuncatali  ka.r*uu  4 
!ai  tiui  dhplhaii!  bandhaiuiui  illuir  aiya 
yud  uyasain  (biravaip  })a]bajam 
[sainrak^acitta  iiianikiindalasu  ] 

|i[ii  )t ras[ u j <iai*t‘s[u  ] ja.  yfi  aveksali  5 

«*rad  <]rd}iaip  !>aadhanaiii  ahar  aryfib 

sauaU {rutatab  sasthiram  duspni[5A][niiifieaiii 

t‘tad  api  eeliittva  parivrajanti 

a!inpe]ks[i]nah  kfiamsukham  piuhaya  6 

na  te  kiiiiia  ymn  citrani  loke 

sainkal[paragah  p]ai-usasya  k[a]m[ah] 

tisthanti  eit[i'ajni  tathaiva  Joke 

atlaidr  dhhfi  vinayanti  cchandam  7 

iia  .santi  iiitya  inaimvesa  kainali 

[sajiiti  tv  anityfi(h)  kamino  y[e]  tra  baddluib 

tanis  tri  pralalya  by  apunarbhavaya 

by  aiiagatam  lartyudbeyam  vadtaii  8 

c]iaiidaja[t  Jvasravi  manasanavilo  Uiavet 

kainesu  tv  apratibaddbacitta  iirdhvasroto  iiirvicyate  9 

ainipiirvena  inedliavi  sto[kam]  8tokam  ksane  ksane, 

karuiaro  rajatasyeva  nirdbainen  inalani  atmanab  10 

ratliakara  iva  cannanab  parikartiinn  iipaaahaiu 

yad  ya[j  jajbati  ka[m]a[n]a[n  ta]t tat  sampadyate  snkbain  1 1 

sarvam  cet  siikham  iccbeta  sarvakamam  [pa]ri[tyaj]et 

Harvakaiiiaparityagi  iiy  atyantainsukba[5B]  [m  ejdhate  1 2 

y[a]vat  kainan  aimsaram  na  trpti[m]  manaso  dbyagat 

tato  nivrtti[m]  pravipa^ya[ma]nas 

y^  snt[rpt]a[b  13] 

[srejyasi  prajnaya  trptir  na  lii  kamair  vitrpyate, 
prajnaya  purusam  trptam  trsna  na  kurute  vasain  14 
grddha  hi  kamesu  narah  prama[tto]  by  adharine  pana  te 
ratab 

antarayam  na  te  pa^yamty  alpake  jivite  sati  15 
dunnedhasam  hanti  bhoga  na  tv  ihatmagave[si]nam 
durmedba  bhogatrsnabhir  banty  atmanaxn  atho  parto  16 
na  karsapanavarsena  trptib  kamair  hi  vidyate, 


DOCUMENTS  SANBCRITS 


karria  iti  vijfiaya  pancjitai.i  17 
api  divyesu  ka(me)su  sa  i*ati(3p)  iiMliigaccliati, 
trsnaksayarato  bhavati  bu[  1]8 

par\^ato  pi  suvarnasjax  saiuo  liimavata  bliavet 
vittan  tain  nalarn  ekasya  etafj)  jnatva  samain  caret  [C>a] 


1.  PellioU  FIL  Ha  (JA.  1911,  i,  p.  447);  Jat.  421,  4 (iii,  p.  450); 
Alliv.  iii,  190  ; Aladbyaniakavrtti,  350  et  451  ; cf.  Culaniddesa,  ii,  17 
(Siam  Trip,  ii,  19,  p.  21) ; Alahaniddesa,  i,  2;  ii,  2,  Sutra  en  42  articles, 
XXX  his  (trad.  Feer,  pp.  33  et  65,  Leroux,  1878). 

2.  Dhp.  215. 

3.  Dhp.  214 ; cf.  Avadanayat.  i,  p.  191, 

4.  Cf.  Therig,  507 ; Sam,  i,  p,  74.  d,  Sutra  eii  42  articles,  xxiv 
(trad.  Feer,  p.  27).  a.  Lire  madlnml  agre  ; hdod  dgai  rnaui  smin  sdiig 
bsnal  te  1 dan  po  innar  la  libras  bu  tlisa  = kdmamfiripCtho  dnhhhah 
prathamam  svcidiih  phtdam  nptam  ; h.  le  groupe  cpii  precede  ifdh 
pent  etre  wl ; on  aurait  ahhipjamliUlh , ‘"dans  leur  ecoiilemeut  ” V 
Cf.  nisymidciplmla. 

5.  Dhp.  345;  Sairi.  i,  77;  Suttau.  38;  Jat.  201,  1 (ii,  140);  Netti, 

35  ; Dutreuil,  C'‘^  31  (p.  102).  «,  dhrd.ham  ; h.  on  pout  corriger  dura- 

rahalbajam  ; c,  yoiis  su  chags  sems  ; d.  ja  = ca. 

6.  Dhp.  346  ; Sain,  i,  77  ; Dutreuil,  C'«  32. 

7.  Sain,  i,  22;  Aug.  iii,  411;  Kathavatbhu,  viii,  4,  3 (p.  370); 
Liiders,  C7off.  Naclirichtm^  1809,  p.  476.  r.  fisfranfi ; d,  lire  athdtra. 

8.  Sam.  i,  22.  h,  hdod  can  gaii  la  chags  de  mi  rtag  \yu\H~  kilmini 
yasmin  baddham  so  nitya  iti  ou  hCinn  yasmin  haddhas  tad  anitymn, 

9.  Therig.  12  ; Dhp.  218.  b.  cf.  SN.  10395.  a.  les  lectures  s/^  et  J 
sont  douteuses.  Traduit  en  padas  de  9 syllabes  : bdun  pa  skyes  (fiii  zag 
par  mi  byed  dam  | sems  la  skyon  med  pa  dan  dran  pa  cUiu  — r/iaadaJdtaJi^ 
anatsrava-hrd  rd  [=andsrn.iah),  adosacittas  ca,  smrtaH  ca. 

10.  Dhp.  239;  Kathavatthu,  p.  108,  219;  pour  la  seeonde  ligne 
SN.  962. 

11.  Jat.  467,  8 -9  (iv,  172-3);  Dutreuil,  C''^  40-1  (p.  108),  voir  ZDHG. 
lx,  489  ; Mbh.  xii,  174,  45  (6502) ; 177,  48  (6633).  Cf.  Jat.  539,  115  (vi, 
51).  b.  la  lecture  inm  parait  certaine  (voir  JRAS.  1011,  p.  765,  59c)  ; 
a-h.  go  ba  dag  . . . yohs  su  sbyaiis  nas  lham  byed  Itar : carmani 
parikrfya  npdnaham  karoti  yatJid.  Le  Tib.  traduit  rathakdra  = lham 
mkban  = carynakdra  (comme  le  Comm,  du  Jataka,  v,  p.  174). 

12a-5.  Jat.  467,  8-9  ; Dutreuil,  C'®  41.  12d.  Jat.  141  (i,  488),  397,  3 
(iii,  323). 

13.  Jat.  467,  6 (iv,  172).  5.  Je  pense  qu’on  peut  lire  %>Tanpasya~ 

Igymlnds,  bien  que  dernier  aksara  soib  plutot  vds  ou  hhas.  Le  Tib.  a 
quati*e  padas  de  7 syllabes  : de  las  gaii  dag  9es  rab  kyis  j Iclog  l)yed  de 
dag  thsim  pa  thob  = ta^o  ye  pyrajiiayd  nivrttds  te  irptiin  labhayiti, 

14.  Jat.  467,  7. 

15a.  Cf.  Sani.  i,  74.  a-h.  hdod  pa  chags  pai  mi  gah  yin  | de  dag  kye 
ma  chos  min  dga  = Icdmarahtd  ye  naras  te  hat  a adharine  ratah.  Kye 


DOCUMENTS  SANSCHITS 


ma  C km)  repre^eiit-emit  \e  jmli  pam.  La  graphie  In/  porte  croire  qiie 
la  ftylla.be  prf-*ctk!eiite  t^lidait  a de  mlhanm,  done  pmmaUo  (le  Tib.  lit 
fimmktft)  eti  aceord  avec  mrah  an  ftiuguiier. 

115.  V ■■Dlip.  ■ 

17.  Dhp.  im  ; Jat.  *258,  2 (ii,  313) ; 224. 

18,  Dlip.  187;  dru.  et  Div.,  ibid.—d.  rdzogs  sans  rgyas  clan  nan 
tlins  mains  ~,  U;[s]  coinplet[s]  Bouddha[s]  et  les  Sravakas. 

ib.  Sani.  i,  III;  Div.  224;  cf.  Jafc.  467.  4.  {iv^  172).  Eockhiil, 
rviivoie  a Seiii^dner,  TtkAnii  p.  19.  d,  rnmniti  caret  = legs  par 

spyoci 

[2(1, 1 Div.  2*24  : t/ak  prtksaf  i dahklimn  . . . 


XII 

] I [tjribhir  aJayams  tri[in] 
jabati  l)andba[3p]  nipakab  pratismrtah  18 
praj nay iidho  d hyraiabalopapetali 
Hainahito  dhya[riaratah]  smrtatma 
lokasya  bu(d)dliva  by  udayavyayam  ca 
viimicyate  vedakab  sarvato  sau  19 
Hiikbam  sukhartbi  labhate  saiiuicaram 
kirtim  [Hajinapnoti  yasas  ca  .sar[va]tah 
ya  ax*yarn  astangikam  amjasam  sivam 
blifivayati  inargain  by  ainrbasya  praptaye  20 
il  ina[rgava]rgah  12  1| 

18.  “II  attache  Fesprit  anx  fcrois  aamddhisi  il  niedite  les  apnlmapyas 
produits  par  Fisolernent ; il  brise,  au  moyen  de  trois,  les  trois  s^Jours 
...”  (voir  la  glose  dans  Roekhill). 

19.  a~h,  Cf.  Therag.  V2a-h ; BN.  212a~?>,  b.  Saiix.  i,  53.  c,  Sam.  i, 
40,  52;  Therag.  10c?.  b,  dliydm?ut(i=:tui  hdzin  la  dga  ba. — Le  Tib. 
ajoute  deux  padas,  “Oelui  qui  coinprend  la  fin  dii  monde,  on  Fappelle 
lokdrUaga^  paragatad'^  (Saip.  i,  62,  iv,  157.) 

20.  Therag.  35.  d.  Therag.  1115  ; Sani.  v,  402. 


XIII 

1 1 phalam  vai  kadalim  liamnti  phalam  venuip.  phalam  nadam 

satkarab  kapiirusam  haiiti  svagarbho  ^vatarim  yatha  [1 

yavad  e]va  by  anarthaya  jnato  bhavati  balisah 

hanti  balasya  suklamsam  miirdhtoam  casya  patayet  2 

asanto  labliarri  icebanti  satkaram  cai[va  . . . 

ajvasesu  ca  matsaryaxn  pujam  parakulad  api  3 ' 

nia  me  k[r]t[%y  ajaniyu[r]  grbi  pravrajitas  tatha, 


J)0CUM,ENT8  SAN8GEIT8 


365 


mama  prativaB[a]s  ca  8y[uh]  k[rtyakr[B]tyesii]  k[e]su  cit  4 
iti  balasya  sainkalpa  ieeliamanabhivardhakah 
anya  hi  labhopanisad  anya  nirvanagamini  5 
[e\'ani  jfuitva]  yathabliutam  buddhMam  sravakah  sada 
satkaram  iiabliinaiideta  vivekam  anubrmhayet  6 
na^v^w-ame^Yx  sarvatra  nanyesam  sprliako  blia[ve]t 
lianyam  nihsrfcya  jiveta  dharmena  na  vanik  caret  7 
.svcilabhain  navamanyeta  nanyesam  sprhako  bhavet 
anyesam  spr[ha]k[o]  bhiksuh  samadhim  nadhigacchati  8 
sukham  jiviturn  icchec  cec  chramanyarthesv  aveksavamn 
ahii*  mus[i]kadurgaip.  . . . se[v]eta  [sa]ya[na]sanam  9 
sukham  jivi[tii]Di  icchec  cec  chramanyarthesv  aveksavainn 
itaretarena  samtiisyed  ekadharmail  ca  bhavayet  10 
sukham  jivi[tum  icchec  cec  chramanyarthesv  aveksajvamn 
SHTnghikam  navamanyeta  civaram  [pa]nabhojanam  11 
alpajiiano  pi  ced  bhavati  siles[u]  s[u 

1.  Culla,  vii,  % 5;  Sai)i.  i,  154;  ii,  241;  Atig.  ii,  ; Netti,  130; 
Dulva,  V,  406?>.  a.  yCivad  = ji-sricl. 

2.  Dhp.  72  ; Dalva,  v,  4066. 

3.  Dhp.  73  ; cf.  Jat.  477,  9 (iv,  2*22).  h.  dge  sloii  hkhor  ni,  bkiksu- 
mtkdm ; soifc  satkaram  calva  hhiksmai  mais  la  syllahe  qui  precede  dvdsesu 
est  gah  ou  sah. 

4-6  [4-5].  Dhp.  74-5. — 4^d,  bya  ha  byas  run  ma  byas  ruu=‘*krtya- 
kvtyasu  krit/dau  ” ; sur  krtydhrtya^  voir  J.  S.  Speyer,  ZDMD.  Ixv,  p.  317- 

7 [6].  Udana,  vi,  2.  a.  era  est  tres  neb  ; Pali  vyayameyya  ; rtsol  = 
rya  vctadya^  mjdydma, 

' 8 [7].  Dhp.  *365  ; Dutreuil,  B20  ; Therag.  102ri. 

9 [8],  Tlierag.  228.  a.  inumkadarginml^  i a demi-efface  eb  laissanb 
comme  an  trait  d’anusvara — byi  bai  kniiu  nas  sbrul  Ita  bar  = musikahUcld 
aliir  ina. 

10-11  [9-10].  Therag.  229-30. 

12  [11].  Cf.  Ahg.  ii,  7 ; Therag.  988. 


XXI 

[vi]ra[h  sa]ddh[armena  ta]thagata(h) 
dharmena  na[y]amananam  ke  [.]  ya8^/i[  ]n[  ]kah  8 

ye  dhyanaprasrta  dhira  naiskramyopai^ame  ratah 
devapi  sprhayamty  esam  buddhanam  ^rirnatain  sada  ; 9 

tesam  devamannsyas  ca  sambuddhtoam  ya^asvinam 


mm 


TOCUMENTS  BAN80EITS 


Hprluiyiupty  asul)uddhi[nam]  sarinlntiniadharinani  1 0 
ye  eahbyniita  Hambmldlm  ye  m Ijuddha  hy  anagatalj 
yax  <fipy  etarhi  sambuddho  bahfinam  [.4]okaiiasakah  1 1 
sarM‘  Haddbanaa^niravo  vy^iharsu  vibaraiiti  ca 
alhapi  viluu*isyanti  buddhesu  dlianiiatfi  12 
[ta'j.sniat  [t]a[i*]}i[y]  atrnakanieiia  inabatiuyaia  abliikarn- 
■ .ksatii'' 

saddharrao  giirukartavyah  sinarata  buddluisafsanam  12} 

Ba  sraddbasjaiiti  vai  ye  tu  : [balii  biijddhasya  sasanain 

vyasaruiB  te  gamisyanti  vanijo  raksasLs^'  iva  14 

sraddhasyanti  tu  ye  nityam  uara  buddha.sya  [sa]saBaiu[B] 

[sva]Ht[iBa]  te  ganiisya[B]ti  valalienaiva  va[ni]jah  1 5 

tathagatam  luiddluiBi  ilia  svaya[m]bhuva[m] 

dvau  v[ai]  v[i]tarkau  bahula[m]  saniud[a]carete 

[ksjernas  tathai\'a  pravivekayuktas 

taiBonutam  paragatam  iiialiarsiiu  16 

praptali  sa  caryo  x^asiiiian  asesam 

vis vottara[}.i]  sarvabluiyad  viiruikta[l.i  ] 

[ijcchaprahfino  virnalo  nirasas 
calokayaml  lokaliitaya  sat  van  17 
^aile  yatha  parvatamurdhani  stliito 
yatbai[va  pas]y[ej  jajnatam  samaritat, 
tatha  by  asaii  dhannamayain  snmedhah 
prasadain  ainibya  saniantacaksub 
^okabliibluitam  janattoi  asoko 
[ ]ksid  imam  [jat]i[jara]bbib]mtam  18 
[i  tatbagatavargah  21  1| 

8.  Sam.  i,  127  ; Mahilvagga,  i,  24,  6 ; Mhv.  in,  90,  16— dpa  po  de 
bzliiii  ggegs  pa  rnams  | hdi  m chos  kyis  hdiil  bar  mdzacl  | de  dag  clios 
kyis  bdul  ba  la  j mkhas  pa  su  yaii  smod  mi  byed.  d.  le  Tibetain  douiie  : 
na  Icopi  pandifo  nindati ; sth  est  possible  ; le  Pfili : hi  vmyd  vtjdnnUm. 

9.  Bhp.  181 ; cf,  Ifciv.  41,  3,  Le  Tib.  omet  c-d. 

10  [9].  Itiv.  41,  3.  Lire  mynr  avec  les  xyll. 

11  [10].  Sam.  i,  140  ; Ang.  ii,  21 ; Mhv.  iii,  327,  10. 

12  [11].  Sam.  i,  140 ; Ahg.  ii^  21  efc  47  {a-h). 

13  [12],  Sam,  i,  140  ; Aiig.  ii,  21  efc  iv,  91  ; vv,  i,  5,  Vla-Jt. 

14-15  [13-14],  Jat.  196,  1-2  (ii,  130)  j Mhv.  iii,  89,  17-20.  15c^.  lire 

%€7ieva. 


DOCUMENTS  SANSCEITS 


367 


16-18  [15-iT].  Mahavagga,  i,  7 ; Itiv.  ,38,  1-3.  16«.  huddhamih/,  mi 
d'une  seconde  main,  dans  rinterligiie ; d.  lire  tamonudam,  18.  Le  Tib. 
ajoute  denx  padas,  deux  pa-das  illustres  : “ ils  oiivrent  la  large  porte  {^fjo 
mo)  de  Timmortalite ; que  ceux  qui  desirent  entendre  {nan  lidod)  rejeltent 
le  donte  [fhe  fhsom)  *’ ; cf.  Mahavagga,  i,  5,  T2. 

XXII 

il  sacllm  srutam  siicaritam,  saclliu  capy  aiiiketata, 
pradaksinam  pra[  sramanasyanuJloDiikam  1 

bala  iliavijimantag  [cjaranti  h[y]  aniara  iva, 
vijanatamn  tii  saddharmamm  ature 

1.  Therag.  3(ki~b  ; cf.  588  ; Mahaniddesa,  xvi,  47  {p.  473).  c~d.  spoh 
]>sir  byed  pas  rab  bskor  zhih  j dge  sbyoii  gi  ni  rjes  mthun  legs=j>rar?’q///r^ 
<p}xidaks)iiwm  ... 

2.  Therag.  276.  «.  le  MS.  ne  porte  certainemeiit  j>as  avija?mntas, 

mais  plutob  arydtoi^a-s,  la  partie  inf<^rieure  dii  h etanb  etfacee  ; eoniger 
avijdnahds  ? c-d.  mkhas  pa  dam  pai  chos  dag  la  { = pandito  mddhamnemi)  | 
mthsan  moi  nad  pa  bzliin  du  byed  = “ The  wise  man  applies  himself  day 
and  night  to  the  holy  Law  ” (Rockhill)  ? mflmm  mo  — unit,  nad.  pa  = 
malade.  Piili  : Citiiyxm  andf  iinl. 

XXIX 

[yogan  jayati  medhavi  ye  divya  ye  ca  inanusak]  [52a] 
[sai'vayogjan  pranudyeha,  s[arva]dn]ikh[a]t  pramucyate  39 
yogad  bhava(h)  prabliavati  viyogad  bhavasamksayali 
eta[d]  dvaidhapatham  jnatva  bhavaya  vibhavaya  ca, 
tatra  si[kseta]  medhavi  yatra  yogan  atikramet  40 
akrtam  kukrtac  chreyah  pascat  tapati  duskrtam 
socate  duskrtam  krtva  socate  durgatim  gatah  41 
krtan  tu  [sukrjtaTn  sreyo  yat  krtva  nanutapyate 
nandate  sukrtam  krtva  nandate  sugatimn  gata(h)  42 
nabhasamana  jfiayante  inisra  balai[r  hi]  panditah 
jhayante  bhasamanas  tii  desayanto  rajahpadam  48 
bhasaye(d)  dyotayed  dharmam  ucchrayed  rsinam  dhvajaiu 
8ubha[si]tadvaja  nityam  rsayor  dharmagauravamli  44 
nindanti  ttisnimm  a[8i]na[m]  nindanti  bahiibhasinam 
alpablianih  ca  nintanti  nasti  lokesv  anindi[tah  4]5 
ekantanind[i]tah  pnr[us]ab  [e]kantam  va  prasaiiiaitah 
nabhud  bhavisyati  ca  no  na  capy  e[ta]rhi  vidyate  [46 


tWA 


I>0€UMEH1*S  HANSCKITS 


yam  tu  'vi]jfi[ah]  prasam[santi]  hy  a[52B][niiyii]jya  sublia- 
subham 

j)msamsa  sa  samakhyata  na  tv  ajfiair  yah  prasamsitam  47 
aa.^dhavinain  vrttayuktam  prajnam  allesii  samvrtaui 
niskam  jaial)U!ia[da].s3'"eva  kas  tarn  niiiditurn  arhati  48 
sailo  yatha|.)y  (dcagliaiio  \'ayuna  na  prakampyate 
evaiii  iiindaprasanisabliir  na  karnpyante  hi  pandita(h)  49 
[ya]sya  inidam  ksitau  nasti,  parna  nasti  tatha  lata, 
tain  dhiram  bandlianan  lauktam  ko  nu  nindituin  arhati  50 
yasyeha  prapaficitam,  [ ] no  sat 

santanam  parakhain  ca  yo  nivrttah 
t rs n avi  c^atam  in ii n irn,  carantam 

, • • • o , ■ ■ • • ■ • ... 

na  vijanati  sadevako  pi  lokah  51 

yasya  jitam  no[paj]Iyate 

jitam  anveti  na  kafi  cid  eva  ioke, 

tarn  buddliam  anandagocaram 

hy  apadam  gena  padena  nesyasi  52 

yasya  jalini  visaktikil 

trsna  na[sti  hi]  lokauayiiu 

tarn  buddham  anandagocaram 

hy  apadam  gena  padena  nesyasi  53 

yasya  jalini  visaktika 

trsna  nasti  lii  lokanayi[53A][ni 

Voir  Udilnavarga  du  Torfan  (PiHchel,  Die  Turfcm-lUcenaioneii  dea- 
Dhanmapadctf  p.  982  et  siiiv.}* 

39  [43].  a-k  cf.  Therig.  76  ; d,  I)hp.  362.  a-k  mkhas  pa  Ilia  daii  mi 
dag  gi  I sbyor  ba  gaii  yin  hjoms  byed  pa  { sbyor  ba  kun  . . . 

40  [44],  Cf.  Dhp.  282,  a-k  Atthasalini,  229;  c~d.  SN.  8o6.  a.bhava 
eomme  Turfan  A ; c.  eta  comme  Turfaii  B ; d.  vibhamya,  seconde  main, 
dan«  Pinter ligne. 

41  [4t5].  a~b,  Dhp.  314  ; cf.  Saiii.  i,  49 ; Dutreuil,  40  (p.  88). 

42  [46],  Dutreuil,  C''®40  [manque  dans  Turfan  B de  Pischel,  n’est  pas 
transerit  dans  le  document  A,  mais  y est  compte : nofcre  40  = 50  A et 
40  B,  notre  41  = 52  A et  42  B]. 

43“4  [47“8],  43<i.  Tib.  ^antanih  padam,  Sani.  ii,  280 ; Aug.  ii,  .51  ; 

Jat.  537,  122-3  (v,  509).  44d,  rmyor  comme  dans  Turfan  A et  B. 

45  [49],  Dhp.  227.  Pour  cette  stance  et  les  suivantes,  feuillet 
Berezowski  (Izvestia,  1909,  p.  547,  et  JA.  1911,  ii,  p.  434).  a.  tiisnlmm 
ata  nindanti  (Turfan  A tUmim,  B tumim) ; c.  nintanti^  Turfan  B nintitum 
(p.  984,  n.  21). 


J30CUMENT8  SANSCIUTS 


369 


46  [50].  l)hp.  2*28 ; ef.  Udana,  vi,  3 ; Therag.  ISO.  a,  pnrumh^ 
viwirga  comma  Turfan  ; <\  A at  Berezowski,  nahhtld  hhaci-^i/atl  ca  no^ 
B ua  alhhdii  na  hhcadsyatu 

47  [52 j.  Cl.  ])hp.  229a-/^  b-c  manque  dans  le  tilietain. 

48  [52J.  Dhp.  2296**d~30a-?) ; cf.  Ang.  ii,  8,  29,  iii,  47.  b,  mlesiL 

49  [53],  Dhp.  SI  ; Mil.  386  ; cf.  M.  Vagga,  v,  I,  *27,  ia~b, 

50  [54].  Udana,  vii,  ikt~d.  a.  Pischel  lit  yamja  mCde  imcd  ; mais  voix’ 
p.  t)84,  n,  21,  oil  B 54  correspond  exaetement  a notre  50.  b.  TiV^.  ktUo  latcl. 

51  [51].  Udana,  vii,  7 [d.  ndmjtmdti) ; Natti,  37  {d.  na  ; [sur  la 
place  de  ce  .s/oka  dans  I’Udanavarga,  voir  Eockhill,  p.  149,  note]. 
a,  Pischel  yap/a  ha^  A parikham,  B parigha,  b.  niip'Ua,  conime,  xxx,  376. 

52  [55].  Dhp.  179  ; Nidanakatha,  280  (i,  79)  ; Mhv,  iii,  91.  6.  lean  cid 

comme  Turfan  (rgytxl  ciiu  zad  med) ; pfdi  = has  cid.  c.  ananta^  heim, 

53  [57].  Dhp.  180  ; Sam.  i,  107;  Mhv.  iii,  92. 

54  [56  ?]. 

55  [58  ?]. 

XXX 

[dul.ikho  [5oa]  balair  hi  sainvaso]  hy  ainitre[neva  sarvada] 
dlurais  tu  sukhasamvaso  juatinain  iva  samgama(li)  26 
diirlabhah  piiruso  jariyo  nasau  sarvatra  jayate 
[yatrasau]  jayate  viras  tat  kulam  sukhaui  edhate  27 
sarvatha  vai  sukliam  sete  braliuianali  parinirvrtah 
yo  na  lipyati  kamebhir  vipraumkto  [ni]rasrava(}i)  28 
sarva  hy  asastaya  ccliitva  viniya  hrdayajvaram 
npastota[h]  sukham  se(te)  j^antim  prapyeha  cetasa(h)  29 
[iiia]ti*a[su]khaparityagad  yali  pasyed  vipulam  sukham 
ty  aj  en  matrasiikham  dhirah  sa[m]pasy  am  vipulam  sukham  3 0 
yac  ca  kamasukham  loke  yac  capi  tivijam  sukham 
trsnaksayasukhasyaitat  kalam  narghati  soda^im  31 
niksipya  hi  gurum  bharam  nadadyad  bharam  eva  tu 
bharasya  dukham  adanam,  bharaniksepanam  sukham  32 
sarvatrsnam  viprahaya,  sarvasamyojanaksayat 
sarvopa[55B][dhm  pajrijhaya  nagacchanti  puiiarbhavaia  33 
arthesu  jatesu  sukham  8ahaya(h) 
punyam  sukliam  jivitasamksa3?’e  ca, 
tusti(h)  sukha  ya  dv  itaretarena 
sarvasya  duhkhasya  sukho  mrodha(h)  34 
ayoghanahatasyeva  jvalato  jatavedasah 
anupurvopasantasya  ya[tha]  na  jfiayate  gati(h)  35 
evam  samyag  vimuktanam  kamapahkaughatarinam 


S70 


I>f>CUMEKTS  8AN8CKn‘S 


prajrlaimyi  naHti  pmptanaiu  aeal[a.i]ij  .s[njkhaiii  30 

jasj'fwitanito  na  santi  kopa, 

ittkaiiibliava^^ataipfi  ca  yo  nivrt-ta(h), 

snkhilaipii  tain  sukliitaiii  «ada  visokain 

[de]v[/i  narmjbliavariti  darsanena  37 

Biikhain  lu  yasyeha  na  kiilcanarn  S3'at 

s y iitad  ha rn lawya  bal  i usrntas}' a 

sakifieanam  pasya  vi  luinya[inanain] 

[iaTiar|i]jan[esii]  pratibaddhacittain  38 

sukliain  hi  yasyeha  na  ki(ilca)nam  syat 

s vakhy atad  1 1 annasya  bal iiis rufcasy a, 

sakifieanain  [oOa]  [pasya  vi]lui[n]yan}[aiuiin] 

jana[ni]  Janes[ii]  pratibaddliarfipani  39 

sukhino  lii  janfi  hy  akifica(na) 

vedagiina  hi  jana  h}^  akihcanah 

sa[kihea]nain  pnsya  vilianyainanam 

janain  janesii  prati(badd])a  )cittain  40 

Hukliiiio  In  jana  hy  akiilcana 

vedagiina  hi  jana  hy  akihcanah 

saki h [canam]  pasya  vi hany arnaiiam, 

janain  janesu  pratibaddharupam  4.1 

sarvam  paravasarn,  duhkhaip  sarvain  atinavasam  su[klia]ni 

sadharane  vihanyante  yoga  hi  duratikrauia(h)  42 

siisukliam  bata  jivamo  hy  utstsiikesn  tv  aiuitsuka(]f) 

[iijtsukesu  maniisyesu  vi[ha]ramo  hy  aimtsuka(h)  43 

siisxikhain  bata  jivamo  yesan  no  nasti  Idhcana : 

initliilayam  dahya[mana]yam  na  no  daliyati  kincana  44 

siisukham  bata  jivamo  hy  aturesu  tv  anatiirah 

aturesu  marmsyesu  viha[56B][ramo]  Iiy  anatur[ah]  45 

susukham  bata  jivamo  himsakesu  tv  aliimsakah 

himsakesu  manii[syesu  viharamo  liy  ahimjsakixh  46 

susukham  bata  jivamo  vairikesu  tv  avairikah 

vairikesu  maniisyesii  vihartoo  hy  avairika[h]  47 

susukham  bata  jivamo  hethakesu  tv  aliethakah 

hethakesu  manusyesu  viharamo  hy  ahet}iaka(h)  48 

susukham  bata  jivamo  y^^^n  no  nasti  kincana : 


DOCUMENTH  8AKSCEITH 


mi 


piitibluiksa  bliax’isyauio  devil  hy  abhasvara  yatlui  49 
susvikbain  Ijata  jivauio  yesaii  do  nasti  kineaiia  : 
pritil)baksa  bluvvisyaino  satkayeiiopanihsrita(h)  oO 
gnima  [ ]rapye  siikhaduhkhasprsto 
luiivatiDaDO  no  parato  dadhMi  : 
sparvsal.i  sprsanti  hy  upadhim  pratitya 
i.iirau[pa]dhim  kim  spars^i  [57a]  [ ] ^51 

sa[rva]tra  v[ai  satpii]rD[fa  vra]jamt[i] 
na  kamahetor  lapayanti  sail  tall 
sprsta  lii  dukhena  tatha  siikliena 

nnoccavaca(]i)  sa[tpurusa]  bhavamti  52  ||  sukluivarga  30  jj 

2i)  I27a-~h,  2Sc-c^].  Dhp.  207  ; Butreuil,  0'°  38-9. 

27  ['ISa-h^  6“/].  Blip.  193  ; Butreuil,  C''«  35  ; Mliv.  iii,  109. 

28-9  [29-30].  Sam.  i,  212;  Ang.  i,  138  (cf.  WZKAI.  xxiv,  260),  2%d  ; 
Itiv.  57f7 ; Thei'ag. 

30  [31].  Blip.  290  ; Butreuil,  26  + Fr.  C xxxix. 

31  [32].  Udana,  ii,  2;  Mbh.  xii,  174.  46,  177.  51,  276.  6.  h.  dinjam. 

32  [33].  Cf.  Saiii.  iii,  26.  d.  niksepa/narii. 

33  [34].  Ik  cf.  Therag.  182.  d.  cf.  SN.'  733,  743;  Itiv.  49.  2,  93.  7, 
95.4,  104.  3.''  ■; 

34  [35].  Bhp.  331.  c.  rr  . . . 

35-6  [36-7].  Udana,  viii,  10 ; Apadana  in  Par.  Bip.  v.  157;  hCtnm- 
pahha,  Therig.  354a,  SN.  945d. 

37  [38].  Udana,  ii,  10;  Gullav.  vii,  1,  6.  gan  zhig  srid  dan  srid  min 
las  log  pa  1 de  dag  hjigs  bral  bde  zhiii  mya  lian  med  | lhas  kyan  blta  zhin 
bsam  du  med  par  hgyur=  . . . ye  bhavclhhavdd  nwrttds  te  hliayamulctcih 
iiuhhiM  viSohd  devair  acmtyd  hhavaiiti  darmne7ia. 

38-41  [39-42].  Udana,  ii,  5-6  ; cf.  Tberag.  149.  40~41a.  vedagitnah  — 

yon  tan  rtogs  pa  = giuiavidah.  39-41d.  skye  bo  skye  boi  . . . lus  la  . . . 

42  [43].  Udana,  ii,  9;  Manu,  iv,  160a-6.  a.  sddhdrmie  ^ thxm  mon 
gynr  pas. 

43  [44].  Bhp.  199;  Sam.  i,  114  ; Butreuil,  27. 

44  [49].  a-h.  = Bhp.  200  a-??  ; mais  Jat.  539,  125  (vi,  154),  Uttara- 
dhyayana,  ix,  14  (SBE.  xlv,  37)  ; Mbh.  xii,  276,  4 (9917),  xii,  17,  19, 
xii,  178,  1 ; Mhv.  iii,  453,  1 (W2KM,  xx,  352 ; Pischel,  p.  972).  h.  kid 
ca  7iah,  cf.  Turfan  A,  Pischel,  p.  972,  n.  8. 

45  [45].  Bhp,  198. 

46  [46]. 

47  [47].  Bhp.  197  ; Butreuil,  28  (p,  100). 

48  [48]. 

49  [50].  Bhp.  200  ; Saiii.  i,  114  ; Jat.  539,  128  ; Pischel,  p.  972. 

50  [51].  Turfan -Bhp.  A,  st.  50  ; manque  dans  B,  Pischel,  p.  972. 

51  [52].  Udana,  ii,  4.  b,  lire  dtmato*  'iia  dadJuUi  = reg  par  mi  hgyur 
= “ II  ne  sera  pas  touchd  par  douleur-plaisir  engendre  par  soi  ou  autrui 

52  [53].  Bhp.  83.  d.  skyes  bu  dam  pa  mtho  dman  mi  hgyur  zhih. 


■JIOCUMEKTS  BAXSCiilTS 


(hiri) i»’niliasyii  lat^liuiio  yatrakruaanipadiiia Ij 

c* iitanya  (.kiiiuiiiam  sacJhu  eittam  dantaip  .sn  [klijavaliaiis : 1 

varijo  va  sibalp  k«ipta  okadoi*'hrit  ,sa]iindf]hrta( l.i) 

parispaiidati  vai  cittain,  laaradlieyaip  praliatavai : 2 

[ ] dhavate  eitta(ip)  niuyasyeva  In*  rasraayak 

tat  pandito  vnrayati,  h}-  ankiiseiieva  kunjarani  8 

bhrunadkoyain  idam  eittam  nihsaram  anidarsaiiam 

Hadaiuam  aiiusasami  mfi  me  iiartliaya  niscaret  4 

idam  piira  fdttam  acari  [eajrikaiii 

3"enecchakai|)  yemi  katiiam  j^itliestam 

tat  samni^yhrifiiiii  hi  3’onisas 

tvijam  nagam  prahhiimam  hi  yathiliignsena  5 [57b] 
[anejkam  jatisaipsuram  8a[in]d}iavitva  punali  puiiah 
grliakarakam  esama(na)s  tvam  diikba  jati(h ) pnnah  punah  d 
grhakaraka  drsto  si,  11a  pu(na)r  g[r]ha[]n]  karisj^asi 
sai-ve  te  pfirsiika  bl  iagna  gr}iakuta(]p)  visainskrtam 
visaipskaragate  citte  ihaiva  ksaya[m  adly'ajgah  7 
spandaBaip  capalaiii  eittam,  duraksaip  duiiiivaranam 
rjinn  karoti  mediiavl,  isukara  iva  te[janam]  8 
iia  dvesi  dvesiiia(h)  kuryM  vairi  va  vairino  Iiitam 
inithya  pranihitain  eittam  yat  kuiyad  atmaBatmana(h)  9 
na  ta  [ majta  pita  vapi  kurya[  j]  juatis  tathaparah 
samyak  pranihitam  eittam  ^-at  kuryM  dhitam  atmanah  1 0 
yatha  agaram  duechanam  vrsti[]i  samatijbhindati, 
eva[m]  by  abhavitam  eittam  ragah  samatibhindati  1 1 
3"atlia  }iy  agaram  ducchanatn  vrstih  samatibhindati 
evam  [58a] 

] bhindati  13 

yatha  hy  agaram  diicclianam  vrsti[h  vsa]matibhindati, 
e[va]m  hy  abha[vi]tam  cittarp  manah  samatibhindati  [14 
yatha  by  agaram  du]cchanam  vrstih  samatibhindati, 
evara  hy  a[bhavitarp  citta]ip.  lobhak  samatibhindati  15 
3^ath[a  hy  agaram  ducchanam]  vrstili  samatibhindati, 
evain  hy  abhavitam  eittam  [tjrsna  samatibhindati  IG 
3^atha  hy  agaram  si3[cchanam  vrsti]r  [na]  vy^ati bhindati, 


DOCUMEKTS-  SANSCEITS 

evam  subhavitam  dttam  rago  na  vyatibliindati  [1]7 
yatlia  by  agaram  succhanam  vrstir  iia  vyati.]>]nn[dati, 
evam  subhajvitam  cittam  dveso  iia  vyatibliindati  18 
yatlia  hy  agaram  [snccha]na[m]  vrstir  iia  vyatibbiiidati, 
[evam  subhavitam  [58b]  cittam  mano  na  vyatijblnndati  20 
yatlia  by  agaram  succhanam  vrstir  iia  vyatibliindati, 
evam  subhavitam  cittain  lo[bho  iia  vyatibliindati  21 
yatlia]  by  agaram  succhanam  vrstir  na  vyatibliindati, 
evam  subhavitam  cittam,  trsna  na  vyatibliindati  22 
nianahpurvahga[nia  dharma,  manahsrestlia  manobha]\'a(h) 
nianasa  hi  pradustena,  bhasate  va  karoti  va 
tatas  te  diikham  anveti  cak[r]am  va  valia[tah  padam  28 
ma]na(li)prirvahgania  dharma,  manalisrestha  ma[n]o- 
[bhavah] 

m[anas]a  hi  prasamnnena,  bhasate  va  karo[t]i  [va] 

[tatas  te  sukham  aiivet]i,  cchayeva.  hy  anugamini  24 
naprasamnena  citteiia,  [dvi]stena  ksubhitena  va, 
dharino  hi  sakyam  ajhatum  [samyaksambiiddhadesitah]  25 

.■  . . ■ ' ^ . 26 
[59  a]  na  vi]jo[eyat]  subh[asi]tam 
upakl[i]st[e]na  c[i]tt[e]na  samra[m]bh[a]8amh[  . . eiia] 
v[a]’  27 

a[nava]sth[i  taeitta]sya  [saddharmam  avija]nata]i 
pariplavaprasadasya,  prajfia  na  paripuryate  28 
8rota(3ii)si  yasya  sa(t)tri(m)sat  nianaliprasravanani  lii, 

[ ] durdrsteli  samkalpair  gredhanisritai(h)  29 

ratimanasrtam  indriy an ugaiii , 

purusam  cittavastouvarta  [ ]ha  hi, 

jayati  sarvada  drumam  iva  ^irnaphalani  yathandajah  30 

atapi  vihara  tvarn  apramatto, 

[ma  ktoagune  prama]theta  cittam 
ma  lohagiidam  gile  pramatta, 
krandan  vai  narakesu  pacyamtoa(h)  31 
utthtoakalesu  nihinaviryo 
[yuva  ball  — ^]ko  nira^a(h), 


DOCCJMEXTS  8ANSCIiiT8 


:ii4 

sadiiiva  fsainkalpahata  kusklo, 
jfiniiasya  iiiargam  natatani  na  vetti : M2 
sthfiljun  vitar[k]am  [ana[50B]vo  vitarka 
antahstjhj  ijtfuu  iiifumBal.i  Hamplavartliaai 
s’itarkayan  vai  .satatam  vitarkan 
♦ ‘(iani  s;ala  tavati  bhmiitaeittali  MM 

Jijfcapavruii  sainvara/ain  .siiirtatiiia, 
jaliaty  asesaa  apiinarb]ia\'aya, 
saiiiahito  dhyaiiaratali  sinnedha(h)  M4 
kniabbopa[mam  kayain  imam  \’i]ditva, 
nagaropamairi  citfcam  adhistliitau  ca, 
yuddliy eta  aiaram  praj fiay iidheiia, 
jitam  ca  raksed  aniveHana[h  fijat  M5] 
pb[e]nopama]n  kayam  imam  viditva 
naj4'aropamam  cittam  adhisthitam  ca, 
yud<]liyeta  uiaram  prajfiayudheTUi, 
ji[tam  ca  i-aksed  anijvesanah  syat  M6 
knmbhopamain  lokam  imam  viditva, 
nagaropamain  cittam  adhisthitam  ca, 
ynddhyeta  marain  praj  hay  ii[dhena 
jitain  ca  raksed  anijvesanah  syat  87 
phenopamam  lokam  imam  viditva, 
nagaropamam  cittam  adhisthitah  ca 
yu[ddhye]ta  maram  [prajjhayu  [60a] 

1.  Dhp.  35  ; Jut.  70  et  97,  Comm,  (i,  312,  400) ; Bodhicaryav. 
b.  lire  nipatinah, 

2.  Dhp.  34.‘ 

3.  a.  bfjag  gi  . , . 60  mr  rgyug  = pratidhavati  me  cittam. 

4. 

5.  Dhp.  326  ; Therag.  77,  1130.  a.  MS.  tat  stsamnigrhmlmi 
dmjani ; d.  lire  arihise^ia. 

6.  Dhp.  153 ; Pischel,  pp.  974-5  ; Nidana,  278  ; Sain,  i,  16  ; 
cf.  Therag.  283.  c,  Pischel,  e^amanas, 

7-  Dhp.  154;  Nidana,  279;  ef.  Therag.  284. 

8.  Dhp.  33  ; Datreuil,  Pr.  A viii  (p.  35) ; cf.  Therag.  29. 

[9.]  Dhp.  37, 

9 [10].  Dhp.  42  ; Udana,  iv,  3.  a.  lire  dvesiiiah. 

10  [11].  Dhp.  43  ; Par.  Dip.  iv,  203, 


DOCUMENT'S  SANSCEITS 


U [12].  Dhp.  n ; Theni^.  333. 

12  [13].  Dlip.  14. — Le  TibeUiin  a 12  stmieen  da  “ toil. ",  l>  pour  le 
niauviiis,  <>  pour  le  bon  : inais  elles  sont  meiees. 

23  [24].  Dhp.  1.  a.  chos  kyi  siion  dn  yid  gro  ste  — ij karma ptlrmin- 
fjamaiji  manak  ; b.  °hharuk,  rft  est  certaiip  et  on  ])eul'distiuguer  l;i  partie 
sups'rieurc  de  Ma ; cf,  24/> ; c.  MS.  liih. 

24  [25].  Dhp,  2 : As],  211  = Netti,*  120,  133. 

- 25  [27].  ■ ?.  r.  AIS.  , . 

2h  [28  ?].  ? 

27  [26].  ? d.  MS.  ? ? 

28  [29j.  Dhp.  38 ; Jat.  06,  (Jomni.  (i,  406) ; Dulreuil,  A,  Frag,  i,  3 (p.  33). 

20  [30 j.  Dhp.  330,  b.  lire  prasrarandni  ; c.  MS.  dnrrrsffh  ; d.  MS. 

ijrtdkakul''.  kun  rtog  la  hehuius  rteii  pa  yis  | Ita  uan  sum  cu  rt.sa 
drug  gi  I chu  boi  rgyun  ni  gau  yin  ])a  | yid  kyi  rgynn  las  rah  tu  hhab. 
Koekhill  pai.*ait  peu  satisfaisaut. 

30  [31].  ? Laciine  de  5 on  6 aksaras.  On  entend  bieu  (ju'il  faut  lire 

ratun  aiin>^rtam  \ iiiais  le  Tib.  seiuble  avoir  In  rntimaiia.s  x r.  jdydti  ^ 
jffp.it?.  dga  sems  d])an  ]>o  phal  pa  dan  | seins  kyi  rjes  hbran  zliaii  f>a  yi  ] 
mi  dei  grags  hgrib  hbras  Ibags  pai  | Ijoii  ^ih  la  ni  b^ui  hzhiji  no  . 

de  cet  homme  la  gloire  di.s})arait  oornnie  Toiseau  snr  Tarbi’e  on  il  n y 
a ])lus  de  fruits  (?).’’ — Pour  la  comparaison,  voir  Jab.  429,  1 (iii,  401). 

31  [32].  Of.  Dhp.  371  : Dutreuil,  B 34  (p.  54).  Tib.  : 0 ])ensee,  ne 
Yous  rejouissez  pas  dans  le  plaisir  . . . 

32  [33].  Cf.  Dhp.  280;  Dutreuil,  0 (p.  23).  D'apres  le  Tib.: 
“ Ldiomme  qui  J*este  immobile  an  temps  de  se  lever,  jeune,  fort,  sans 
effort,  qui  reste  a la  maison,  paresseux  au  tenqxs  de  penser  {bm'm.  pa 
rdzorp  time  'i  dh'f/(hiu,su.?n.pattiJcff/e  ?)  . . . • ' 

33  [34].  Udana,  iv,  1. — Tib.  : phran  thsegs  rnam  rtogs  zliib  mor  rnam 
rtog  pas  I nan  na  gnas  j)ai  yid  ni  r/yeh  yah  spyo  | yid  kyi  main  rtog  de 
dag  ma  ^es  na  ] hkhrul  sems  yah  dah  yah  du  rgyug  par  byed  | = sthula- 
vitarkah  sfiksmavitarka  antalisthibam  mana  npabanti ; tan  manovitarkan 
ajuatva  bhrrmtacittah  punah  punar  dhavati. 

On  peut  done  lire  — 

sthulavitarka  aiuivo  vitarku 
antalisthita  manasasamplavartham  ; 
vitarkayan  vai  satatain  vitarkan 
etan  sada  dhavati  bhriin  tacit  tali. 

34  [35].  U<hlna,  iv,  1 — d.  Sani,  i,  .53;  Therag.  126;  ci-dessus  M^arga' 

Yuirga,  195.  />.  lire  .saw rarama  : — 

gah  zhig  dran  Idan  rnam  hbyed  brtson  pa  dah 
rnam  par  rtog  pa  mkhas  pas  de  9es  na 
nah  na  gnas  pai  yid  ni  f/yeh  spyo  ba 
thams  cad  ma  lus  bio  yis  rab  tii  spoh. 

La  correction  de  M.  Beckh  (f/yeii  spyod  pa)  est  inhrinee  par  Madhya- 
makavatara,  367  eb  345,  18. 

35  [36].  Dhp.  40. 


IKKJimEKl’S  HANHCRITS 


371? 


XXXII 

ya[03A]thapi]  parvatiili  sail[o  vaymia]  na  prakainpyatc  : 
evam  l<>i>liak>ayrwl  hhik[su]]i  sailavan  mi  })r<‘i[kani]pyat«^  f 5 
ya,fcha[  !>]{  [parva]tah  sai[]o  vaynaa]  iia  prakampj'ate  : 
f‘vain  Irsnaksayiid  bliiksuli  &ilavain  mi  prakaiiipyate  : Hi 
yaHVJi  .s{iniii[i]eayo  nasfci  yasya  !ia>s[fcji  niaina[y]i[taui] 
[al)ls?l]v(‘  sucatc  iiaiva  sa  vai  bliiksur  uirucyate  18  (—  .17) 
bhiksur  mx  tavaia  bJiavati  yjlvatfi  bilikKate  paran 
vei^[y]riin  [(Iharinaii  saiaadrijya  bhiksur  ]>havati  iia 
tfivata:  18 

yas  la  piinyain  ca  papari  ca  prahaya  brabniacaiyavain  : 
vi[K]ni[jubljutas  carajti  [sa]  vai  [bhijksur  uirucyate  19 
luaitnivihaii  yo  bliiksuh  prasamio  buddhasa.sane  : 
adliii^aecliet  padani  sautam  samskil[ropa«aiiiam  sivarn  20] 
[maijtravifhari  y]o  bhiksuh  prasanno  buddhasiisane 
[ajdliigacc}  let  padaip  ,sa[ntain]  asecanakadarsaiiani : '20  ( = 2 1 ) 
inaitra[vji[liari  yo  bbiksul.i  prasanno  [03b]  buddhasasa]ne  r 
■ , . ' . ■.  ■ . . : . . . . 22 


[praTnodyabahii]lo  bhiksur  duhkhaksayain  avapnuyat  23^ 
^antakayali  j^antavak  (ca  citfcena)  susauialiitah 
vtotaloka[miso  bhiksur  upasanto  ni]rucyate  24 
nasty  aprajilasya  vai  dliyanam  prajila  nadhyayato  sti  ca  : 
yasya  dhytoaip,  tatha  prajfia  sa  [ ‘ ] ? e : 25 

tasmad  dhyanain  tatha  prajnam  anuyujye[ta]  panditah 
tasyayarn  adir  bliavati  tatha  prajfiasjT'a  bhik[sunah]  2[6] 
saintustir  indriyair  guptib  pratimokse  ca  samvara(h) 
niatrajfiata  ca  bhaktesu  prantam  ca  ^ayanasanam 
adhicitte  c[a]  ayo[ga  etad  buddhanusasanam]  27 
yas[ya]  kayena  vaca  [ca]  manasa  ca  na  duskrtam 
kalyariasilam  ah  us  tarn  hri[  28] 

Le  feaillefc  62  a passe  dans  la  collection  Pelliot,  voir  JA.  1910,  ii,, 
p.  450. 

15-16  [16-17].  Cf.  Udana,  iii,  4 ; Therag.  651,  1,000  (efc  191).  a.  = 
Ang.  i,  152  ; B ii,  154a. 

17  [18].  a.  I)hp.  92  j Turfau,  xxix,  35a.  b-d.  Dhp.  367  ; cf.  SN,  950,. 
Outrenil,  B 38  (p.  56).  c,  med  oa  aii. 


DOCUMENTS  SAN8CBITS 


377 


18  [19].  Dhp.  2(50  ; Dufcreuil,  B 26  (p.  50) ; gam.  i,  182  ; cf.  Mhv.  iii,  422, 
12-13.  (.•.  Vfjya  esfc  traduifc  par  <jroA  pai  (•>),  “ le.s  (lharma.«i  du  villao-o,” 

voir  ie  (Jomin.  du  ,Dhp.  ° 

[-20].  CL  Mhv.  iii,  422,  14-15  ; Dbp.  267  ; Dntronil,  B 27  ; Saiu.  i, 
1b2.  LiC  Tibetain  a six  sfcanc6s  du  wiitvtimluiTi.  21--6, 

20  [22].  Blip.  36S  ; Dutreuil,  B 29  (p.  52). 

PCI-  Mhv.  iii,  421,  17-18.  h-c,  Dutreuil,  B 31  (p.  53). 


23[27c-d].  c^,l.  cf.  Dutreuil,  B 31  (p.  53);  Dbp.  376;  Thera-.  11  ; 

ham.  1,  203  ; Mhv.  iii,  422,  7, 

[23.] 

[24.] 

[25.]  .Dutreuil,  B 28  ; Therag.  2/j-c. 

[26.] 

[27.]  a-r.  Mliv.  iii,  422.  0;  h~c.  Dutreuil,  B Z'ia-b ; c-d.  sfc.  23 
ci-dessus. 

24  [28].  Dlip.  378.  Tib.  = ^dntalcdyah  klntamk  ^m^amdliitacittah. 

[29.]  a~c,  Dhp.  3/2  ; d.  — sa  vai  bhikkhuti  vuccafci. 

..  ? 1 Dutreuil,  B 16  (p.  45).  d.  Version  du  Kandjour, 

he  shall  be  called  a Bhik.su”;  version  du  Tandjour,  “he  is  near  to 
nirvana”  (Eoekhill). 

26  [31].  a~b.  cf.  Therag.  204  ; Visuddhirnagga,  viii,  tasma  have  appa- 
matto  aniLynhjetha  pandito. 

26c~(i,  27ct-?>.  Dhp.  375  ; Dutreuil,  B 17  (p.  45). 

27^2].  h-f.  .Dhp.  185;  Digha,  ii,  49-50;  Udana,  iv,  6.  a.  MS. 

gmthih., 

28  [b].  Itiv.  97,  1.  a-b.  Dhp.  391  = Jat.  348,  3 (iii,  148),  435  4 
(iii,  525),  ■ ■ V ■ ■ 


GOTHS  m AHCIEHT  IHDIA 


By  STEN  KOKOW 

rilRE  oldest  insbancos  of  the  use  ol:  the  word  yavwna^ 
yonu,  m India  were  discussed  hy  tlie  late  Professor 
Weber  in  his  paper  on  the  Greeks  in  Indiad-  He  main- 
tained that  the  Indians  adopted  this  denomination  of  the 
(Greeks  from  the  Persians.  He  also  remarked  that  the 
name  was  then  later  on  transferred  to  tlie  Indo-Scythian 
successors  of  tlie  Greeks  in  North-Western  India,  and, 
furllier,  to  tlie  Partliians,  Persians,  and  Arabs.  Tliere  can 
be  no  doubt  tliat  the  word  was  in  later  times  commonly 
used  to  denote  the  Musab nans,  and  sometimes  also,  in 
a.  more  general  way,  as  synonymous  with  mJecehar  On 
the  other  hand  its  original  meaning  was  ceiiainl}"  'a  Greek/. 
That  is  tlie  ease  in  the  Asoka  inscriptions,  in  the  Besnagar 
column  inscription,  and  in  some  of  the  Nasik  and  Karle 
epigraphs.  In  the  Nasik  inscription  of  the  nineteenth 
year  of  Siri-Pulumayi  Vasithiputa  (El,  8.  00)  we  find  the 
ijiivanas  mentioned  together  with  sakas  and 
and  it  is  just  possible  that  the  word  liere  denotes  some 
Indo-Scythian  tribe  and  not  exactly  the  Greeks.  In  the 
Junagadli  inscription  of  Rudradaman  of  the  year  72, 
i.e.  probabl^^  of  A.n.  150,^  we  hear  of  a yavana  ‘king' 
(nijan)  Tusaspha,  who  was  governor  of  Kathijxvad  under 
tlie  emperor  Asoka.  The  name  Tusaspha  cannot  be  Greek, 
but  must  be  Iranian.  Still  he  is  called  a yavana.  This 
shows  that  in  tlie  second  century  A. I).,  the  name  ya.vana 
was  not  restricted  to  the  Greeks. 

^ “ Die  (n-ieelien  in  Indien  ” : Sitzungsberichte  der  Koniglicli  Prenss- 
ischen  Akademie  der  Wissensebaften,  1890,  pp.  901  ff. 

- Compare  Kielborn,  Epigrapliia  Indim^  vol.  iv,  p.  246. 

3p'L  Ind. , vol.  viii,  pp.  36  if. 


380 


OOTHS  IN  AKCIENT  rXDIA 


Tlu‘  word  ijaama  also  occurs  in  three  Juuiuir  insei'iptioiis 
which  unist  Im  assigned  to  the  second  eentiny.'^  One  of 
them,  IhirgesH  -fndniji  Ko.  7,  does  not  give  any  further 
of  whiit  can  he  meant  by  the  iiaine.  Tlie  two 
remaining  on<‘s  hotli  mention  some  yava/na^  wlio  are 
furthei'  ehai-acterizoMl  as  gutaH.  The  first  of  tlienn  Bnrgess- 
Indraji  No.  T),  runs: — 

yavanasa  Irilasa  gatana  deyadhama  be  podhiyo. 

Gift  of  two  cisterns  by  the  yavaiia  Irila  of  the  gatas.” 

The  second,  Burges>S“liidraji  No.  38,  reads : — 
ya\  anasa  Citasa  gatana  bhojanamatapo  deyadhama  saglie. 
‘Miift  of  a refectory  to  the  community  by  the  yavana 
Gita  of  the  gatas.” 

The  names  Irila  and  Gita  and  the  wmrd  gala  do  not 
occur  in  other  inscriptions,  and  they  liave  not  been  satis- 
factorily explained.  Professor  Liiders  -thinks  tliat  gata 
represeiits  a Sanskrit  garta?  The  only  thing  which  is 
certain  is  that  the  two  yavanas  are  cliaracterized  as 
belonging  to  tlie  galas. 

Junnar  played  a role  of  considerable  importance  under 
the  Westerii  Ksatrapas.  According  to  Dr.  Bhandarkar,-^ 
it  was  the  capital  of  Nahapana.  There  cannot  then  be 
any  objection  to  explaining  the  w^ord  yavana,  yavana  in 
the  Junnar  inscriptions  as  a name  of  other  foreign  tribes 
than  the  Greek,  just  as  in  the  case  in  the  Rudradaman 
inscription.  It  may  denote  any  of  those  tribes  which 
formed  the  following  of  the  Ksatrapas. 

The  name  of  the  yavana  of  No.  5 is  Irila,  and  this  word 
leads  me  to  think  that  the  gata-yavanas  were  in  reality 
Goths.  Irila  is  the  regular  Gothic  form  of  a well-known 
Germanic  name.  It  is  found  in  Runic  inscriptions  from 

^ See  Burgess  & Blmgwanlal  Indraji,  Imcriptions  froyyi  the  Gave- 
templee  of  Western  India,  Bombay*  1881,  pp.  41  fi‘. 

List  of  Brahmi  Inscriptions,  EpL  Ind, , vol  x,  appendix,  Nos.  1 1 54, 1 1 82. 

^ Gazetteer  of  the  Bombay  Fresidmc^^  yol.  i,  pt.  ii,  p.  160. 


GOTHB  IN-  ANCIENT  INDIA 


38  L 


By  «aiid  Vebliiiigsnes  in  Norway,  Kragelinl  in  Denmark, 
and  Lindliolm  and  Varmim  in  Sweden  as  Krila,  Eirila} 
The  word  is  essentially  identical  with  Anglo-Saxon  eorl, 
Engli.sli  earl,  Old  Norse  ^jarl.  Old  Saxon  erl,  and  it  is 
further  connected  with  the  ethnic  name  eridi,  heruli, 
T}un‘e  are  also  several  names  in  Germanic  languages  which, 
contain  the  base  evict. 

The  name  CiUi  of  the  gata  of  the  Junnar  inscription 
No.  33  can  also  be  explained  as  a Gothic  name.  In  an 
old  Eunic  inscription  from  Tjnrko  in  Swa^den  occurs 
a name  Helclct,  The  Gothic  form  of  this  word  would  be 
Hilcl-,  The  initial  li  must  have  had  a sound  similar  to 
the  modern  German  eh  in  the  Gothic  language  of  the 
second  century,  and  it  is  quite  conceivable  that  an  Indian 
would  have  tried  to  mark  this  sound  by  tlie  palatal  e. 
An  Id  would  probablj^  become  It,  It,  as  is  commonly  the 
case  in  modern  vernaculars.  Dr.  Grierson  has  been  good 
enough  to  inform  me  that,  at  the  present  day,  the  English 
Id  becomes,  in  some  mouths  It,  and  in  other  mouths  l-d. 
In  the  latter  case  tlie  two  letters  are  separated  as  if  in 
difterent  syllables.  If  a Gothic  name  Hilda  were  adopted 
in  the  form  Gilta  or  Cilta,  the  result  in  a Prakrit  dialect 
would  be  Gita  or  Gitta,  both  of  which  would  be  written 
Gita,  It  is  therefore  quite  possible  that  Gita  is  an  attempt 
at  reproducing  the  sounds  of  a Gothic  name  Hild-, 

Both  Irila  and  Cita  are  characterized  as  gatas,  and  this 
latter  word  is  the  regular  Indian  form  corresponding  to 
Latin  goti,  the  Goths. 

The  oldest  indigenous  forms  of  the  name  of  tlie  Goths, 
which  occur  in  the  inscription  on  the  gold  ring  from 
Pietroassa,*^  gutaniowihailag,  and  in  the  words  gut- 
,^iudai,  in  the  Gothic  people,  in  the  fragment  of  a Gothic 

^ See  Soplius  .Bugge,  Noryes . Indshrifter  med  de  celdre  Rimer,  [vol.  i], 
pp.  100  ff.,  195  ff.  ; Kristiania,  1893-95, 

^ See  Rudolf  Henning,  Die  dexitschen  Runendenkmdler  ; Strassburg, 


1182 


aoms  IN  ANCIENT  INDIA 

caloiidar  pn^nerved  in  the  Codex  AmbrosianiiH  A of 
caintaiii  tin  and  not  an  o in  the  first  sjdlahle.  Tin‘ 
Uothie  lani4‘na<^T  difiens  from  other  Gei'iuanic  tongues  in 
retaining  an  old  n in  such  cases  where  the  following 
syllablt^  contains  an  a or  an  o.  Tlie  (ioths  must  accordingly 
]iav<^  called  themselvfs  f/a/aH-s*  or  (jiUdH  am]  not  goto ov 
It  is,  lioweviT,  remarkable  tliat  their  ethnic  name 
has  betni  adopted  in  so  many  foreign  languages  in  forms 
which  seem  to  presuppose  an  original  goian^  or  r/o/os. 
The  o of  Anglo-Saxon  gotan.  Old  Norse  gufar,  does  not, 
it  is  true,  prove  anytliing,  because  it  can  ].)e  ex|)lained 
as  tine  to  the  laws  prevailing  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old 
Norse  respectively.  The  state  of  affairs  is  different, 
however,  wlien  we  turn  to  the  forms  which  tlie  name  of 
the  Got!  IS  assumed  in,  Latin  and  Greek. 

Idle  oldest  classical  authority  wlio  mentions  tin*  Goths 
is  riiny.  He  mentions  the  guttonci^  among  the  live 
Germanic  nations  wlio,  according  to  him,  lived  on  tlie 
shores  of  tlie  Baltic  (iv,  99)*  In  another  passage,  xxxvii, 
25,  lie  repnaluces  a statement  made  liy  Pjdlieas  from 
Alarseilles,  about  a tribe  which  lived  near  the  Frisehe  Haff 
and  traded  in  amber.  The  name  of  tlie  tribe  has  beei.i 
handed  down  in  the  manuscripts  in  the  forms  gudones, 
(jvdemes,  guffemes,  and  gotones^  and  should  probably 
lie  read  giittones,  though  the  famous  German  scliolar 
M’ullenlioff  was  of  opinion  that  we  should  correct  into 
tmionehs.  GiUiones  or  gutones  represent  tlie  old  Gothic 
giiians.  The  same  is  the  case  with  the  Greek  form 
rvdfy)P€<;  of  Ptolemy  (HI,  v,  20).  Most  classical  authors, 
however,  use  forms  containing  an  o in  the  first  syllable. 
TIius  Tacitus  calls  the  Goths  gotones  (Annals,  ii,  C2)  or 
gotkones  (Germania,  43),  both  of  whieli  forms  apparently 
reproduce  a Gotliic  gotans.  Tlie  commonest  .forms  are 
Latin  goti,  Greek  Fordot.  The  latter  is  probably  tlie  liase 
of  Slavonic  goUhi,  which  already  occurs  in  the  lA^gmid  of 
^ It  seems  as  if  the  oldest  form  was  an  n-base  and  not  an  a -base. 


(U)THS  m ANCIENT  INDIA 

St,  KoHsiaiiiinoH  (lived  ninth  eentniy).  Gofl  and  rorOot 
seem  io  rep!‘oclace  a Gotliic  yolM. 

Forms  sucli  as  ijotm  would  not  be  possible  in 
tlie  Gotliic  of  WiilHla,  The  iisiial  classical  forms  nm>st\ 


there foi'o,  either  belong-  to  other  Ootliic  dialects  in  which 
the  fi  in  the  name  of  tlie  nation  had  become  o,  or  they 
must  Imve  come  to  the  classical  peoples  indirectly  tlirone-h 
sonui  other  Gei-manic  tribe,  or  they  mii;’ht  be  an  inaccurate 
rend(‘rino-  of  the  (tothic  word.  If  I am  right  in  identifying 
the  (j<d(is  of  the  Junnar  inscriptions  with  the  Goths,  tlie 
only  theory  whicli  will  suit  the  facts  is,  I think,  that  the 
various  forms  fjof ! , Fordoi,  liave  all  been  taken  from 
some  Gothic  dialect  which  agreed  with  most  Germanic 
tongues  in  cliaiiging  an  old  u to  o wlieii  an  <i  or  o occurred 
ill  tlie  following  syllalile.  For  thi^  Indians  ]ia\’e  always 
been  kcani  o])S(‘rvers  of  sounds,  and  won]<l  not  easily 
c()nfound  an  o ami  an  v,,  ami  t]ios(.‘  who  wi‘<,>te  tlie  word 
r (f((ta  in  tlie  Jniinar  inscrijitions  can  only  liavo  hoard  the 

original  denomination  from  the  mouth  of  these  /yo/o,^* 
them,selv(‘s. 

Now  we  know  next  to  nothing  about  Gotliic  dialects. 
The  Goths,  the  Gepides,  the  Vandals,  tlie  Biirgunds,  the 
Merules,  and  the  Tiugians  forma  distinct  group  of  Teutonie 
tribes,  and  the  Cloths  who  began  to  push  sontliwards  aboiit 
tlie  middle  of  the  second  century  were  certainly  not  an 
unmixed  trilxe  According  to  Richard  Low(:t^  the  GotliB 
of  the  Crimea  were  properly  Herules,  and  their  dialect  in 
later  times  presents  some  peculiar  features.  One  of  these 
is  of  interest  in  the  present  connexion,  viz.  the  substitution 
of  o for  '?6  before  an  a or  o;  compare  hoga,  bow.  There 
is  no  reason  for  doubting  that  this  change  is  old  in  the 
dialect,  and  we  would  then  have  a Gothic  language  of 
the  kind  needed  in  order  to  explain  the  forms  Latin  goH, 
Greek  r6r6oi,  Indian  gaia» 

To  sum  up,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  waird  gata,  whieli 
^ Die  Beste  (lev  Germanen  am  schwarzen  Meere^  Halle,  1 890,  pp.  Ill  ff. 


QOTEB  m AHCIENT  IKDIA 


lias  hitherto  nanaiiied  unexplained,  exactly  corresponds  to 
J.atin  {foil,  and  that  we  know  of  a Gothic  dialect  in  which 
the  name  r>f  the  Goths  must  have  contained  an  o in  the 
})a.si\  The  two  names  Trila  and  CUa,  moreover,  seem 
tn  be  the  lh:)thic  forms  of  two  well-known  Teutonic 
naim*s.  Both  Irila  and  Gita  are  called  yav<niii.H,  and  this 
<lenoniination  was  not,  in  the  second  century,  restricted  to 
the  Greeks.  Finally,  it  seems  impossible  to  explain  the 
words  (jaia,  Irila,  and  Cita  in  any  other  way.  Taken 
tog’ether,  all  these  points  make  it  highly  probable  that 
Irila  and  Cita  were  two  Goths,  who  had  found  their  way 
to  India  and  entered  the  service  of  the  Western  Ksa, traps. 

It  is  more  difficult  to  see  whence  these  Goths  can  have 
coim‘  to  India.  We  know  from  Ptolemy  that  about  the 
middh^  of  the  second  century  the  Goths  were  still  dwelling 
on  tlni  hanks  of  the  Vistula.  Tlieir  southward  movement 
is  generally  believed  to  have  had  some  connexion  with 
the  war  against  tlie  Markornanni  (166-80  A.D.),  and  it  is 
often  slated  that  they  did  not  reach  the  Black  Sea  before 
the  beginning  of  tlie  third  century.  Irila  and  Gita  could 
not,  in  that  case,  well  have  come  from  that  neiglibourhood. 
Tlieir  home  must  have  been  the  north,  either  the  country  on 
the  \dstiila,  or  Scandinavia,  or  the  Danish  isles.  Jordanes 
(cli.  4)  tells  us  that  the  Goths  had  come  ex  Bcandza 
imala,  and  the  HeruJes  who  are  mentioned  as  the  old 
inhabitants  of  Southern  Scandinavia,  Denmark,  and  the 
Danish  isles  have  certainly  been  their  near  kindred.  The 
names  Irila  and  Gita^  howevei',  can  hardly  liail  from  any 
of  tiiese  countries,  because  the  old  northern  forms  of  these 
names  contain  an  e and  not  an  i in  tlie  first  syllable.  It 
therefore  seems  necessary  to  infer  that  Irila  and  Gita  had 
come  from  the  country  where  Ptolemy  locates  the  Goths, 
viz.  the  banks  of  the  Vistula.  In  this  connexion  the 
statement  of  Pliny,  that  the  Goths  traded  in  amber,  if 
we  adopt  the  reading  guttonibus  in  xxxvii,  35,  is  of 
some  interest.  It  might  be  conceived  that  Irila  and 


Goms  IN  ANCIENT  INDIA 


385 


Cita  had  left  their  home  as  traders  in  amber,  that  they 
had  proceeded  to  Rome,  and  thence  to  Asia,  wliei’e  they 
were  attracted  hy  tlie  fame  of  the  riches  of  India,  The 
desire  to  see  foreign  countries  and  to  acciimidate  fame 
and  wealth  probably  urged  them  to  leave  their  home,  just 
as  Ave  tind  it  to  have  been  the  case  with,  the  Yikings  in 
later  times,  ArcliaBologists,  however,  state  that  there  are 
.some  indications  that  the  Goths  have  been  settled  on  the 
Black  Sea  at  a much  earlier  date  than  is  usually  assumed. 
In  that  case  the  appearance  of  Goths  in  Ancient  India  is 
more  easily  explained.  It  has  already  been  remarked  that 
the  Avord  gata  seems  to  represent  a form  which  is  in 
accordance  Avith  tlie  rules  prevailing  in  the  dialect  of 
the  Goths  of  the  Crimea,  and  the  most  likely  assumption 
is  perhaps  that  Irila  and  Cita  originally  came  from  that 
neighbourhood. 


XIII 


lEAlIAM  MAIUSCEIPTS  IX  THE,  LIBEAKY  OF  THE 

IMBIA  OEFICl 

By  Dll.  M.  DHALLA 

1 (-L  1)J  V]^:N1>I])AD  SADA  (Avesta) 

29-8x28*7  cm. 

FoLs.  24tj,  marked  in  Gujarati. 

19  lines  to  a page. 

Rnbi-ics  in  Gvij.  in  an  upturned  script. 

Catchwords  at  tlie  bottom  oi*  the  pages  on  the  right- 
liand  side. 

No  colophon,  but  on  f<d.  240  the  year  804  A.v. 
( = 1485  A.D.)  is  inserted  by  a later  hanch  A sliort 
postscript  in  Cluj,  on  the  last  page  states  that  this 
Vendidad  with  Ahrsna  and  Yisperad  is  800  or  850 
years  old. 

II  (L  2).  VENDIDAD  SADA  (Av.) 

35-7  x 27-3  cm. 

Fols.  350,  marked  in  (iuj. : fols.  849-50  blank. 

17  lines  to  a page. 

Rubrics  in  Guj.  in  an  upturned  script,  and  written  with, 
red  ink. 

The  lirst  folio  lias  short  Pers.  and  Guj.  scripts,  whicli 
state  that  this  Vendidad  witli  Yasna  and  Yisperad  is 
written  in  a very  clear  scrij^t. 

Catchwords  at  the  bottom  of  the  pages  on  the  right- 
hand  side. 

Colophon  at  the  end  in  Phh,  Pers.,  and  Guj. ; written 
Mobed  Rustam  Baliram  Darab  Sorab  Manek  Peshotan 
Sanjana  at  Surat  in  the  year  1129  a.y.  (=  1759  A.D,). 

^ The  references  L 1,  L 2,  etc.,  are  to  Geldner’s  A vesta  (Stuttgart, 
1896),  Prolegomena,  pp.  viii-x. 


tISS  lEAKIAN  MANTOCEira  IN  THE  INDIA  DFFICB^ 


in  (L  B).  VENDIDAD  BABA  (Av.) 

B5*i  X 26*7  cm. 

Fo!h.  2fl4,  marked  in  Gnj.  ; fols.  6B,  67^'  blank. 

1 5 linos  to  a page. 

Rul.jricis  in  Fazand  written  in  Av.  characters,  and  in  an 
uptnrned  Giij.  scri]>t.  These  rubrics  appear  in  red.  Some 
adflitional  ru])ries  in  Phi.  appear  on  tlie  margin  or  above^ 
the  lines.  These  rubrics  are  by  another  hand,  and  are 
in  black. 

Prefatory  notes  in  Pers.  and  Giij.  on  the  first  page 
state  that  tlie  writer  of  the  MS.  is  the  learned  Dastur 
Darab,  the  teacher  of  Anquetil,  and  that  it  is  tlio  best  of 
all  existing  MSS.  Geldner,  liowever,  brands  it  as  less 
carefully  written  ; see  his  Avesfa,  pro!.,  p.  ix. 

lY  (L  4).  VENDIDAD  (Av.,  Phi.) 

26*5x21*0  cm. 

Fols.  B04,  marked  in  Guj. ; fobs.  153~B04  incorrectly 
marked,  Init  changc'd  to  coiTect  ones  by  a later  hand. 

15  lines  to  a page. 

The  VIS.  has  some  damaged  pages  wliicli  are  restored  by 
a later  liand  on  separate  papers  pasted  on  the  old  folios. 

Fols.  158  “85  contain  occasional  interlinear  glosses  in 
Persian, 

The  colophon  is  miswsing,  but  Geldner  pro!.,  p.  ix) 

notes  that  it  is  found  in  the  MS.  Pt2)  which  is  a transcript 
from  this  codex.  According  to  this,  the  writer  of  the 
MS.  is  the  well-known  Mitro  Apan  Kaikhtisrob  (692  a.y.  = 
1328  A.D.).  A short  script  in  Guj.  appearing  on  the  first 
page  mentions  that  the  MS.  is  very  old  and  rare  and  may 
bear  the  date  652  a.y.  (:=:1283  A.D.). 

V (L  5).  VENDIDAD  SADA  AND  VISHTASP  YASHT  (Av.) 

28*4  X 25*1  cm. 

Fols.  387,  marked  in  Guj. ; fols.  327-34  and  360-87  not 
marked ; fob  358  incorrectly  marked  353  ; 7 blank  folios 
at  the  end. 


IRANIAN  AlANUSCHin'S  IN  THE  INDIA  OFFICE  S89 


15  lines  to  a page. 

The  ]\IS.  begins  with  a list  of  contents  in  Pers.  and  (Jiij. 
After  8 blank  folios  the  Av.  text  of  Vishtasp  Yt.  is  copied 
in  very  small  letters  on  8 pages^  with  46  to  54  lines  to 
a-  page.  These  8 pages  are  not  numbered.  The  numbering* 
of  the  folios  begins  with  the  first  cliapter  of  the  Vendidad. 

Rubrics  in  Giij.,  but  written  in  Av.  characters  and 
in..'. red.  ■, 

Two  diagrams  appear  on  fols.  38,  357. 

The  MS.  ends  with  a colophon  in  Paz.  written  in  Av. 
characters  and  one  in  Guj.  Finished  on  the  5th  day  of  the 
lOtli  month  of  the  year  IKU  A.v.  ( = 1792  a.d.)  by  Ervad 
Rustam  Darab  Frarnroz  Minocliihr  Kershaspji  Pavri  at 
Bombay. 

VKL6).  YABNA  (Av.) 

25*8x14*7  cm. 

Fols.  108,  marked  in  Guj. 

15  lines  to  a page. 

Interlinear  glosses  in  Pers.,  generally  on  the  margin. 

Rubrics  in  Guj.  in  an  upturned  script. 

Catchwords  at  tlie  bottom  of  the  pages  on  the  right- 
hand  side. 

A Pers.  colophon  on  fol.  197  states  that  the  MS.  was 
finished  on  the  17th  day  of  the  10th  month  of  the  year 
1110  A.Y.  ( = 1741  A.D.)  by  Ervad  Rustam  Bahrain 
Ardashir  Noshirvan. 

VII.  BUNDAHISHN  (Paz.  in  Av.  characters) 

29*8x19*1  cm. 

Fols.  99,  not  marked ; first  and  last  five  folios  blank. 

15  lines  to  a page. 

Catchwords  at  the  bottom  of  the  pages  on  the  right- 
hand  side. 

The  text  begins  with  the  chapter  on  the  Gokard  tree- 
According  to  West  (SEE.,  v,  Intr.,  p.  xxxi)  a copy  derived 


iWlO  IHANIAN  MANUSCHlFr^  IN  THE  INDIA  DEEK'K 

from  Lyi,  C)u  £ols.  70--0  iippearn  tlie  t(‘xi  of 
1 1 a ft.  A 1 1 1 slifispai  \ rl . 

'rht‘  MS.  vuih  with  a coloplion  in  Vers,  which  stahos  tliat 
llH‘c*n(h‘X  was  Hiiishod  on  tho  lltli  day  of  the  hih  laouili 
of  thi^  y<‘ar  1174  A,v.  t ^ 1805  A.D.)  hy  Ervad  Darah 
Ihmtui'  Husiain  da,mshed  .Baln-am  Fraiuroz  at  Surat. 

Mil.  lUVAYAT  (of  Kamdin  Sbapur  of  Cambay.  Paz.  in 
A V.  characters) 

: ■ : ;2ivd  X IT  cill. 

Fols,  150.  First  8 folios,  wliieh  contain  lists  of  contents 
in  Pers.  and  Guj.,  are  not  jnarked ; fobs.  1-34  marked  in 
Av.  tli^nires : one  folio  between  34  and  35  is  not  marked  ; 
fobs.  3()- 150  marked  in  Ckij. 
i 5 lines  to  a page. 

]A>ls,  138  49  give  tlie  Pers.  texts  (20  lines  to  a page): 
fols.  27,  31,  35,  80  contain  diagi*anis ; fob  25  lias  a Phi. 
Xirang;  fols.  134-0  give  an  index  in  Ibaz.,  written  in 
Av.  characters. 

A Paz.  (tolophon  on  fob  133  states  that  the  MS. 
was  iinished  on  tlie  10th  day  of  the  lOth  month  of  the 
year  1020  a.y,  ( — 1652  A.D.)  at  Xavsari  hy  Pesliotan 
Faridun.  A further  colophon  possibly  copied  from  an 
older  MS.  appears  on  fols.  149-50  in  Pers.  and  Paz. 
(Av.  characters).  The  latter  bears  tlie  date  13th  day 
and  12th  month  of  the  year  890  A.y.  ( = 1527  a.d.). 
A short  Guj.  script  on  the  first  folio  says  that  the  MS. 
was  obtained  from  Navsari  witli  great  difficulty,  and  is  not 
found  elsewhere, 

IX  (L  9).  KHOBDAH  AVESTA  (Av.,  Guj.) 

20-1  xlPl  cm. 

Fols.  214,  marked  in  Guj. 

] 3 lines  to  a page. 

The  MS.  contains  the  introductory  prayers,  5 Nyaishes, 
Hormazd  Yt.,  Patits,  Nirangs,  3 Afringtos,  viz. : Dahrnan, 


IRANIAN  MAHUSGEIFTS  IN  THE  IKPIA  OFFICE  391 


Ardafravasli,  and  (Jahanbar,  Vaz,  and  Skt.  AsliirvadB. 
The  Gnj.  version  appears  in  Skt.  characters  and  in  an 
upturned  script.  , 

No  colophon,  but  the  Paz.  and  Skt.  Ashlr\-ads  give  the 
year  1012  A.Y.  and  Sanivat  1701  (=1644*  a.d.).  A short 
<Juj.  script  on  the  first  page  mentions  tliat  the  MS.  is  good 
and  very  rare.  , 

X.  KHOEDAH  AXE  ST  A (in  Giij.  characters) 

24*5  X 14*2  cm. 

Fols.  126;  inarked  in  Guj. 

15  lines  to  a page. 

A Guj.  index  on  fols.  125-6. 

Contents : The  introductory  prayers,  5 Ny aishes,  Horrnazd, 
Ardabahisht,  2 Srosh,  Hom,A^anand,  A^ashts,  5 Gahs,  Patit, 
Nirangs,  and  Namaskars. 

A Guj.  colophon  on  fob  124  states  that  the  MS.  was 
copied  by  Behdin  Aga  Bahrain  Dhanji  Jivaji  Dalai. 
Sam  vat  1842  (=1786  A.D.). 

XI.  PAZAND  GLOBSAEY 

20-4  X 14*1  cm. 

Fols.  93,  marked  in  Guj. 

Words  written  in  Av.  characters. 

Fols.  1-23  contain  Pers.  meanings  of  vsome  Paz.  words. 

No  colophon. 

XII  (L  12).  KHOEDAH  AVESTA  (Av.,  Phi.) 

18-7  X 13*6  cm. 

Fols.  119,  marked  in  Guj.;  fols.  113-16  blank. 

11  to  14  lines  to  a page. 

Contents : Introductory  prayers,  Khurshed,  Mali,  and 
Atasli  Nyaishes,  Horrnazd  and  2 Srosh  Yashts,  2 Sirozalis, 
occasional  explanatory  glosses  in  Pers.  Fol.  102  has 
a Pers.  colophon  which  gives  the  date,  15th  day  of  the 
4th  month  of  the  year  1124  A.A^.  ( = 1755  a.d.);  but  the 
name  of  the  scribe  is  blotted  out. 


JRAS.  1912. 


26 


892  IIUNUN  MANtTSOElFTS  IK  TOE  INDIA  OFFICE 

XJII  (L  18).  YABNA  (Av.) 

21  X 1 I CIIL 

FoIh.  259,  inarked  in  Guj.  Many  folios  liave  two 
difterfHit  nunibers  in  Gnj.  First  24  and  the  last  2 folios 
supplied  })y  a later  liand, 

12  iiiips  to  a page,  with  the  exception  of  the  new  folios, 
which  give  ,18  lines  to  a page. 

No  colophon. 

XIV.  ZOROABTRIAN  LITURGY  (Av.) 

24  X I4'4  cm. 

Fols.  150,  marked  in  Guj. 

10  lines  to  a page. 

Extensive  rubrics  in  Guj.  in  an  upturned  script,  written 
in  black  as  well  as  red. 

The  MS.  contains  various  Baj  liturgies,  and  is  called 
(p.  1)  in  Guj.  Baj  Dharna  and  in  Pers.  Darun  Y'ashtto. 

Catchwords  at  the  bottom  of  the  pages  on  the  riglit- 
hand  side. 

The  last  page  gives  Samvat  1847  ( = 1790  A.D.). 

A postscript  in  Pers.  states,  I have  finished  this  book 
with  my  own  hands  in  the  month  Adar.”  The  whole  line 
is  afterwards  scratched  out.  Neitlier  the  year  nor  the 
name  of  the  scribe  is  given. 

XV.  SHIKAND  GUMANIK  VIJAR  (and  other  texts. 

Phi.,  Paz.) 

20*3  X 14-9  cm. 

Fols.  119,  not  marked. 

10  to  18  lines  to  a page. 

The  first  folio  gives  the  following  list  of  contents  in 
Guj.  and  Pers. : Shikand  Gumanik  Vijar,  Yosht-i  Frayan, 
Patit,  and  Pursish  Pashdkh.  The  MS.  begins  with 
a description  of  the  Darfin  ceremony.  In  addition  to  the 
above,  the  MS.  gives  the  text  of  Matigan-i  Haft  Amshaspand. 


JRANUN-  MANnSCltlPl.B  3N  THE  INDIA  OFFICE  393 


The  Patit  is  written  by  another  hand  and  on  ditFereiit 
papers,  and  is  in  the  PaPS.  script,  written  in  Av.  diaracters. 
The  last  thirty-six  folios  contain  the  text  of  Shikand 
diinirinik  Vijar,  which  is  incomplete. 

Catchwords  at  the  bottom  of  the  pa^es  on  the  riglit- 
hand  side. 

A Pers.  colophon  appears  at  the  end  of  the  Patit.  It  has 
“ the  5th  day  and  10th  month  'h  but  the  year  is  not  given, 
and  the  name  of  the  scribe  is  carefully  blotted  out.  The 
liandwriting  of  this  MS.  resembles  that  of  L 26,  which  was 
written  in  1737  A.B.  (see  Hang  & West,  A rc?a  Viraf, 
Intr.,  pp.  ix-x,  Bombay,  1872). 

XVI  (L  16).  NYAISHES  AND  YASHTS  (Av.) 

20x11*5  cm. 

Fols.  116,  marked  in  Guj.  After  one  blank  folio  the 
second  one  begins  with  the  number  6.  Fols.  6-16  are 
marked  twice.  One  folio  after  fol.  96  is  not  numbered, 
and  the  numbering  of  fols.  111-16  is  cut  off  in  the 
margin. 

Contents : 5 Nyaishes  and  Srosh  Yasht  HMhokht. 

No  colophon. 

XVII  (L  17).  YASNA  (Av.) 

22*3  x16*2  cm. 

Fols.  198,  marked  in  Guj. 

15  lines  to  a page. 

Extensive  rubrics  in  Guj.  written  in  an  upturned 
script. 

A short  Guj.  script  on  the  first  page  says  that  the  MS. 
is  about  300  to  350  years  old.  The  first  folio  contains 
a deed  of  sale  of  the  MS.  made  in  Sam  vat  1847 
(=  1790  A.D.).  The  MS.  ends  with  a colophon  in  Pers. 
Finished  by  Mobed  Ardashir  on  the  20th  day  of  the  8th 
month  of  the  year  920  A.Y.  (~  1551  A.I).). 


.194  IRANI  AX  MANITSCBIPTS  IN  THE  INDIA  OFFICE 

: f : XVIir  (L  20):  ' ' YASNA  (A-V.) 

1.3’7  cmt/ V ' - 

: , ; IMs.  169;,  marked  in  Goj.'  , 

15  b)  1.8  lines  to  a page. 

Hubries  in  Guj.  in  an  upturned  script,  written  in  red. 

Xo  eoluplion.  "idle  MS.  is  modern. 

XIX.  MINOKPimAl)  (Paz.,  Skt.) 

19*8x13*4  cm. 

P'oLs.  148,  marked  in  Guj.,  but  mostly  cut  off*  in  the 
margin. 

15  lines  to  a page. 

The  vSkt.  version  appears  in  alternate  sentences  and  in 
an  upturned  script. 

Fobs.  133-48  contain  Av.,  Paz.,  Skt.  fragments  of  Afrin 
and  Aogemadaeca. 

A Phi.  colophon  appears  on  fob  132,  which,  according  to 
West  (SEE.,  24,  Intr.,  p.  xxi),  is  copied  from  some  older 
MS.,  and  which  says  that  the  MS.  was  completed  by 
Ervad  Shatroyar,  contemporary  (?)  of  Neryosangh.  Tliis 
is  followed  by  a Skt.  colophon  reading:  Finished  on 
tlie  18th  day  of  the  2nd  montli  of  tiie  year  890  A.Y. 
(==  1520  A.D.)  by  Mihrvan  Mahyar,  grandson  of  Padarn  at 
.Navsari  . 

XX  (L  18).  KHORDAH  AVESTA  AND  YASHTS  (Av.) 
24*4  X 17*4  cm. 

Fobs.  508,  marked  in  Guj. ; fobs.  481-90  marked  also 
449-58,  but  this  erroneous  numbering  is  scratched  out; 
fobs,  491-508  not  marked. 

13  lines  to  a page. 

The  MS.  begins  with  a detailed  index  in  Guj. 

Contents:  Introductory  prayers,  5 Nyaishes,  2 Patits, 
Paz.  and  Skt.  AshirvMs,  iirmS  Gahanbar,  Ardafravash, 


IRANIAN'  MANUSCRIPTS  IN  THE  INDIA  OFFICE  395 


and  Hojnkar,  5 Gabs,  the  Yashts,  viz. : Horniazd,  Haftan, 
Aixlabaliislit,  Avardad,  2 Srosh,  Balnfim,  Aban,  Klinrslied, 
Mall,  Tir,  Gosli,  Milir,  Raslina,  Fravardiii,  Hum,  Yanaiid, 
Din,  Aslitad,  ZainyM/and  Nirangs. . • ■ 

The  old  MS.  ends  at  fob  490a,  after  'which  new  folios  are 
added  by  a later  hand.  ■ 

Fob  2t31  blank.  Concerning  the  disorder  in  the  arrange- 
merit  of  the  text  see  GeldneiAs  prob  ix. 

No  colophon,  but  the  Pa:z.  and  Skt.  Asbirvads  have  the 
years  1042  A.Y.  (fob  111)  and  Samvat  1729  (fol.  118)  = 
.1672  A.D.  The  Guj.  index  is  made  in  Samvat  1832 
( = 1775  A.B.), 

XXI  (L  11).  KHORDAH  AVESTA  (Av.) 

21*7  X 12*2  cm. 

Fobs.  277,  marked  in  Guj. 

13  lines  to  a page. 

Fobs.  1~79  have  rubrics  in  upturned  Guj.  script  in  red; 
fols.  82-229  rubrics  in  Pers.  but  written  in  Av.  characters ; 
fols.  230-77  rubrics  in  an  upturned  Guj.  script  in  black, 
and  in  Pers.  written  in  Av.  characters  in  red.  Fobs.  1~88 
written  by  another  hand. 

Catchwords  at  the  bottom  of  the  pages  on  the  right- 
liand  side. 

Contents : Introductory  prayers,  5 Nyaislies,  Gatha, 
Gahanbar,  and  Dahman  Afringtos,  5 Gahs,  Hormazd,  Plaft 
Amshaspand,  Ardabahisht,  2 Srosh,  Horn,  Vanand,  Bahram 
Yashts,  Bajes,  Nirangs,  Av.  fragments,  and  Sirozahs. 

Colophon  in  Pers.  at  the  end.  Finished  on  the  10th  day 
of  the  2nd  month  of  the  year  1093  A.Y.  ( = 1723  A.D.)  by 
Ervad  Mihrnosh  Dastur  Bahram  Khurshed  Sanjana  at 
Navsari. 

A short  Guj.  script  on  the  cover  says  that  the  MS.  is 
very  correct:  another  one  on  the  first  folio  says  that  it 
is  copied  by  Darab,  the  disciple  of  Jamasp,  who  brought 
the  MS.  from  Kirman  to  Surat. 


:i9li  lEANlA.V  MANlTSCHIim  IN  THE  INDIA,  OFFICE 


XXIL  BUNDAHISHN  (Pa:?,  in  Av.  characters) 

2tnx  I VI  cm. 

Fols.  15^:h  of  which  the  first  136  folios  marked  in 
Aw  fols.  137-51  in  Guj.,  as  also  in  Av.  figures, 

fols.  152-3  blank. 

14  lines  to  a page. 

The  MW.  begins  with  the  chapter  on  the  Gokard  tree. 
For  the  details  of  tlie  arrangement  of  the  chapters  see 
West  in  SEE.,  voL  v,  Intr.,  p.  xxxi.  The  Paz.  text  of  the 
Matigan-i  Haft  Amshaspand  appears  on  fols.  113-22. 

Colophon  in  Phi.  on  fob  111,  which  West  thinks  as 
having  been  copied  from  some  older  MS.  The  colophon 
runs  thus : Copied  by  Ashdin  Kaka  Dhanpal  Lakhmidhar 
Bahrain  Lakhmidliar  Manpat  Kamdin  Zartusht  Mobed 
Hormazdyar  Rarnyar  in  936  A.Y.  ( = 1567  A.D.). 

XXni.  BHIKAND  GUMANIK  VIJAR  (Paz.) 

20-4  X 13*5  cm. 

Fols.  79,  marked  in  Guj.;  fols.  51-79  are  incorrectly 
marked  56-85. 

10  to  12  lines  to  a page. 

The  first  page  gives  the  title  of  the  MS.  in  Pers.  and 
Guj.  as  Purshis  Pashokh  in  Pahlavi.  Concerning  the 
arrangement  of  the  chapters  see  Hoshang  & West, 
Bhikancl  Gwmanlk  Vijar,  Intr.,  p.  xxv,  Bombay,  1887. 

No  colophon,  but  the  MS.  is  in  the  same  handwriting 
fis  Lgg,  which  is  dated  1106  A.v.  ( = 1737  a.d.). 

XXIV.  ZOROABTRIAN  LITURGY  (Av.) 

23*1  X 13  cm. 

Pols.  164,  marked  in  Guj. 

17  lines  to  a page. 

Extensive  rubrics  in  an  upturned  Guj.  script. 

Short  Guj.  and  Pers.  scripts  on  the  first  page  state  that 
this  MS.  Vazargorad  contains  an  account  of  the  Baj, 
Barsam,  and  Dariin  ceremonies. 


I'l'UNIAN  MANUHCliirrS  IK  THE  IX'DIA  OFFiOE  S97 


FoIh.  J55-“A)H  give  the  text  of  Patit  in  Pass,  writfceti  in 
Av.  cliaracterH.  This  work,  however,  is  not  to  be  confused 
with  the  well-known  Phi.  Vijirkard-i  Dtnuk. 

ColoplKU)  in  Paz.  written  in  Av.  characters,  and  another 
in  Gnj. 

Finislied  on  the  (>th  day  of  the  Lst  montli  of  the  year 
1131  A.Y.  (>1761  A.j).)  by  Ervad  Khfirshed  Minochihrji 
Cavasji  Janiaspji  Bhaiji  Sanjana. 

XXV  (L  25).  KHORDAH  AVEBTA  (Av.,  Pers.) 

24*7  X 14*2  cm. 

Fols.  85,  marked  in  Pers. 

15  lines  to  a page. 

Contents:  Introductory  prayers,  5 Nyaishes,  HOrmazd 
Yt.,  Gahanbar,  Gatlia,  and  Dahmto  Afringans. 

Written  b^-'  Dastur  Caoos  of  Surat  in  1223  A.H. 
( = 1808  A.D.). 

XXVL  BIROZAH  (PhL)  AFRINB  (Paz.) 

20*1  X 13-8  cm. 

Fols.  86,  not  marked ; last  two  folios  blank. 

The  first  page  contains  a list  of  contents  in  Pers. 
and  Guj. 

Contents : Sirdzahs  (PhL),  Persliad  ( Av.  with,  occasional 
rubrics  in  Guj.),  Galianbar,  Buzurg,  Vadardagan  Afrins 
(Paz.  in  Av.  characters). 

A Pers.  script  occurs  at  tlie  end  of  the  Pershad,  wdiich 
states,  ‘'finished  on  the  I7th  day  and  10th  month  of  the 
jrear  1106  A.Y.”  ( = 1737  a.d.).  The  writer’s  name  is  not 
given. 

XXVII  (L  27).  VISPERAD  (Av.) 

16*31  X 13*8  cm. 

Fols.  121,  marked  in  Guj. 

Rubrics  in  Paz.  in  Av.  characters  and  in  an  upturned 
Guj.  script  written  in  red. 


IKAKIAX  MAX0SCHim  IX  tHE  INDIA  OFFICE 


Catelnvonls  at  the  bottom  of  the  pagf^s  on  the  right- 
Jiatiii  s!«h‘. 

T1h.‘  Vispmud  text  e^ds  on  fol*  86,  and  is  followed  by 
the  laitin*  part  of  Yasna.  The  MS*  breaks  up  on  fob  121 
with  an  incomplete  sentence. 

No  coh'iplion.  A shoid-  Giij.  script  on  the  first  page  says 
that  the  MS.  is  accurately  written. 

There  are  6 loose  pages  (19-9  x 10*8  cm.)  which  contai]) 
Kiisti  formulas  in  Paz.  written  in  Av.  characters  and  in  an 
upturned  Gnj.  script.  ■ 

For  otlier  MSS.  (mostly  Persian)  on  Zoroastrian  literature 
see  Ross  & Brown,  Catalogue  of  tivo  collections  of  Persian 
and  Aral)ic  ]\fanuseripts  preserved  in  the  Indm  Office 
Library,  pp.  127-40,  171-2,  London,  1902;  and  Ethe, 
Catalogue  of  Persian  Manuscripts  in  the  Library  of 
the  Pndia,  Office,  vol.  i,  cols.  1518-24,  Nos.  2818-27  ; 
cols.  1022-4,  *Nos.  2986-8  ; Oxford,  m 


XI¥ 


JATAKAS  AT  IHAEATJT 
By  E.  HULTZSGH 

QINCE  ixiy  publication  of  the  Bharaut  inscriptions  in 
the  Indimb  ATdiquaA^y,  ycA,  21,  p.  225  ff.,  Professor 
von  Oldenburg  has  subjected  the  Bliai'aut  sculptures  to 
a careful  examination  in  a Russian  article  which  Professor 
Lanman  has  made  generally  accessible  by  an  English 
translation  in  the  Journal  of  tlie  American  Oriental 
Society,  Yol.  18,  p.  183  ffV  Professor  von  Oldenburg 
succeeded  in  tracing  in  the  Pali  Jataka  book  three  of 
the  Bharaut  bas-reliefs  which  had  not  previously  been 
identified^  The  references  to  four  other  jatakas^  could 
not  be  given  in  rny  first  list,  because  at  the  time  when 
it  was  drawn  up  vol.  6 of  the  Jataka  book  had  not  yet 
been  published.  The  same  volume  enabled  me  to  restore 
conjecturally  one  of  the  Bharaut  inscriptions,^  while  a 
repeated  perusal  of  vol.  o yielded  explanations  of  two 
bas-reliefs  which  had  remained  unidentified.^ 

I.  Mahahodhi-jataka,  Xo.  628 

Cunningham  s plate  xxvii.  No.  14 

This  sculpture,  which  is  somewhat  damaged,  shows 
on  one  side  an  ascetic  who  is  carrying  an  umbrella  and 
sandals  in  his  right  hand  and  a staff*  on  his  left  shoulder. 
The  other  side  is  occupied  by  a man  and  woman  wearing 

^ Nos.  17,  20,  and  23  of  the  list  on  p.  406  below. 

Nos.  1,  4,  5,  and  21  of  the  new  list. 

^ See  III  below. 

See  I and  II  below. 


400 


JATAICAS  AT  BHABAirr 


ricli  omameiiis.  A big  dog  forms  the  centre  of  the  group. 
Ill  CiiUBinghams  StUpa  o/Bharhut  this  relief  is  connected 
with  the  Dasaratlm-jataka  (No.  4(ii.  of  Fausboll’s  edition), 
w]iich,the  author  says,  is  ''recognizable  at  the  Hrst  glance/' 
(p.  71).  ''We  see  Bharata  standing  in  front  of  Rarna 
and  Sstfi  ” (p.  74).  But  if  these  three  persons  were  really 
meant,  Bharata  ought  to  be  dressed  as  prince  and  Rama 
and  Sita  as  hermits,  while  the  sculpture  sliows  just  the 
reverse  of  tins  arrangement.  Besides,  Rama’s  brother 
Lakshmana  would  be  luissing,  and  the  dog  in  the  centre 
of  the  group,  " which  apparently  belongs  to  Rama” 
(Cunningham,  p.  74),  would  be  unconnected  with  the  story 
in  hand.  Professor  von  Oldenburg  was  therefore  fully 
justified  in  stating:  “I  am  not  convinced  of  tlie  correctness 
of  this  identification,  and  I regard  the  bas-relief  as  un- 
explained ” (JAOS.,  vol.  18,  p/  191). 

It  is  the  dog  figured  in  the  centre  whieli  led  me  on 
the  right  track.  In  the  Mahabodlii-jataka  (No.  528) 
the  hermit  Bodhi,  who  visits  the  king  of  Benares, 
ingratiates  liimself  with  the  king’s  favourite  dog  by 
sharing  his  food  with  the  animal  (Mr.  Francis’  translation, 
Jdtaka,  vol.  5,  p.  116).  As  the  ascetic  gradually  gains 
influence  at  court,  he  is  slandered  by  five  wicked  ministers, 
who  prevail  on  tlie  king  to  assent  to  their  plot  of 
murdering  him.  On  the  night  before  the  chief  queen 
"asked  him  [the  king],  saying:  'How  is  it,  Sire,  that 
you  do  not  say  a word  to  me  ? Have  I in  any  way 
offended  you  V ' No,  lady/  he  said  ; ' but  tliey  tell  me  the 
mendicant  Bodhi  has  become  an  enemy  of  ours.  I have 
ordered  five  of  my  councillors  to  slay  him  to-morrow/ 
...  At  that  moment  the  well-bred  tawny  liound,  hearing 
the  talk,  thought:  'To-morrow  by  my  own  power  I must 
save  this  irian’s  life.’  So  early  next  morning  the  dog 
went  down  from  the  terrace,  and  coming  to  the  big  door 
lie  lay  with  his  head  on  the  threshold,  watching  the 
road  by  which  the  Great  Being  came.  . . . Then  the 


Jouk;\\^\l  Roy.  As.^Soc,  1912, 

Jatakas  at  Bfiaraut. 

Mahaboclhi-jataka,  Maliakapi-jataka, 

No.  528.  No.  516. 


JATAKAS  AT  BHAKA0T 


401 


liound  seeing  him  opened  his  moufch  and  showed  his  four 
big  teeth  . , . and  lie  ga^ve  a loud  bark.  From  Ids 
knowledge  ol;  the  meaning  of  all  sounds  Bodhi  understood 
the  matter,  and  returned  to  the  park  and  took  everything 
that  was  necessary  for  his  journey.  But  the  king 
standing  at  Ids  window,  when  lie  found  he  was  not 
coming,  thouglit:  ...  'I  will  find  out  what  he  is  about.’ 
And  going  to  the  park  he  found  the  Great  Being  coming 
out  of  his  hut  of  leaves  and  with  all  his  requisites 
at  the  end  of  his  cloister  walk,  ready  to  start,  and 
saluting  him  he  stood  on  one  side  and  uttered  the  first 
stanza  : — 

-What  mean  these  things,  umbrella,  shoes, 

Skin-robe  and  staff  in  hand? 

What  of  this  cloak  and  bowl  and  hook? 

I fain  would  understand 
Why  in  hot  haste  thou  wouMst  depart 
And  to  what  far-off  land.’ 

On  hearing  this  the  Great  Being  . . . repeated  two 
stanzas : - 

‘ These  twelve  long  years  I’ve  dwelt,  0 king, 

Within  thy  royal  park; 

And  never  once  before  to-day 

This  hound  was  known  to  bark. 

To-day  he  shows  his  teeth  so  white, 

Defiant  now  and  proud, 

And  hearing  what  thou  toldst  the  queen, 

To  warn  me  bays  aloud.’  ” 

(Francis,  ]).  119.) 

The  Bhai^aut  sculpture  no  doubt  represents  Bodhi  taking 
leave  of  the  king.  He  is  provided  with  the  necessaries 
for  his  projected  journey,  viz.  an  umbrella  and  sandals 
in  liis  right  hand  and  a skin  over  his  left  arm,  in  whicli 
he  holds  a staff*  with  a bundle  attached  to  its  end.  It  is 
true  that  in  the  prose  version  of  the  Jataka  text  neither 


402 


JATAKAS  AT  BilARAUT 


the  cjiieeB  Bor  the  dog  are  stated  to  have  b(.‘en  present 
at  the  king’s  .last  interview  with  the  herniit.  But  the 
artist  was  (|iute  justified  in  including  both  of  tlioni  in 
the  sculpture^  which  otlierwise  would  have  lacked  indi- 
vidiialily  and  defied  ideiitifleatioii.  He  ina}’"  Iiave  inserted 
the  (jueen!  in  order  to  remind  tlie  spectator  of  the  first 
scene  of  tlie  Jataka  story,  the  nocturnal  conversation  of 
the  king  and  <jueen,  and  tlie  dog  in  order  to  recall  its 
second  scene,  the  barking  of  the  king’s  favourite  dog. 
This  arrangement  was  quite  unobjectionable,  as  both  the 
(|ueen  and  the  dog  miglit  have  accompanied  the  king  on 
ids  visit  to  the  ascetic,  which  forms  the  third  and  last 
scene  of  the  story. 

It  is,  lioweva^r,  just  possible  that  the  Bliaraut  sculptor 
followed,  a different  version  of  the  Maliabodlii  - jataka, 
whicli  resembled  No.  2S  of  Aryasura’s  Jatakamala. 
Although  here  the  queen  ivS  not  mentioned  at  all,  the  dog 
is  present  at  the  king’s  visit  to  the  hermit  and  is  barking 
angrily  at  the  latter  (p.  144  of  Professor  Kern’s  edition). 
In  tliis  respect  tlie  last  of  the  arcliaic  verses  quoted  from 
the  Pali  Jataka  on  p.  401  above  seems  to  agree  rather 
with  the  Jatakannila  version  tiian  with  the  modern  prose 
version  of  the  Jataka  bookJ  Consequently  I consider 
it  not  unlikely  that  in  the  original  version  of  the  story, 
which  was  knowm  to  the  Bliaraut  artist,  the  dog  was 
stated  to  have  barked  at  the  hermit  on  the  occasion  of 
his  last  interview  with  the  king,  as  represented  on  the 
bas-relief. 

II.  Mahakapi-jataka,  Ko.  516 

Cunningham’s  plate  xxxiii,  No.  5 

According  to  Cunningham  (p.  105)  this  sculpture,  which 
is  partly  damaged,  “ represents  a tiglit  between  a man  and 

^ The  words  “to  warn  me’’  are  not  found  in  the  Pfili  original,  but 
ha%'e  been  inserted  by  the  translator  owing  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
metre. 


JATAKA8  AT  BHAEAUT 


MS,'; 

iiioiikej’H.'’  Ill  reality  it  consists  of  tiirei-i  snccessive 
scones  from  the  Mahakapi-jataka,  No.  510.  Anotlier 
jataka  of  thci  same  name  (No.  407)  is  known  to  be 
Hgiire'd  in  another  Bharaut  sculpture  (pi.  xxxiii.  No.  4). 
Ilieso  jatakas  are  both  included  in  Ary  as  lira's  Jataka- 
mala  (Nos.  24^  and'  27- =■  Jataka,'  Nos.  516  and  407 
respectively). 

In  No.  516  we  are  informed  that  a Brahmin  had  lost 
his  way  in  looking  for  his  stray  oxen.  He  roamed 
about  for  seven  days  fasting,  but  seeing  a tindiika 
tree  he  climbed  up  it  to  eat  the  fruit.  Slipping  off’ 
the  tree  he  fell  sixty  cubits  into  a ]\elhlike  abyss, 
where  he  passed  ten  days.  At  that  time  the  Bodhisatta 
was  living  in  the  shape  of  a monkey,  and  while 
eating  wild  fruits  he  caught  siglit  of  the  man,  and 
after  practising  with  a stone  he  hauled  the  fellow 
out.  While  the  monkey  was  asleep,  the  man  split 
his  head  open  with  a stone.”  (Mr.  Francis’  translation, 
vol.  5vp.  38.) 

In  the  subsequent  poetical  version  more  details  are 
given':—  ■ 

‘‘  The  monkey  stepping  on  the  height  above 
Carried  a heavy  stone,  his  strength  to  prove, 

And  when  by  practice  he  was  perfect  grown, 

The  mighty  one  his  purpose  thus  made  known. 

' Climb  thou,  good  Sir,  upon  my  back  and  cast 
Thy  arms  about  my  neck  and  hold  me  fast ; 

Then  will  I with  all  speed  deliver  thee 
From  the  stone  walls  of  thy  captivity.’ 

# # # # # 

The  monkey  then— so  brave  and  strong  was  he — 
Exhausted  by  the  effort  though  he  be, 

From  rocky  fastness  soon  uplifteth  me.^ 

* # # # # 

^ The  speaker  is  the  ungrateful  Brahmin,  who  is  relating  his  own 
story  to  the  king  of  Benares. 


404 


JATAKAH  AT  BHAKAUT 


While,  an  I watched,  he  took  a moBieut\s  rest, 

All  thought  was  harboured  in  iny  breast. 

11  on  keys  and  such  like  deer  are  good  to  eat : 

What  if  I kill  him  and  my  hunger  cheat?’ 

■ ■ , # # ■■■  # ■ ■ #■  ■ 

Taking  a,  stone  his  skull  T wellnigh  broke.” 

(Op.  cit.,  p.  40.) 

Tfie  Bharaiit  sculpture  shows  hrst  on  the  left  side  the 
moiike}"  either  lookings  down  into  the  abyss  or  practising; 
with  a stone.  In  the  middle  scene  he  is  carrying  up  the 
Brahmin  on  his  back.  In  the  last  scene  the  ungrateful 
fellow  is  trying  to  kill  the  sleeping  monkey  by  throwing 
a stone  on  liis  liead. 

III.  Mahajanaka-jataka,  No.  539 
Cunningliam’s  plate  xliv,  "No.  2 

This  bas-relief  shows  three  figures  : (1)  a sitting  layman 
holding  an  arrow,  (2)  an  ascetic  addressing  him,  and  (3) 
a queen  standing  behind  the  ascetic.  An  inscription  at 
the  top  labels  No,  2 as  “King  Janaka’'  and  No.  3 as 
“ Queen  Sivala  This  enabled  Cunningham  (p.  95)  to 
connect  the  bas-relief  with  the  Mahajanaka-jataka(No.539); 
but,  as  tlie  text  of  this  jataka  was  not  available  to  liiin, 
he  could  not  furnish  the  correct  explanation  of  the  scene 
repx-esented  in  the  sculpture. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  Mahajanaka-jataka  we  are  told 
that  king  Mahajamaka  left  his  kingdom  to  become  an 
ascetic,  and  was  followed  by  his  queen  Sivali  against  his 
own  will.  In  their  wanderings  the  king  and  queen 
reached  the  city  of  Thuna.  “After  they  had  entered,  tlie 
Bodhisatta  [Mahajanaka]  went  on  his  begging-round  and 
reached  the  door  of  the  house  of  a maker  of  arrows,  while 
Sivali  stood  on  one  side.  Now  at  that  time  the  arrow-maker 
had  heated  an  arro’w  in  a pan  of  coals  and  had  wetted  it 
with  some  sour  rice-gruel,  and,  closing  one  eye,  was  looking 


JATAKA8  AT  BHABAUT 


405 


with  the  other  while  he  made  the  arrow  .straight.  Tlie 
Bodhisatta  reflected : ' If  this  man  is  wi.se,  he  will  be 
able  to  explain  the  incident,— *1  will  ask  him.’ 

Then  the  Great  Being  said,  to  Iiinr  :— . ■ 

, One  eye  thou  closest , and  dost,  gaze  , 

With  the  other  sideways, —is  this  right  ? 

I pray,  explain  thy  attitude; 

Thmke.st  thou,  it  imi)roves  thy  sight  ? ’ 

,H.e  replied  : — • 

^ The  wude  horizon  of  both  eyes 
Serves  only  to  distract  the  view; 

But  if  you  get  a single  line. 

Your  aim  is  fixed,  your  vision  true. 

It  is  the  second  that  makes  jars, 

That  which  is  single  cannot  jar  ; 

Would’st  thou  be  happy?  be  alone; 

Only  the  lonely  happy  are/” 

(CowelFs  translation,  vol.  6,  p.  86.) 

This  is  the  incident  figured  at  Bharaut,  and  its  identi- 
fication enables  me  to  restore  the  damaged  label  at  the 
top  of  the  sitting  figure  of  the  arrowy-maker.  The  first 
letter  of  the  insciiption  is  an  u,  after  which  there  are 
traces  of  the  syllable  sw ; see  the  plate  in  ZDMG.,  vol.  40, 
p.  60,  JSTo.  20.  No  doubt  we  have  to  read  uaukaro,  " the 
arrow-maker.”  See  Jataka  text,  vol.  6,  p.  66.^ 

IV 

I subjoin  a revised  list  of  those  Bharaut  inscriptions 
and  sculptures  which  can  be  traced  in  the  Pali  Jataka 
book,  adding  a few  supplementary  remarks  to  Nos.  1,  4, 
12,  18,  and  19  of  the  list. 

* The  same  restoration  has  been  made  independently  by  Professor 
Liiders  ; it  is  presupposed  by  his  remark  on  the  Bharaut  inscription  in 
Ep.  Ind,,  vol.  10,  Appendix,  p.  68,  No.  709, 


4011 


JATAKAS  AT  BHAKAUT 


Skkul 

Ci:NNIN«!}rAM's 

j ■ 

BUARAtTT  iNSCHirrrON.S 

, No.  AM)  Tetle  in  Fausboll’s 

Nfi. 

l*LATKS. 

1 ^ iind.  Ant.,  21). 

Jataka. 

. 

j 

, - - ■■ 

1 

xs'iii 

1 86.  Vitiira-Punakiya  jatakaih 

; 545.  Vidluirapandita-jataka. 

2 

j xxv,  1 

, 37.  iga-jiltakam 

482.  Riiru-jataka. 

S 

j '' ' ' " ..  Q ' 

i 32.  Nuga^Jutaka 

267.  Kakkapi-jataka. 

4 

1 3 

1 72.  Yaviimajhakiyark  jatakan'i 

54f).  Alaliaiimmagga-jafcaka. 

a 

M 4 

155.  il[u]ga[i)a]k[i]y[a] 
j[ajteLka] 

J 538.  Alfigapakkha-jataka. 

0 

xxvi,  5 

j 09.  Latiu'^a-jataka 

357.  .Latukika-jataka. 

7 

6 

85.  Ohbadaiiitiya  jutakaiii 

; 514.  Chhaddanfca- jataka. 

8 

-7 

156.  IsiHpthgiya  ja]ta[ka] 

523.  Alambusa-jataka, 

5) 

157.  Yam  bram[h]aiio  avayesi 
jatakaiii 

: 62.  Andabhuta-jataka. 

\ ' 

10 

xxvii,  9 

206.  Klim*  gamiga*jataka. 

11 

■ ■■  li 

1 58.  Hamsa-jataka 

. 32.  Naehcha-jataka. 

12 

12 

12.  Kinara- jatakaiii 

' Episodeof  No.  481jTakkanya' 
jataka  (vol.  4,  pp.  252-4). 

13 

13 

. . 

181.  Asadisa-jritaka. 

14 

„ u 

1 528.  Mahabodhi-jataka. 

ir> 

xxxiii,  4 

! 407.  Mahakapi-jataka. 

16 

»»  5 

1 516.  Mabfikapi -jataka. 

17 

xli,  1,  3 

; 324.  Cl lammasataka- jataka. 

18 

■ xlii,  1 

1 518.  Pail dara -jataka. 

10 

xliii,  2 

10.  Lsi-migo  jataka 

12.  Nigrodhainiga-jataka. 

20 

'■  s 

1 372.  Aligapotaka- jataka. 

21 

xliv,  2 

20.  U[su][karo*],  Janakoraja, 
Sivala  devi  i 

! 539.  Mabajanaka-jataka. 

22 

xl'V,  5 

46,  268.  Aramadusaka-jataka. 

23 

■■■>?  ' 7 

42.  Kapota-jiitaka. 

24 

xlvi,''.  2 

14.  Uda- jataka 

400.  Babbhapuppha- jataka. 

25 

,,  8 

15.  Secbba- jataka 

174.  Dubbiyamakkata- jataka. 

26 

xlvii,  3 

6.  Siijato  gahuto  jataka 

352,  Sujata-jataka. 

27 

,,  5 

7.  Bidala-jata[k]a,  Kukuta- 
jataka 

383.  Kukkuta- jataka. 

28 

xlviii,  2 

3.  Ylaghadeviya  jataka 

9.  Makhadeva-jataka. 

29 

7 

17.  Bhisaharaniya  jataka[m] 

488.  Bhisa-jataka. 

Kemarks  on  the  above  list 

No.  1.  In  accordance  with  the  label  at  Bharaut, 
this  jataka  is  elsewhere  quoted  as  Punnaka-jataka ; see 
Dr.  Andersen's  Index,  p.  87.  The  footnote  in  the  trans- 
lation,  vol.  6,  p.  128,  has  to  be  modified  accordingly. 


JATAKAS  AT  BHAEAUT 


467 


No.  4.  The  name  given  to  tliis  jataka  at  Bharaut 
m derived  from  the  village-name  Yavaroajjhaka ; *see 
FairsbolFs  Jataka,  vol.  7,  Preface,  p.  xv,  and  Professor 
Oldenherg,  ZDMG.,  vol.  52,  p.  643. 

No.  12.  I still  upliold  my  identification  of  this  bas-relief, 
on  ■which  the  king  is  represented  sitting  on  Inis  throne, 
with  an  episode  of  the  Takkariya-jataka.  The  Chanda- 
kinnara-jataka  (No.  485)  and  the  Bhallatiya-jMaka 
(No.  504)  do  not  fit  because  in  both  of  them  the  scene  is 
laid  in  the  Himalaya. 

No.  18.  I am  not  sure  whether  ray  present  identification 
of  this  bas-relief  with  the  Pandara-jataka  is  correct. 
Dr.  Eouse  (translation,  vol.  2,  p.  197,  n.  1)  suggests  the 
Manikantha-jataka  (No.  253). 

No.  19.  Professor  von  Oldenburg  (p.  191)  sees  in  this 
bas-relief  a scene  from  the  Migapotaka-jMaka  (No.  372). 
But  the  man  with  the  axe  cannot  be  a liermit  because 
he  wears  a turban,  and  the  deer  is  placing  its  fore-feet 
on  a block  wliich  recalls  the  dhammagandika  of  the  Pali 
text  of  the  Nigrodhamiga-jataka ; cf.  Jataka,  translation, 
vol.  5,  p.  159,  n.  1,  and  Vinaya  Texts,  pt.  3,  p.  213,  n.  4. 
The  man  with  the  axe  is  evidently  the  king’s  cook 
(bhattakdraka). 

V 

It  is  a well-known  fact  that  in  the  earliest  period  of 
Buddhist  art,  viz.,  at  Bharaut,  Bddh-Gaya,  and  Safichi, 
the  founder  of  the  religion  was  never  represented  in 
human  form,  but  the  spectator  was  made  aware  of  his 
presence  by  various  symbols.  The  Buddha  type  with 
which  we  are  familiar  was  created  later  on  by  the  Greek 
artists  of  the  Gandhara  school,  who  took  the  bold  step 
of  shaping  the  likeness  of  Sakyamuni  in  imitation  of 
the  Hellenic  Apollon.  In  the  third  period  of  Indian 
Buddhist  iconography,  as  at  Amaravati  and  Ajantcl,  this 
type  was  adopted  by  Hindu  artists,  and  it  continues  to 
exist  with  certain  modifications  in  Tibet,  China,  Japan, 

•TEAS.  1912. 


408 


JATAKAS  AT  BHARAUT 


and  Fiirilior  India.  To  take  an  example,  Bocldlias 
fi'din  htaveii  at  Sankl^a  in  repreaeiited  at  Bliaraiifc 
(Ciiinnnj^liam's  plate  xviij  iniddki)  by  a iiigbfc  of  steps 
wiifj  a footprint  at  ilie  top  and  another  at  tlie  bottom,  and 
with,  tie*  hodhi-ivijn  on  one  side,  while  on  the  sculptures 
<}(  the*  (Jantihara  period  Buddlia  himself  is  figured 
descending  the  flight  of  steps ; see  M.  B'oncher's  Bas- 
reliefi  (lit  (jdudh/ira,  figs,  264,  205.  The  Bliaraut  inscrip- 
tions Nos.  60  and  77  read:  The  Naga  king  Airavata 
is  vrorsldpping  the  Blessed  one/’  and  “ Ajatasatru  is 
worshipping  the  Blessed  one”.  On  tlie  corresponding 
bas-reliefs  (Cunuinghams  pL  xiv,  No.  3,  and  pi.  xvi, 
xNo.  3),  we  do  not  hnd  Buddha  figured  at  all,  but  the 
Naga  Airavata  and  king  Ajatas^atru  are  paying  worship 
to  his  empty  throne. 

These  preliminary  statements  were  necessary  for 
supporting  my  present  view  that  the  well-known 
Bliaraut  inscription  No.  46,  hhagavato  SiiliXimtinino 
hodho,  on  Cunningham’s  pL  xxx,  No.  3,  cannot  be 
translated,  as  was  done  by  me  before,  by  the  bodha 
(tree)  of  the  blessed  Sakyaniuni  It  is  true  that  the 
substantive  hodki  is  employed  in  Buddhist  literature  not 
only  in  the  sense  of  ‘'supreme  knowledge”,  but  as 
a designation  of  the  p^xd-tvee  under  which  supreme 
knowledge  was  attained  by  Gautama ; see  the  Niddna- 
kathd  in  Jdtaha,  vol.  i,  p.  71,  1.  22,  and  p.  78,  11.  2 and 
10 ; Buddkaeharita,  xiii,  32;  Mahdvastuu,  ed.  Senart,  a'oI.  iii. 
Index.  The  Bliaraut  inscriptions  themselves  supply  an 
unmistakable  instance  of  this  use  of  the  word  hodhi  in 
No.  24,  where  the  mla,  i.e.  the  tree  Vatica  robusta,  is 
called  the  hodhi  of  the  mythical  Buddha  Visvabhu.  On 
the  other  liand,  the  cognate  word  bodha  means  only 
" wisdom,  supreme  knowledge  ” ; see  Niddnahathd,  p.  67, 
].  5 from  bottom;  Biiddhaoharita^  xii,  98,  112,  and  xiii, 
1,  67  ; MahdvmtiL,  vol  iii,  Index,  Consequently  the 
Bharaut  inscription  No.  46  must  be  translated  by  "the 


JATAICA8  AT  BHAHAUT 


409 


at.tainiiieiit  o£  supreme  knowledge  by  the  blessed  Bakya- 
iiuini  On,  the  corresponding  bas-relief  the  cluef  actor, 
Jliiddlui  himself,  is  of  course  missing,  and  we  see  notliing 
])ut  his  empty  throne  under  the  tetti-tree,  surrounded 
by  divine  and  human  Avorshippersd  In  the  Gandliara 
sculptures  the  throne  is  occupied  by  Buddha,  seated  and 
touching  the  eartli  with  his  right  hand  (hlmmi-sprirkt- 
ruudrd).  He  is  generally  surrounded  by  Mara's  army ; 
see  M.  Foucher's  Bas-reliefs  du  Gandhwra,  figs,  201-4.  The 
later  Buddhist  art  of  India  adds  the  daughters  of  Mara ; 
see  the  Ajanta  bas-relief,  a sketcl),  of  which  is  given  on 
plate  li  of  (Jave  Temp>les  of  India,  and  on  jdate  xxxix 
(p.  176)  of  Mr.  V.  A.  Smith's  History  of  Fine  Art  in  India 
and  Ceylon. 

It  will  not  bo  considered  out  of  place  if  I draw  attention 
to  a bas-relief  of  the  earliest  period  which  represents  tlie 
same  scene.  Plate  xxviii  of  Mr.  Rea's  South  Indian 
Bnddhist  Antiquities  figures  a marble  slab  from  Glianta- 
sala,  now  at  Ramanagaram,  which,  in  the  editor's  opinion, 
''  represents  the  worship  of  tlie  sacred  bodJd  tree  " (p.  37). 
A comparison  witli  tlie  Ajanta  bas-relief  referred  to  in  the 
preceding  paragraph  will  show  that  we  have  liere  in  reality 
a representation  of  Buddha’s  temptation  by  Mara,  liis 
army,  and  his  daughters.  At  Ajanta  Mara  is  figured  four 
times.  At  the  left  bottom  lie  is  standing  with  bow  and 
arrow  and  directing  the  dance  of  his  daughters.  At  the 
right  bottom  both  he  and  his  three  daugliters  are  repre- 
sented squatting,  evidently  disappointed  at  tlieir  failure. 
At  the  top  on  the  left  Mara  is  figured  seated,  witli  an 
attendant  behind  him,  on  his  elephant  Girirnekliala,^ 

^ Two  male  figures  standing  in  the  background  express  their  astonish- 
ment by  waving  their  shawls  (this  action  is  called  chduJckhepa  in  Pali  ; 
see  Professor  GriinwedeFs  Buddh.  Kunst  in  Indien,  p.  37)  and  grasping 
the  tip  of  their  tongues.  This  gesture  seems  to  correspond  to  the 
present  Indian  habit  of  covering  the  mouth  with  the  palm  of  the  hand. 
I have  seen  this  practised  by  all  classes. 

^ See  the  Nidunakatlid  in  Jdtaka,  voL  i,  pp.  72,  73,  74. 


410 


JATAEAS  AT  BHARAUT 


wielding  the  thunderbolt  in  one  of  hm  four  armn,  and 
supported  hi  his  attack  by  liis  demon  followers,  while  on 
the  ri^ht  he  and  his  army  are  turning  to  Higlit.  On  the 
Ghaiitasala  bas-relief  Mara’s  three  daughters  appear  on 
the  right  of  Buddha’s  throne ; the  second  of  tliem  lias 
lost  tlie  head,  and  of  the  third  only  the  right  foot  with 
its  ankh.‘t  is  preserved.  On  the  other  side  Mara  is  seen 
squatting  and  raising  his  riglit  hand,  perliaps  for  instructing 
his  daughters.  At  the  top  on  the  left  lie  appears  seated, 
with  an  attendant  behind  him,  on  his  elepliant  Giriinekhala 
and  surrounded  by  bis  attacking  army ; his  head  and  his 
four  arms  are  apparently  damaged  in  the  original  sculpture. 
On  the  right  we  see  liis  army  in  retrea,t ; the  figure  on  the 
shoulder  of  the  elephant  must  be  intended  for  Mara,  as  at 
Ajanta,  but  has  been  changed  by  the  draughtsman  into 
a comical  dog-like  figure  which  faces  tlie  back  instead  of 
the  front  of  tlie  elephant.  So  far  the  Ajanta  and  Glianta- 
i^ala  sculptures  are  in  tolerably  close  agreement.  The  chief 
difference  between  both  consists  in  this,  that  tlie  former 
shows  under  tlie  hodhi-ivee  a sitting  figure  of  Buddha 
with  the  hliilmi-sjjarm-mtidrd,  while  in  the  second  he 
is  represented  onl^^  by  symbols,  viz.  the  throne  with  two 
pillowKS  in  the  shape  of  lotus-flowers.  The  Gliantasala 
slab  is  of  some  interest,  because,  as  far  as  I know,  no  other 
early  bas-relief  of  this  type  has  been  discovered.  A good 
photograph  of  it  would  perhaps  show  some  more  details 
which  are  indistinct  or  distorted  in  the  drawing. 


XV 


THE  OEIGIH  OF  TEAOEBY  AND  THE  AKHYANA 
Bv  A,  BERRIEDALB  KEITH,  D.C.L. 

I 

TN  my  paper  on  tlie  Vedic  Akhyaiia  ^ I referred  briefly 
to  Professor  Ridgeway's  theory  - of  the  origin  of 
tragedy  in  Greece  ; the  importance  of  tlic  question  and 
the  light  it  throws  on  the  value  of  comparative  mythology 
and  religion  render  it  wortli  wldle  to  consider  that  theory 
in  further  detail. 

Professor  Ridgeway  has,  of  course,  to  face  the  accepted 
view  that  tragedy  had  its  origin  in  the  satyric  drama,  as 
stated  by  Aristotle  in  the  Poetics,^  where  he  ascribes  it  to 
those  who  began  or  composed  the  Ditliyramb  and  refers 
to  its  slow  development  from  the  satyric  form.  It  is  true 
tliat  various  doubts  liad  been  thrown  upon  tliis  theory, 
])oth  by  the  theoretic  difficulty  of  the  transmutation  of  an 
original  satyric  drama  into  tragedy,  and  vstill  more  by  the 
discovery  that  the  satyrs  of  Attica  were  not  goat-shaped 
but  horse-shaped.'^  But  all  these  difficulties  were  met  by 
Dr.  FarnelFs  new  statement  of  the  tlieory  of  tragedy. 

In  this  version  tragedy  arose  from  the  solemn  ritual 
in  which  was  portrayed  the  combat  of  summer  and  winter. 
Such  a ritual  which  is  in  essence  only  a special  form 
of  the  death  and  revival  of  the  vegetation  spirit  is 

^ JRAS.  1911,  p.  1007,  n.  3. 

^ The  Origm  of  Tragedy^  Cambridge,  1910.  It  is  almost  needless  to 
say  that  Professor  Murray,  Jtim  of  the  Qreeh  Epic^,  p.  290,  accepts  the 
theory,  but  adds  to  it  a reference  to  Schiirtz,  Ahe^'sklasaen  und  Miimier- 
hunde,  which  already  has  inspired  von.Scbroeder  in  his  conception  of  the 
origin  of  dz'ama ; see  Keith,  JRAS.  1909,  pp.  204,  20o. 

^ C.  4.  aTrh  rSliV  ^p.^-)(6vT(av  rhv  BidvpafA^ov  aud  ifc  }XLKpS>v  fivdcay  kolI 
y^Koias  Blit  rh  eK  crarvpiKOv  fx^ra^aXup  oij/e  a7r€(r€jupvp07i. 

^ See  references  in  Farnell,  Oidis  of  the  Greek  States,  v,  233 ; cf.  also 
Dieterich,  Archivfiir  ReligioiiBwisse^iBckaft,  1908,  pp.  168,  169. 


41  i THE  OMIfilN  OF  TRAOE0Y  AKI)  THE  AlvHYAXA 


imdDubtiMlIy  very  widely  .spread^  and  a clear  preoi*  of 
it^s  eoniiexiun  with  the  Dionysiae  myth  was  seen  by 
Dr.  Fcirnell  in  tbe  legend"  of  the  fight  between 
Boiotian  Xanthos  and  tlie  Xeleid  Melanthos.  At  the 
nioiuent  of  combat  Melanthos  perceived  a form  beside 
his  Foe,  whom  1h^  taunted  with  bringing  a comrade  to 
help  him.  Xanthos  turned  round,  and  Melantlios  slew 
him.  Tlie  figure  was  Dionysos  Melanaigis,  and  lienee  the 
Athenians  admitted  Dionysos  to  tlie  Apatouria,  giving  the 
festival  a name  commemorating  the  deceit  of  the  god. 
Thus  the  black  ” "Melanthos,  with  the  aid  of  Dionysos  of 
the  black  goat-skin,  slays  the  fair  ”.  Beside  this  ancient 
legend,  which  probably  is  derived  from  Hellanikos,  is  to 
be  set  the  fact  tliat  in  Northern  Thrace  a popular  festival 
still  exists  in  part  of  which  a man  dressed  in  a goat-skin 
is  addressed  as  king  and  scatters  seed  over  the  crowd, 
and  is  eventually  cast  into  the  river,  while  in  a similar 
mummery  performed  near  the  ancient  Thracian  capital 
there  is  a band  of  men  disguised  in  goat-skins,  one  of  whom 
is  killed  and  is  lamented  by  Ins  wife.*'  It  is  deduced*^ 
from  these  facts  and  some  minor  evidence  tliat  tragedy 
had  its  origin  in  a traditional  passion  play  performed  by 
men  who  wore  the  dark  goat-skin  of  the  god,  in  which 
some  one,  probably  the  embodiment  of  the  winter  or  spring 
divinity,  was  killed  and  lamented,  this  fact  accounting 
for  the  dirge-like  cliaracter  of  Greek  tragedy.  Tragedy 
w^as  thus  the  song  of  the  goat-men,  worshippers  of 
Dionysos  of  the  goat-skin.  And  Dionysos,  as  wearer  of 
the  goat-skin,  is  a vegetation  spirit  who  from  time  to  time 
may  be  incarnate  in  the  goat.^ 

To  this  view  Professor  Ridgeway  ® opposes  the  theory 

^ See  Useiier,  Archivjur  Bdiym^swimemchaft^  1904,  pp.  303  seq. 

“ SchoL  Plat.  Symp,  208  D ; SchoL  Arist.  Acharn.  140. 

® See  Dawkins,  Jourtu  HdL  Stud.  1906,  pp.  191-206,  and  see  also 
Wace  in  Ridgeway,  pp.  16-24. 

Farneli,  op.  cit.  v,  230-6.  ® Farnell,  v,  161  seqq. 

® Op.  cit.  pp.  1-108.  The  criticism  of  Dr.  Farneli  is  at  pp.  73-93. 


THK  ORIGIN  OF  THAGEDY  AND  tOK  AKHYANA  41S 


tliai>  ilia  key  to  the  origin  o£  tragetly  is  to  he  fouiid  in 
the.  tragic  cl'ioruses  wliich,  once  piniorined . in  honour  o£ 
Adrasios  in  Sikyon,  the  tyrant  Kleisthenes  restor«*fl  to  the 
The  wearing  of  goat-skins  by  the  p<‘rrornierH  was 
due  to  th«.‘  Fact  that  the  goat-skin  was  tbe  a,iiciont  garb  oi‘ 
|.)riiuiti\'e  peoples  and  of  the  aborigines  of  Feloponiiesos, 
t'rete,  Thrace,  edc.  The  rise  of  tragic  clioruses  was  the 
lionooring  and  appeasing  of  the  dead,  a practice  illustrated 
by  many  parallels.  This  kind  of  perforniaiice  was  coramon 
in  Greece,  while  the  Dionysiae  ritual  was  a foreign  importa- 
tion from  Thrace  ; it  brought  with  it  a change  by  which 
tlie  local  cults  <j£  heroes  became  the  coitus  of  Dion^'sos, 
and  tlie  distinctive  elemetit  in  the  ritual  was  the  ditliyrainb, 
celebrating  the  deeds  and  sorrows  of  Dionysos  and  In’s 
attendant  satyrs  ; lienee  developed  the  satyric  drama,  and 
its  signal  distinction  from  tragedy  is  thus  euvplained. 

Foiv  this  theory  on.  its  merits  there  seems  little  or 
nothing  to  be  said,  except  that  it  is  of  an.  engaging 
lucidity  and  simpliciHu  What  the  tragic  clioruses  were 
which  were  celebrated  in  honour  of  Adrastos  we  cannot 
say  : Professor  Ridgeway  treats  them  as  representing  the 
sorrows  of  Adrastos,  but  HerodotovS  certainly  does  not 
say  so,  but  merely  asserts  that  they  honoured  Adrastos 
witli  tragic  dances  (rpajifcoicri  in  view  of  his 

sorrows  (irpo^  ra  TraOea),  not  ''  tragic  dances  alluding  to 
his  sorrows”.  He  may  mean  no  more  than  that  as  his 
fate  had  been  sorrowful  the  dances  were  solemn  and 
mournful  instead  of  lively  and  joy ous.‘*^  Nor  is  there  other 
evidence  of  such  dances  being  of  a mimetic  character  ; the 

^ Herodofcos,  v,  67.  That  air^ScoKe  has  been  rendered  restored ’’  is 
perfectly  natural  and  very  possibly  what  Herodotos  meant.  It  is  absurd 
to  say,  as  does  Professor  Ridgeway  (p.  28,  n.  1),  that  avodldoofn.  means 
**  assign”  ; Liddell  & Scott  are  perfectly  correct  in  taking  the  normal 
sense  as  ‘‘  to  render  what  is  due”,  which  gives  the  sense  of  “ restore”, 
and  the  zeugma  is  one  of  the  least  difficult  possible. 

^ That  there  was  anything  but  a dance  is  not  certain  ; no 

necessary  allusion  to  more,  and  rp<iytie6s  may  refer  to  the  dancer^s  dress. 


414  THE  OlilOIM  OF  TRAOEDjr  AND  THE  AKHVANA 


ceremonies  of  T(jgea,  which  wex*e  intenticd  io  commemorate 
the  slaying  by  Limon  of  Skephros  and  the  death  of  the 
iiiiirderer,  show  nothing  more  tlian  a ritual  pursuit,  a 
fairly  common  ceremonyd  Professor  Ridgeway  can  and 
does  adciuee  no  evidence  to  sliow  tliat  tliese  dances  ever 
generat(^d  trageily  in  Greece,  and  his  explanation  of  the 
name— though  it  avoids  the  absurdity  - of  the  rendering 

beer-song — is  assured]}"  so  feeble  as  by  itself  to  discredit 
'the  tlieory.  ■ 

But  the  weakness  of  the  case  is  still  further  emphasized 
by  the  parallels  adduced  from  the  East  to  lend  it  support. 
''  The  oldest  Hindu  drama,  the  Ramaycmay'  we  are  told,'"" 
‘‘celebrates  the  life,  exploits,  and  sufferings  of  Rama,  son 
of  Dasaratha,  wlio  reigned  in  Ayodhya  (Oude),  and  it 
includes  the  loves  of  Rama  and  Ins  wife  Sita,  the  rape 
of  tlie  latter  by  Ravana,  the  demon-king  of  Ceylon, 
tlie  overthrow  of  Ravana  by  Rama,  the  subsequent 
sorrows  of  the  hero  and  his  wife,  the  death  of  Sita, 
and  her  liusbands  translation  into  heaven.  Since  Rama 
was  regarded  as  an  incarnation  of  Vishnu,  and  since 
a verse  in  the  introduction  of  tlie  work  declares  that 
' he  who  reads  and  repeats  this  lioly  life-giving  Ramayana 
is  liberated  from  all  his  sins  and  exalted  with  all  his 
posterity  to  the  highest  heaven',  it  is  the  keeping  in 
remembrance  of  the  hero  god,  liis  exploits  and  his 
sufferings,  that  is  the  essential  element  in  this  great 
drama,"  But  what  connexion  an  elaborate  epic  has  with 
mimetic  dances  or  the  origin  of  drama  I fear  I cannot 
see.  Nor  is  anything  to  be  gained  by  adducing  the 
Thibetan  ‘‘sacred  plays",  which  are  held  to  be  relics 
of  Shamanistic  ancestor  worship  ^ (the  Shamanism  is  clear, 
the  ancestor  worship  is  less  cei^tain);  the  Malay  drama, 
conjectured  on  quite  inadequate  grounds^  to  be  closely 

^ Fans,  viii,  23  ; see  Farnell,  v,  231. 

- See  Diefcerich,  op.  cit.  pp.  168, 169.  The  idea  is  that  of  Miss  Harrison, 
Prolegomena,  p.  421 ; cf.  Farnell,  v,  232,  n. 

Op.  cit.  pp.  94,  95.  Op.  cit.  pp.  95^100.  ® Op.  cit.,  pp.  100-2. 


THE  OHIUIX  OF  TKAGEOY  AND  THE  AKHVANA  41& 


coiiiiected  witli  the  Hpirits  of  tiie  dead;  or  the  (Iraiiia  of 
tlie  Vciddahs  o(  (Jeylond  This  so-called  drama  is  nothing 
more  or  less  than  a magic  device  by  which  the  Shaman 
tditains  for  tlie  time  tlie  possession  of  the  spii'it  of  the 
Yakii  wliicli  will  inspire  him  for  a successful  hunt.  Now 
admitting  that  tlie  Veddahs  are  one  of  tlie  most  primitiver 
races  wliieli  survive  (and  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that 
in  tlie  very  rite  as  performed  for  Di\  Seliginann  tlie  latter 
sees  satisfactory  evidence  - of  Singhalese  influence),  and 
that  the  Yaku  are  spirits  of  the  dead  (which,  is  by  no 
means  certain),  all  that  we  find  is  that  a mimetic  ceremony 
takes  place.  Of  a parallel  to  the  development  of  Greek 
tragedy  from  dances  round  a hero's  tomb  there  is  not 
the  faintest  trace,  and  the  allegation  of  tliese  parallels 
seems  merely  destined  to  darken  counsel. 

After  an  examination  of  the  objections  to  Professor 
Ridgeway’s  own  tlieory,  tlie  objections  whicli  lie  makes  to 
the  tlieory  of  Dr.  Farnell  seem  very  insigniflcant.  The 
story  of  Melaiithos  and  Xanthos  lie  lightly  dismisses  as 
liistorical  ; it  embodies  an  actual  border  war  between  tlie 
fair-liaired  Boiotian  from  tlie  Upper  Balkan  and  the  dark 
aboriginal  Neleid,  The  citing  of  the  pedigree  of  Melanthos 
makes  him  liistorical,'^  and  the  presence  of  the  figure  of 
Dionysos  Melanaigis  is  no  more  discordant  with  history 
than  the  presence  of  the  mullet  of  five  points  which  in  the 
pursuit  of  Antioch  in  1098  A.D.  shone  excessive]}^  on 
the  standard  of  Aubrey  de  Vere.  But  this  light-hearted 
argument  would  hardly  laave  been  written  bad  the  autlior 
exaniined  the  authority  for  tlie  interpretation  of  the  tale 
as  resting  on  the  old  combat  of  winter  and  summer  in 
one  of  its  variant  forms ; but  curiously  enough  neither 
Dr.  Farnell’s  book^  (published  in  November,  1909)  nor 

^ The  Origin  of  Tragedy^  pp.  102-0. 

2 Ibid.  p.  100.  » Ibid.  p.  84. 

Clearly  this  can  hardly  be  taken  seriously. 

•'"  He  knows  only  a lecture  of  May,  1909,  before  the  Hellenic  Society  ; 
see  Journ.  Hell,  Stud.  1909,  p,  xlvii. 


41B  THE  OfllOIK  OF  THAGEI>y  AND  THE  AKHYAXA 


article  ^ seeioB  to  liave  attraeteii  ProiVsHor 
Ridgeway  H atteHiioH,  tliough  he  wrote  in  lOlO;"  Here, 
Uh),  tla.‘.  history  of  the  Sanskrit  drama  ]<‘Hds  a pioee  of 
e\  iflence  of  which  neither  of  these  writers  lias  taken 
!ioti('e.  TIse  clear  evidence  of  the  JlaJidhhil'^y^f,  as  1 have 
already  shown, proves  tlie  connexion  of  the  earliest 
lndia,ii  literary  form  which  was  clearly  dramatic  with  the 
contest  of  tlie  two  figures  Kamsa  and  Krsna,  and  the 
actors  coloured  tlieir  faces,  tlie  followers  of  Krsna  being 
rakiifiwnMia,  tliose  of  Kanisa  hilamukha.  It  is  true 
that  Indian  tradition  tells  us  that  Kamsa  was  Krsna’s 
uncle,  and  tliat  we  can,  if  we  like,  insist  that  this  is 
a piece,  of  liistory,  but  such  eubemerisin  is,  if  at  present 
again  fasliionable,  Iiardly  likely  to  remain  long  in  vogue. 
That  KrsinH  was  divine  is,  of  course,  asserted  by  the  earliest 
texts  whidi  refer  to  him,  and  the  2Ialtdhh(lsya  parallel  is 
of  singular  importance  in  that  it  shows  the  drama  dealing 
with  a subject  which  reveals  itself  clearly  as  one  side 
of  tlie  widespread  belief^  in  the  slaying  of  the  vegetation 
spirit,  which  is  certainly  found  also  in  India.  In  the 
case  of  Greece  we  have  merely  conclusions  drawn  from 
scattered  data,  the  contest  of  Melanthos  and  Xantlios, 
the  modern  Thracian  folk  ritual,  and  of  course  the 
Bakchai.  It  is  really  impossible  to  doubt  that  Bather^ 
is  right  in  seeing  in  the  Pentheus  legend  a relic  of 
ancient  ritual,  even  if  Dr.  Farnell  ^ is  also  right  in  thinking 

^ Archii^fiir  ReU(jtomwissmschaff,^  1904,  pp,  303  seqq.  The  importance 
of  this  paper  for  the  origin  of  drama  in  Greece  and  in  India  was  first 
(so  far  as  I am  aware)  pointed  out  by  me  in  JR  AS.  1908,  p.  172,  and  in 
1909  by  Dr.  Farnell,  v,  235 ; Dieterich,  op,  cit.,  ignores  it. 

- The  preface  is  dated  August  6,  1910. 

ZDMG.  Ixiv,  534  seqq. ; JRAS.  1908,  p.  172  ; 1911,  p.  1008  ; Glasdcal 
Quarterly,  iv,  283,  284. 

Cf.  my  notes  in  JRAS.  1908,  pp.  169  seqq.  The  human  character  of 
Krana  is  not  older  than  the  divine;  it  is  an  essential  characteristic 
of  vegetation  spirits  that  they  take  tem^)orary  embodiments  in  man  or 
animal ; compare  the  extremely  human  character  of  the  Greek  Dionysos. 

^ Established  beyond  all  doubt  by  Frazer  in  The  Golden  Bough. 

^ Journ.  Hell,  Stud.  1894.  Op.  cit.  v,  168. 


THE  OIUGIN  OF  TRAGEDY  AND  THE  AKHYANA  417 


that  the  refereiice  in  uot  to  tho  annual  yiayiiig  of  tfie 
worn-out  representative  of  tJie  vegetation  spirit  but  to 
iht*  {lisnh‘inlK‘rment  and  saeranieiita]  of  the  young 

god,  and  Professor  Ridgeway  is  wise  in  ignoring  tlui  \'aJnc 
of  th<3  evidence  of  the  Ihikehai  in  this  regard.  The 
Maliilhhil>^jj((,  furnislies  u.s  witli  evidence  parallel  to  that 
of  the  Bal'ehai,  hut  of  a clearer  and  simpler  kind. 

The  other  argument  of  consequence  brought  against 
the  position  of  Dr.  Farnell  rests  on  the  view  that  there 
is  very  little  connexion  between  Dionysos  and  the  goat.^ 
This,  however,  is  only  proved  by  explaining  away  all  the 
evidence.  Apart  from  clear  references  to  the  sacritice  of 
goats  to  Dionysos,-  involving  in  some  cases  a sacramental 
)nea],A  tliere  is  the  most  significant  legend  of  tlie  sacrifice 
of  a goat  to  Dionysos  Aigobolos  at  Potniai.'^  The  legend 
recounts  that  in  drunken  orgy  a priest  of  tlui  god  was 
slain  and  as  atonement  a youth  was  ofiered  until  the 
g(xl  permitted  the  sacrifice  of  a goat  instead.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  tliat  this  is  a legend  of  tlie  ceremonial 
slaying  of  the  representative  of  the  god,  and  that  the 
god  was  conceived  as  in  goat  form.  Professor  Ridgeway  ^ 
disposes  of  this  case  by  pointing  out  that  the  goat  was 
not  the  original  victim,  thus  completely  ignoring  the 
epithet  Aigobolos  (which  he  gives  incorrectl}"  as  Tragobolos) 
taken  in  conjunction  with  the  slaying  of  the  priest  and  tlie 
reason  of  the  substitution.  It  is  true  that,  apart  from 
the  satyrs  of  the  satyric  drama,  the  satyrs  of  Arion's 
dithyramb,  and  perhaps  the  tragic  choruses  of  Sikyon,  we  do 

^ Cnlis  of  ihe  Greek  States^  v,  78  seq. 

- e.g.  Servius  ad  JEn,  viii,  343 ; “ caper  quce  esfc  hostia  Libero  propria,” 
wliich  is  of  special  value  as  showing  the  intimate  connexion ; see  also 
Farnell,  v,  303. 

The  assertions  of  Arnobius  {adi.\  Nat.  v,  19)  and  Lactantiiis  Plaeidus 
{ad  Stat.  Theh.  v,  159)  are  supported  by  the  inscription  at  Mykonos  in 
Dittenb.  Si/IL  373,  27,  wdiich  seems  to  refer  to  a sacramental  meal. 

^ Pans,  ix,  8.  1,  2.  Dionysos  was  Melanaigis  at  Eleutherai  and 
Hermione  and  in  the  Apatouria. 

® Op.  cit.  p.  81, 


418  THE  immis  of  tkaoed?.  akb  the  akhyana 


not  til  id  in  elasnical  Greece  any  direct  record  of*  dances  by 
iiHHi  in  goat-skins  (T/>d7o/d  in  honour  of  I)ioiiy>sos,  but  there 
were  apnirui,  maidens  who  danced  in  bear-skins  in  honour 
of  Artemis  <.)f  Brauron/  and  ravpoi  who  honoured  the 
!)ull-gud  Posendonr  and  the  train  of  argument  is  completed 
by  the  Tpa^p)^6poL^  maidens  in  goat-skins,  who  performed 
a formal  function  in  lionour  of  the  god,  and  the  Argive- 
Eubfeau  legeml  of  men  dressing  in  goat-skins  also  in 
honour  of  the  godd  Add  to  these  the  goat-skin  clad 
maidens  of  Northern  Tlirace  and  any  real  doubt  of  the 
existence  of  rpdjot  must  disappear,  nor  can  we  doubt 
that  the  goat-skin  was  worn,  not  as  the  oldest  garb  of 
Greece,  but  as  tlie  means  of  attaining  community  witli 
the  vegetation  spirit  in  its  goat  form. 

Tlie  evidence  of  the  Mahctbhd.pja,  liowever,  carries  us 
furtlier.  It  is  a clear  defect  in  tlie  \'ersion  of  the  origin 
of  tragedy  given  by  Dr.  Farneli  that  it  tlirows  over  the 
Aristotelian  account  of  its  development  from  tlie  difcliyramb 
and  its  gradual  ac(piisition  of  dignity.  Dr.  Farneli  holds 
that  the  original  drama  was  tragic,  and  so  far  he  agrees 
with  Professor  Ridgeway,  who  also  lays  stress  on  the 
mournful  eliaracter  of  its  origin  and  its  rigid  distinction 
from  tlie  satyric  draina.^  But  in  tlie  Mahdhhcwya  the  two 
parties  of  [/ra7i/7a/.:cc.9/*  reciters,'’ who  represent  the  feelings 
of  either  side,’^  do  so  by  words  alone  {kthdagranthana- 
mdtram),  that  is  to  say,  they  do  not  act  as  do  the 
kmbhikas.  Surely  we  have  here  in  perfect  form  the 
dithyramb  on  its  way  to  complete  drama,  as  it  has 

^ Farneli,  Quits  oj the.  Greek  States,  ii,  434  seqq,  ; Arist.  Li/s.  645. 

- F'arnell,  op.  dt.  iv,  26;  v,  233  ; Athen.  425  E. 

Hewydiius,  s.v. 

Farneli,  op.  dt.  v,  233,  328  ; Pans,  ii,  23.  1. 

Op.  dt.  V,  233.  » Op.  dfc.,p.  108. 

* fe  'pi  hi  teH(lm{\.Q.  Krsna,  Kaipsa,  and  their  followers)  iitpattiprabhH'i/ 
d rindsdd  buddhlr  vyCicak^dndh  sato  hnddhivimydn  prakamijanti ; atas 
cci  saiah  vydmm^d  drsyaiite  kecid  Kamsahhaktd  hhavanti  hecid  Vtmideva- 
bhaktdh ; varnmiyntram  khalv  apt  pmyanti,  kecid  kdlamukhd  hhavanti, 
kecid  raktamukhdh ; see  Weber,  Itvd.  Stttd.  xiii,  354  seqq.,  488  seqq. 


THE  ORHIIK  OF  TEAOEBT  AKD  THE  AKHYAKA  419 


regularly  been  conceived  in  reconstructing  tlie  probable 
history  of  drama  as  sketched  by  Aristotle.  No  doubt 
the  drama  already  existed  at  the  time  of  tlie  Mahahhxi^ya , 
but  tlie  ditliyrambic  form  has  not  disappeared  as  a species 

of  art. 

Dr.  Farnell  objects  to  tlie  ordinary  theory  on  the  ground 
that  the  ditliyramb  appears  to  have  liad  no  mimetic 
element  and  to  have  been  connected  rather  with  the  bnll- 
god  than  tlie  goat-god.  Neither  olyection  appears  to  have 
any  justification,  and  the  disadvantages  of  the  view  are 
seen  in  the  only  effective  part  of  Professor  Ridgeway's 
criticism.^  TJiat  the  dithyramb  was  especially  and 
probably  at  first  exclusively  connected  with  Dionysos 
is  proved  hy  its  mention  in  Arcliilochos  (670  B.c,),  who 
calls  it  AicovvaoL'  dvaKro^  fcaXov  fieko<;,  apparently  identifying 
it  with  Dionysos.-  He  adds  tliat  he  knows  how  to  start  it 
when  his  mind  is  smitten  witli  wine,  wliicli 
hardly  fits  in  with  Professor  Ridgeway's  ^ theory  tliat 
tlie  earliest  ditliyrambs  of  which  w'e  liear  were  grave 
and  solemn  hymns  ratlier  than  rude  licentious  vintage 
songs  Tlie  next  notice  of  importance  of  the  dithyramb 
is  the  record  ^ that  Arion  at  Corinth,  about  600  B.c„ 
introduced  satyrs  speaking  in  metre.  Now  Aischylos"' 
and  Euripides  ^ show  beyond  doubt  that  the  satyrs  in  the 
satyric  di'aina  wore  goat-skins,  so  that  we  liave  for  the 

^ The  Origin  of  Tragedy^  pp.  8G  seqq. 

2 Fragni.  72.  According  to  By  water,  Aridode  on  the  Art  of  PoHry, 
pp.  134,  135,  the  sense  is  “compose  and  teach  to  the  chorus”  as  in 
Herodotus,  i,  23,  where  diddaicety  is  used.  This  intex'pretation  makes 
no  difference  to  the  argument.  It  should  be  noted  that  Archilochos’ 
dithyramb  may  have  been  a literary  form,  not  sung  by  satyrs.  But  this 
we  do  not  know. 

Op.  cit.  p.  38. 

Suidas,  s.v.  Arion;  Solon  in  his  elegies  is 'said  to  have  referred  to 
him  as  introducing  r^s  rpayi^Mas  tpaya  ; see  Babe,  Ithein,  Miis.  Ixiii,  150  ; 
Hieterieh,  op.  cit.  p.  170. 

® Fragm,  207. 

® Cyclops^  74-81.  On  the  other  hand,  satyrs  as  opposed  to  actors  in 
the  satyric  drama  were  horse-shaped ; see  Ridgeway,  p.  72. 


420  THE  OKIGIN  OF  TEAOEBY  AND  THE  AKHYAXA 


ditliyraiiiib  evidence  more  than  adefftiate  to  show  that 
it  was  hy  satyrs  clad  in  ^oat-skins  in  honour  of 

Dioiiysos,  for  Pindar^  tells  ns  that  Arion’s  <’liihyrainb  at 
Corinth  wns  in  honour  of  Dionysos,  mid  theri^  is  not 
a sera})  (4*  ea.rly  (.‘vidence  for  a non-l)ion\'siac  dithyramb  ; 
tliai  it  was  <^q*adual]y  extended  to  other  toiiies  is,  of  course, 
natural  and  intelligible,  and  has  always  been  recognized, 
l)ut  the  extension  affords  no  ground  for  denial  of  its 
or  i gina  1 conne  x ion . “ 

In  face  of  this  evidence  it  cannot  really  be  said  that 
the  dilhyrand)  is  connected  solely  with  the  biill-god, 
i.e.  Dionysos  in  another  form,  ilie  bull  being  a suitable 
incarnation  for  a vtgetation  spirit.  Nor  is  it  reasonable 
to  deny  the  minietic  character  of  the  dithyramb.  It  must 
have  expi’essed  the  deeds  of  Dionysos ; clearly  it  was 
danced  and  sung,  and  must  luive  served  as  effectively  as 
tlie  recitation  of  the  (jraidJiihis  to  rejiroduce  tlie  emotions 
of  the  followers  of  Dionysos  in  his  adventures.  When 
we  add  to  this  the  ease  of  the  development  of  the 
drama  from  the  separation  of  persons  through  the  intro- 
duction of  a spoken  part  by  the  man  who  commenced 
or  composed  dithyramb,  tlie  traditional 

^ 01.  xiii,  IS,  19 ; tlie  reference  is  clearly  to  Arioii. 

“ Simonides  (559-  407  B.c.)  is  said  to  have  composed  dithyrambs  called 
Enropa  and  jMcmnon. ; see  Fragm.  27,  28;  Strabo,  p.  619,  43.  But  even 
Lasos  is  not  said  to  have  composed  non-Dionysiac  dithyrambs,  though 
Ridgeway,  pp.  8,  9,  assumes  that  he  did.  Both  are  too  late  to  be 
evidence  of  the  early  dithyramb.  Tlie  nineteenth  (eighteenth)  of 
Baceliylides’  Odes  was  held  by  Kenyon  (p.  185)  to  be  a dithyramb 
because  of  the  introduction  of  an  allusion  to  Dionysos’  birth  : cf.  Plato, 
Legg.  700  B,  wdiere  the  dithyramb  is  associated  wdth  the  birth  of  Dionysos. 
Jebb,  pp.  38  seqq.,  classifies  xiv-xix  as  dithyrambs,  xiv  and  xviii  being 
really  connected  with  Dionysos,  xv  and  xvii  j)ei‘haps  performed  by 
a chorus  (xvii  is  in  dialogue),  and  the  other  two  being  merely  formally 
so  called. 

Arist.  Poef.  c.  4 ; cf,  Archilochos,  loe.  cit.  ; Pollux,  iv,  123,  wdio 
tells  us  that  even  before  Thespis  some  one  got  upon  an  eAeos,  or  ancient 
table,  and  held  a dialogue  with  the  members  of  the  chorus.  Aristotle, 
as  reported  by  Themistios  {Or.  xxvi,  p.  382),  ascribed  the  introduction 
of  pvcLs  to  Thespis. 


account  of  tlie  g’rowth  of  trageclj,  written  within  a couple 
of  centiirievS  of  its  origin,  appears  to  be  established  ■ beyond, 
all  reasonable  pos>sibility  of  doubt.  Nor,  again,  is  it  possible 
to  accept  r)i\  Farneirs  insistence  on  the  serious  cliaracter  of 
the  early  ritual.  The  modern  parallels  from  Thrace  are 
certainly  not  overburdened  with  sadness,  and  tlie  essence 
of  tlie  ritual  is  its  double  side,  the  tragedy  of  the  deatli 
and  the  joy  of  tlie  revival  of  the  vegetation  spirit.^  It  is 
much  more  in  keeping  with  primitive  thought  to  find  tliese 
sides  closely  allied  than  to  believe  in  a solemn  ritual  of 
death  alone,  and  the  earlier  mummeries,  now  lost,  no  doubt 
showed  in  combination  those  elements  ■which  in  separation 
gave  us  tragedy  and  satyric  drama,  and  thus  most  naturally 
is  to  be  explained  the  strong  comic  element  seen,  for  examjile, 
in  AischyIos^  but  never  'wholly  un’knowui  to 

liis  plays.  With  this  probable  development  corresponds 
the  tradition  not  only  of  Aristotle  but  also  of  Arion’s 
acliievement,  for  Suidas  calls  him  “ inventor  of  the  tragic 
turn  and  it  is  no  great  effort  of  imagination  to  assume 

^ This  is  seen  in  the  Bahchai^  Avith  its  triumph  of  Dionysos  and  the 
agony  of  Penthens.  The  two  sides  are  adumbrated  in  the  tale  of 
Lykourgos, //.  vi,  132  seqq. 

2 rpayiKov  rp/jirov  €vp€Tr,s ; cf.  Mahaffy,  Oreeh  Classical  Lifm'ature,  I,  i, 
221,  222.  Tlie  question  of  the  tragic  character  of  tragedy  is  explained 
by  Dieterich,  op.  cit.  pp.  163-96,  as  due  to  the  fact  that  in  addition  to 
the  Dionysiac  side  of  tragedy  there  was  the  element  of  threnoi  as  seen  at 
the  Anthesteria,  a public  mourning  for  the  dead;  the  masked  dancers 
are  the  spirits  of  the  dead.  Dionysos  is  surrounded  l>y  the  souls  of  the 
dead  ; in  spring  the  earth  becomes  fruitful  anew  and  the  souls  of  the 
forefathers  arise ; Dionysos,  the  god  of  the  fruitfulness,  of  the  new  life, 
is  god  of  the  dead  ; the  phallic  demons  of  fruitfulness  and  the  soul 
demons  are  one,  a view  which  Murray  accepts  as  well  as  RidgeAvay’s 
theory.  This  theory  is,  indeed,  really  more  probable  than  Ridgeway’s 
but  is  not  so  simple,  and  it  is  fair  to  add  that  Dieterich  (pp.  181-6)  adds 
as  a probable  influence  the  dromena  at  Eleusis,  the  tale  of  Persephone 
and  Demeter.  But  he  definitely  refuses  to  admit  that  there  was  any 
trace  of  the  death  of  a god,  whether  in  goat  or  bull  form  (p.  175)  ; the 
epiphania  of  Dionysos  shows  him  entering  the  city  on  his  vship  (borne  in 
a car),  for  he  has  come  from  afar  to  bring  new  life.  But  this  theory  has 
the  great  disadvantage  of  ignoring  the  peculiar  tradition  of  the  god,  seen 
clearly  in  the  Bakclmi  and  in  the  prevalence  of  Pmtlmis  as  a title  of 


422  THE  OEiaiN  or  tbaoeoy  and  the  akeyana 


that  it  IB  to  him  that  we  owe  the  commenceiineEt  of  the 
'differentiation  of  the  Attic  drama  an  tragic,  as  it  would 
seem  to  have  been  in  the  hands  of  Thespis,^  who  wrote, 
ivier  o,/hoadrama  with  the  significant  title  of  Fentheiw. 
But  much  may  he  due  in  tragic  emphasis,  as  Dietericli 
argued,  to  the  iniluence  of  Elensis  on  Aischylos,  mncli,  also 
to  the  genius  of  Aischylos. 

On  its  merits,  therefore,  and  apart  from  the  evidence  of 
the  Mahdhhdsya,  Aristotle’s  accoimt  of  tragedy  seems  to 
demand  full  adherence.  Tlie  evidence  of  that  text  adds 
to  the  theoretical  probability  of  the  Aristotelian  version 
the  unexpected  parallel  of  an  actual  stage  in  development, 
wliich  is  not  directly  recorded  in  Greek  literature.  The 
only  way  to  minimize  the  value  of  the  evidence  is  to 
declare  that  the  Mahdhhmya,  which  dates  probably  about 
145  B.a,“  perhaps  later,  is  recording  a state  of  affairs 
iriti'odueed  from  Greece,  and  it  is  as  well  to  point  out  how 
many  improbabilities  are  involved  in  such,  an  assumption. 
The  tt)xt  recognizes  the  expre>ssion  of  a dramatic  theme, 
the  death  of  Kamsa  at  the  hands  of  Ky':;na,  by  two  parties 
of actoj's  ”,  Avho  do  not  use  action  proper,  i.e.  who  are  in 

drama,  and  ifc  ignores  also  the  overwhelming  evidence  adduced  by  Frazer 
for  the  killing  of  the  spirit  of  vegetation  and  the  assumption  by  the  spirit 
'Of  vegetation  of  animal  shapes.  Nor  is  its  view  of  the  dancers  on  the 
whole  supported  by  adequate  evidence  ; it  remains  a hypothesis,  and  not 
a very  attractive  one. 

^ Ci  Ridgeway,  The  07'igm  of  Tragedy ^ pp.  58  seq.  The  attribution  of 
dramas  to  Thespis  is  uncertain  because  of  the  tradition  that  Herakleides 
Pontikos  wrote  tragedies  and  ascribed  them  to  him.  Ridgew^ay  thinks 
that  he  divorced  the  chorus  and  dithyramb  tragedy  from  connexion  with 
a single  tomb  and  carted  it  round  (cf.  Horace,  275,  270)  to  fairs  and 
markets  as  a pastime.  But  this  is  pure  guesswork,  and  if  A,P,  l.c. 
does  represent  factvS  Thespis  seems  not  to  have  attained  the  creation  of 
tragedy  proper,  as  the  reference  is  rather  to  comedy  (cf.  Christ,  Ges‘cJi.  der 
<Mech.  Lit.  p.  175).  Dieterich,  op.  cit.  p,  174,  makes  the  attractive 
suggestion  that  the  plaustra  of  Horace  is  an  allusion  to  the  currus 
navalis  of  the  epiphania  of  the  god.  More  probably  Thespis’  merit  lay 
in  a development  of  dialogue  between  his  chorus  and  single  actor,  in 
accordance  with  Aristotle’s  statement  that  he  invented  7rp6Koy6v  re  Kal 
friaiy  to  add  to  the  simple  songs  of  the  chorus ; above,  p.  420,  n.  3. 

” Weber,  Tnd.  Stiid.  xiii,  309-19  ; Keith,  Aitareya  Aranyaka,  p.  23. 


THK  OUiGIX  OF  THAGFDY  ANI>  THE  AKHYANA  428 


perforndtig  a dithymiiib  ; it  reeognizeH  also  the  full 
action/  and  it  knows  of  actors  who  also  sing  ; and  on  the 
other  hand  we  have  no  re]ia]>le  evidence  of  any  perforinanco 
of  Greek  plays,-  or  still,  .less,  .of  .clithyrainbs,  in  India. 
It  is  most  dearly  the  ease  tliat  in  certain  departments 
Gi‘eek  intliience  is  known  in  India,  but  it  is  erpially  certain 
that  where  it  did  exist  it  lias  left  very  conspicuous  traces, 
sueli  traces  cannot  be  found  at  all  in  the  Indian 
drama.  Nor  is  there  wanting  abundant  evidence  for 

possibilities  of  drama  in  India.  Tlie  ritual  was  full  of 
dramatic  elements/  and  the  Mahavrata  rite  preserves  to  us 
tlie  traces  of  a ritual  similar  to  the  slaying  of  Kainsa. 
A Sudra  and  an  Arjoi  contend  for  a wdiite  round  skin,^ 
symbol  of  the  sun,  and  the  Budra  is  defeated,  though  in 
tlie  mild  ritual  of  the  Bralirnanas  the  Sudra  is  not 
apparently  slain.  But  there  is  one  salient  distinction 
betw^een  Indian  and  Greek  drama  wdiich  adds  to  the 
improbability  of  the  derivation  of  the  former  from  the 
latter.  The  Indian  drama  must  end  happii3%  just  as 
Krsna  kills  Kamsa,  the  red  the  black,  rather  than  the 
black  the  red,  as  in  our  source  of  the  Greek  drama,  the 
death  of  Xantlios  at  the  hands  of  Melanthos  and  Dionysos 
Melanaigis,  and  it  is  quite  probable  tliat  the  different 
stress  upon  the  tragic  and  happy  sides  depends  on  a 
•difference  in  the  festival  from  which  the  dramas  were 
in  the  main  derived,  in  the  Attic  case  a -winter  festival,  in 
the  Indian  a spring  festival  giving  the  tone. 

^ It  does  not  definitely  appear  whether  the  muhhikas  actually  acted 
and  spoke  their  parts,  but  the  Malmhlmsya  knows  of  natas,  ‘‘^actors,’’ 
who  speak  and  sing  {natasya  ^pioti,  natasya  ^'osydmah,  i,  4.  29  ; agdsln 
natali^  ii,  4.  77),  and  it  is  difficult  to  suppose  that  the  combination  of 
action  and  speech  was  not  in  use. 

- Of.  Macdonell,  Sanskrit  Littratiire,  pp.  347  seqq.,  414seqq-;  my  note, 
JRAS.  1909,  p.  208. 

''  e.g,  the  vast  ritual  of  the  horse  sacrifice  with  its  great  animation, 
the  Rajasuya,  the  Vajape3^a,  and  others. 

Kdthaka  Samhitd^  xxxiv,  5 ; PancaiimM  BrdJwtana,  v,  5,  1.4  seqq. 
fin  the  comm,  on  14  read  parimandah  Svete)  ; Apastamha  Srauta  Sidra, 
xxi,  19.  9-12 ; Keith,  Sdnkkdyana  ArayyaJea,  p,  78. 

JRAS.  1912. 


28 


424  THl  OWCIIN  OF  TEAGEDY  AND  TOE  AKHYAXA 


It  is,  oi'  eutirse,  true  that  there  renuihi  many  laeiinse  In 
thc3  derivation  of  Oreek  drama,  and  Dr.  Farnell  readily 
admits  their  existence.'*  It  is  not  clear  exactly  how 
tra^mdy  lH?came  attached  to  the  Greater  Dionysia  nor 
why  it  became  so  strangely  developed  at  Athens.  But 
arguments  against-  the  theory  based  on  these  lacunm 
such  as  are  urged  l)y  Professor  Ridgeway  are  clearly 
beside  the  mark  ; for  his  own  theory  makes  no  attempt 
whatever  to  till  the  lacuna  between  “tragic  choruses'’ 
in  honour  of  the  dead  and  real  drama.'-^  It  is  no  part 
of  Dr.  FarnelTs  theory  tluit  it  was  a particular  cult  of 
Dionysos  as  Melanaigis  that  led  to  tragedy,  and  so  it  is 
useless  to  argue  tluxt  tragedy  sliould  have  been  connected 
with  the  Apatouria  and  have  been  developed  early;  all 
that  is  claimed  is  that  tragedy  is  a development,  speciticall}^ 
Attic  in  character,  of  a mystic  ritual  connected  with 
Dionysos,  as  a vegetation  spirit  in  goat  shape.  Tlie 
development  re({uires  the  essential  change  of  a dramatic 
ritual  into  a ritual  drama,  and  the  literary  dithyramb 
appears  to  have  formed  the  connecting  lirilv,  being  as  it 
seems  the  reducing  to  literary  form  and  order  of  a part 
only — the  song** — of  theritual.  This  gradually  was  extended 
^ Cults  of  fhf,  Oreeh  States,  v,  237. 

“ Epigenes  of  Hikyoii  is  invoked  as  a producer  of  tragedy  which  did 
not  deal  with  Dionysos  and  as  developing  the  tragic  choruses  (Ridgeway, 
pp.  58,  67,  68).  But  we  know  all  but  absolutely  nothing  about  him,  and 
what  we  do  know  (Zenob.  v,  4 ; Suidas,  s.v.  ovSy  Tt-ph  Ai6vvffov)  is  based 
on  the  assumption  that  tragedy  in  his  day  dealt  with  Dion^^sos  and 
not  witli  the  deaths  of  heroes.  Moreover,  it  is  extremely  doubtful  if 
he  did  more  than  write  dithyrambs  ; so  Haigh,  Tragic  Drama  of  the 
Greeks,  pp.  22,  25 ; Mahafty,  Greek  Classical  JAterature,  I,  i,  223.  The 
j)oint  which  Ridgeway  ignores  is  that  the  dithyramb  had  already  been 
extended  to  other  topics  before  tragedy  first  arose,  and  therefore  had, 
no  need  to  stick  to  Dionysiac  topics.  His  account  of  the  orthodox  origin 
of  drama  (p.  2)  is  really  quite  unfair.  It  is  easy  to  overthrow  an 
imaginary  opponent. 

•'  Ridge w'ay,  pp.  75-7. 

The  exact  points  in  the  development  must  be  uncertain  ; Haigh, 
op.  cit.  p]:),  19-21,  takes  the  Anew  that  Arion  introduced  conversations 
between  the  chorus  and  the  Iciider  (cf.  Pollux,  iv,  123},  but  that  depends 
on  pressing  the  Avox’d  Acyorras  in  Suidas,  s.Vi  Armi,  and  this  development 


THK  OKIGIN  OF  TRAGEDY  AND  THE  AKHYANA  425 

to  kikt*  ill  Hiiicli  more  and  to  re>sult  in  the  drama  proper, 
which  iH  a conscious  representation  and  no  longer  a 
pr<^sentation,  such  as  is  the  miscalled  ‘'drama”  of  the 
\h?ddahs  of  Ceylon. 

ft  is  true,  liowever  that  there must  be  reckoned  with 
in  Attic  tragedy  another  element  which  is  probably  of 
less  importance  in  Sanskrit  drama.  Aristotle  is  very 
unjustly  accused  by  Professor  Ridgeway^  of  being  confused 
in  his  account  of  the  origin  of  tragedy  because  he  ascribes 
it  in  one  place  to  those  wlio  began  the  dithyramb,-  and  in 
another^  lays  stress  on  the  connexion  of  tlie  epic  with  the 
drama.  But  the  genesis  of  drama  lay  in  the  action  of  those 
(olto  began  or  composed  the  dithyramb,  for  it  was  their 
action  which  started  the  spoken  part  which  dihereutiates 
drama  from  other  forms  of  literature ; tragedy  is  neither 
dithyramb  nor  epic,  and  its  special  character  is  doubtless 
greatly  due  to  the  grafting  upon  it  of  the  lieroic  life  of 
the  epic.  Aischylos'^  recognized  his  deep  debt  to  the 
“ banquets  of  Homer  ”,  and  the  decisive  change  of 
character  which  leaves  Dionysos  but  one  of  the  subjects 
of  tragedy  appears  to  have  been  due  to  the  epic ; nor  is 
this  wonderful  when  it  is  remembered  how  emphatic 

seems  rather,  avS  held  by  Aristotle,  to  be  due  to  Thespis.  According, 
liowever,  to  Rabe,  Eliein.  2Ius.  Ixiii,  150,  a fragment  mentions  Solon  in 
his  elegies  as  ascribing  to  Arion  some  connexion  with  tragedy  {rrjs  Se 
rpaycpBias  irpiorov  tpa/xa  . . . eh-hyayev).  But  this  need  not  mean  more 
than  that  he  was  rpayiKov  rp6rrov  e^per^s,  as  Suidas  tells  us.  Comedy  proper 
in  Greece  has  a different  origin  in  ritual  cathartic,  cursing  ; see  Farnell, 
V,  211,  212.  For  such  ribaldry  we  have  a curious  parallel  in  the  Vedic 
ahxpoXoyla  in  the  horse  sacrifice  [Taittiriya  Samhita,  vii,  4.  19  ; Kdthaka 
Samhitd^  As^varnedJia,  iv,  8 ; Maitrdyaiii  tSamhikl,  iii,  12,  20  ; Fd.jasaneyi 
Sarnhitd,  xxiii,  18-32)  and  the  exchange  of  abuse  by  a Brahmacarin  and 
a hetaira  at  the  Mahavrata  {Keith,  SanhUdyana  Aranyaka^  p.  79).  Traces 
of  this  form  of  ritual  may  be  seen  in  the  farces  of  the  later  Sanskrit  stage. 
Dieterich,  op.  cit.  p.  167,  thinks  that  satyric  drama  and  comedy  have  one 
origin,  but  this  seems  only  true  if  the  ritual  of  the  worship  of  Dionysos  is 
regarded  as  a whole  ; tlie  different  sides  of  that  worship  produce  different 
literary  forms. 

^ The  Origin  of  Tragedy ^ pp.  7,  57.  - c.  4.  Ibid. 

reixdxv  rar  ^Opdipov  SetTrrwv,  Athen.  347  F. 


426  THE  OlUGiN  OF 'TEAGEHT , THE  AKHVANA 

AvaH  the  value  placed  on  the  epic  by  Atheiin  and 
!ftai’ke<l  the  placed  aBsigiied  to  it  according  to  the  tradition 
by  Feisistratosd  Athens  \niH  precisely  tlie  place  wliei'e 
wf^  would  expect  to  find,  as  we  do  find,  tlie  <]ranui  nndei* 
the  (‘ontrolling  power  of  the  epic.  It  is,  then,  no  wonder 
that  (Jruek  drama  deals  fai*  From  exelnsivel}’  with  tlie 
Dionysiac  cycle  from  whiclt  it  drew  its  origin.  The  gulf 
between  ritual  and  drama  is  very  wide.- 

^ It  is  periiitps  uunecessan'  to  say  tliat  the  legend  aljout  Peisisfcratos 
yields  little  or  no  ,siu>|)ort  to  the  theory  of  the  debt  of  the  present  form 
of  the  Homeric  poems  to  his  action  (see  Lung,  The  World  of 
pp.  281-8,  and  cf.  Murray,  p|).  212  se<i(i.).  But  there  is  the  evidence 
of  Isokrates  [Pnnefj.  p.  74)  and  Lykourgos  {adr,  Leokr.  i02)  for  the 
attention  paid  at  Athens  to  the  epic. 

^ Some  minor  points  may  be  added  in  this  note.  (1)  The  contrast 
<irawn  between  the  Attic  Xanthos  of  Boiotia  and  the  dark-haired 
aboriginal  Neleid  Melaiithos  is  only  justifiable  by  the  theory  held  hy 
Professm*  Ridgew'ay  that  the  aborigines  of  Greece  were  the  dark-haired 
Mediterraneati  race  akin  to  the  Lycians,  that  they  spoke  (Treek,  and  that 
the  Aehaians  and  otlier  invaders  were  Celtic.  But  there  is  much  more 
probability  that  thei-e  is  a further  stage,  nameh',  befoi’e  the  latest, 
invaders  the  Dorians  {tvho  w^ere,  no  doubt,  closely  connected  in  race 
with  the  earlier  Greek  invaders,  and  like  them,  being  Aryans,  allied  to 
the  Celt o- Teutonic  races,  though  Ridgew’ay  believes  that  the  Dorians  w'ere 
dark  Thracians  or  Illyrians,  matriarchal  in  character),  earlier  Greek 
invaders,  the  Ionia, ns,  and  other  tribes  who  brought  the  Greek  tongue  and 
imposed  it  on  the  more  primitive  race,  in  which  ease  the  Neleid  cannot 
be  assumed  to  have  been  black-haired.  It  seems  that  the  earlier 
civilization  is  that  of  the  Mediterranean  race ; the  reading  of  the 
Cretan  discoveries  wdil  decide  if  they  spoke  Greek  or  not.  Cf.  Ridgeway, 
Bari^  Age  of  Greece;  Who  were,  the  Dorians?  Burrows,  Discoveries  in 
Crete,  px>.  146-62, 163  seqq.,  196seqq.,  202seqq.  ; Hail,  Oldest  Civilisation 
of  Greece,  pp.  94  seqq.  ; Journ.  Hell.  Stud,  xxv,  324 ; Murray,  Eise  of  the. 
Greek  Epic  pp.  61  seqq.  It  is  asserted  by  Ridgeway  (p.  120)  that  Orestes 
and  his  sister  recognized  each  other  by  their  blond  hair,  being  Aehaians 
from  the  north  (so  Tucker,  Chcephori,  pp.  lx  seqq.);  Aehaians  are  not 
Dorians  in  the  tradition,  hut  are  opposed  to  the  Dorians,  so  that  we 
seem  reduced  to  realize  even  on  his  own  theory  that  there  were  different 
waves  of  i)eople  from  the  north,  and  the  theor;\'  of  a gradual  penetration 
of  Greece  by  Aryan  peoples  bringing  the  Greek  tongue  appears  most 
probable  ; cf.  Hall,  Annals  of  British  School  at  Athens,  xi,  222. 

(2)  This  consideration  applies  with  great  force  to  Professor  Ridgeway's 
ingenious  attempt  to  prove  that  in  the  SuppUces  and  the  Eumenides 
Aischylos  as  a reformer  is  defending  the  recognition  of  the  binding 
character  of  the  marriage  tie,  the  change  from  exogamy  to  endogamy, 


THE  «)KIGiX  OF  TRAOFBV  AND  THE  AKHYANA  427 


iUKi  tihii  abolition  of  the  nuifcriarciiy,  coapled  with  tho  supremacy  of  the 
reiigioii  of  Zeus  and  Apollo,  introduced  mainly  through  the  iJiiluenee 
of  Homer.  As  proof  of  the  early  prevalence  of  matriarchy  in  Athens 
he  cites  the  ease  of  the  Ly(3ians  (Herod,  i,  173),  who  were,  he  says,  allied 
with  the  Greeks  in  blood,  a statement  whieb  he  does  not  attempt  to 
pi‘Ove,  and  whieli  is  true  only  if  we  take  the  oldest  strata  of  population, 
who  were,  in  the  ordinary  acceptation  of  Greeks  as  those  speaking  an 
Aryan  tongue,  pre-Greek,  for  Lycian  is  generally  held  not  to  be  an  liido- 
Enroj!)ean  speech  (Kretschmer,  (hisch,  fh-.r  (Jrlftch.  Sprache, 

pp.  289  seqq. ).  The  Spaniards  of  Cantabria  (Strabo,  ]>.  137,  30)  were 
apparently  in  like  case  to  the  Lyciaus,  and  there  is  some,  though  not 
decisive,  evidence  of  matriarchy  among  parts  of  the  Alediterranean  race, 
though  AIurra3S  op.  cit.  pp.  67,  n.  1,  08,  with  wonted  lightheartedness, 
accepts  it  sans  })hrase,  and  Myres,  Anthropologjf  and  fM  Glassin,s^  pp.  153 
seqq.,  seems  to  accept  it.  Then  he  adds  that  in  Athens  in  Isaios’  time 
endogamy  was  usual,  as  showm  by  the  rule  that  an  “heiress  ” was  expected 
to  marry  the  next-of-kin,  and  indeed  w^as  no  more  than  a burden  on  the 
estate  {€iriK\7}pos) — the  terxn  “ heiress  ” is  misleading  in  this  regard.  But 
endogamy  had  once  been  the  rule  under  matriarchy,  and  a survival  is  seen 
in  the  rule  that  Ixalf- brothers  and  half-sisters  by  the  same  father  could 
marry,  not,  however,  those  by  the  .same  mother.  Thisis,  liowever,  clearly 
no  argument  at  all : Attic  law  (like  Egyptian  law)  to  preserve  the  estate 
develofxed  the  system  of  allowing  an  intermarriage,  though  it  never  allowed 
(as  did  Egyptian  law)  full  brother  and  sister  to  marry.  It  therefore 
allowed  those  with  one  father  to  marry,  but  not  those  with  one  mother, 
natural  relationship  prevailing  over  the  dictates  of  property.  But  that 
fjxogamy  ever  was  the  rule  in  Athens  is  nob  even  hinted  at  in  any  authority. 
In  the  Snpplkes  the  maidens  who  flee  from  marriage  with  a cousin  are 
evidently  hard  for  the  king  to  understand,  for  he  argues  with  them  in 
the  best  Attic  style,  and  enuntiates  a principle  of  private  international 
law  of  great  interest.  “If  the  sons  of  Aigyptos,”  he  says,  “ liave  power 
over  thee  by  the  law  of  the  city,  claiming  it  on  the  base  of  kinship, 
who  would  cure  to  oppose  them  i'  Therefore  must  thou  defend  thyself 
according  to  the  laws  of  thy  bouse,  on  the  ground  that  they  have  no 
})Ower  over  thee,”  a clear  assertion  that  domicile  is  the  rule  regarding 
personal  relations.  When  it  is  remembered  that  the  king  compares 
them  to  Egyptians,  Libyans,  or  Amassons,  it  can  hardly  he  denied 
that  Aischylos  is  not  discussing  a question  of  burning  moment  at 
Athens.  Still  less  does  the  Enmemides  avail.  The  guilt  of  slaying 
a mother  is  a grave  one,  and  the  prosecution  makes  a strong  ease  in 
favour  of  the  close  connexion  of  son  and  mothei*,  but  the  triumph  of 
the  op)posite  view  is  complete  and  doubtless  in  harmony  with  Athenian 
feeling,  which  sympathized,  despite  its  love  to  succour  the  oppressed, 
with  the  splendid  falsehood  of  Hypermnestra.  Nothing  can  be  made 
of  the  argument  used  in  the  Etimenidta^  201  seqq.,  that  a woman  is  not 
kindred  to  her  husband,  for  the  Attic  law  even  in  the  fourth  century 
recognized  that  a woman  by  marriage  did  nob  cease  to  be  of  her  father’s 
family ; the  father  could,  if  he  liked,  divorce  her  from  her  husband, 
and  on  her  husband’s  death  she  could  return  to  her  father’s  family 


428  THE  OlifaiN  OF  TEAGEDT  AND  THE  AKHVA^TA 


if  Hlie  wihlieH  f.see  Oiircloer-Jevoni^,  <hmh  Antiqvitm,  pp,  5r>:i  Heqq.). 
Tlie  laws  Oorfcyn  also  recognize  fully  the  male  predominance,  des|.ate 
their  proximily  to  Lycia,  and  their  innovalions  in  favour  of  the  female, 
are  no  doubt  rightly  attributed  by  Jevons  to  iidvunml  ideas,  not  to 
fturvivftlH  of  matriarchy*  Aisehylos  W'as  a reformer,  no  doubt,  but  bis 
reforms  lay  not  i?i  these  matters,  but  in  his  spiritual  conception  of  (h)d, 
and  it  is  (UiriouH  that  Professor  Ridgeway  should  still  cling  (p.  204)  to 
the  improhahle  theory  of  his  defence  of  the  Areopagos  (of.  Haigli, 
op.  cit.  pp.  df>,  o7,  with  Jevoris,  f/reek  IJftrafure^  p.  lOfj;  the  defence 
of  the  Argive  alliance  in  Emtumder%  721  secjq*,  is  not  really  consist, ent. 
with  a defence  of  tlie  Areopagos,  which  clearly  must  ha\'e  preferred  the 
Hpartan  aliiance). 

(3)  The  vie-^v  that  the  Baecliants  were  merely  Thracian  maidens  is  no 
doubt  corroer.  hut  it  is  ditficult  to  say  if  the  same  explanation  (pp.  11, 12) 
applies  to  the  8at\rs,  Hileni,  Hermcnoi,  Sauadai,  and  Denadai,  and  like 
companies,  who  %vcre,  it  seems,  all  real  Tliracian  aboriginal  trilxjs, 
addicted  to  tattooing  and  lax  morality  ; von  Schroeder  (d/y.v/‘er?'«?n  uud 
^funu^,  jip-  47h  seqq.)  argues  that  the  spirits  of  the  dead  and  the 
mimeti(.‘  dasices  in  imitation  of  them,  with  their  power  of  evoking 
rcprodiHttiou,  lie  at  the  bottom  of  these  legends,  hut  it  is  certainly 
probable  that  the  explanation  of  these  curious  figures  of  myth  is  simply 
the  (lances  for  vegetative  magic,  in  which  the  worship[)ers  assumed  the 
semblamic  of  the  god,  tlie  vegetative  spirit  in  some  animal  form.  This 
lies  at  the  bottom  of  the  modern  Thracian  rites,  and  the  legend  of  satyrs 
and  their  variants  could  easily  be  derived  thence.  This  view^  saves  us 
from  the.  necessity  of  seeing  in  the  satyrs  any  distinct  tribes  of  aborigines ; 
any  performers  of  the  rites  could  give  rise  to  the  myth. 

(4)  The  prominence  of  the  wmrship  of  the  dead,  their  lomljs,  ghosts, 
the  kommoi  and  threiioi  found  in  Aischylos,  and  also  to  some  degree 
in  Sophokles  and  Pluripides,  cannot  be  used  (pf).  131,  102)  to  prove  the 
origin  of  drama.  Drama,  as  in  Aischylos  is  really  in  kind  different  from 
the  primitive  material  from  which  it  emerged,  and  it  deals  with  the 
great  (questions  of  the  day  and  the  religious  feelings  of  the  time,  in 
which  the  care  of  the  dead  tmdoubtedly  played  a great  ])art,  as  it  did  in 
A^edic  India  and  in  l^ersia.  Nor  must  Aischylos*  connexion  with  Eleuses 
and  the  probable  intiuence  of  the  mysteries  be  ignored  ; cf.  Arist. 
Ran.  88h  seq.  : A^g'jjTe/)  rj  dp4\^a(ra  t^v  (ppepa^  elrat  fxe  r&y  <r5iv 
juvcrrTjpicoK  In  this  regard  Professor  Ridgeway  seems  to  lay  too  much 
stress  on  the  aboriginal  character  of  reverence  of  the  dead,  and  on  the 
fact  that  ]>urniiig  was  the  only  Homeric  custom,  as  showing  that  the 
Homeric  conception  was  totally  opposed  to  reverence  of  the  dead. 
Homer  is  dealing  with  the  exceptional  circumstances  of  foreign  wars 
(cf.  DOrpfeld,  MMangen  ATco/e,  pp,  95  seqq.),  and  the  cai'e  for  the  dead 
is  in  his  poems  extremely  well  marked,  e.g.  as  regards  Patroklos  ; 
lie  may  even  represent  a stratum  of  thought  rather  than  a complete 
racial  change ; cf.  Lang,,  Homer  and  his  Age^  pp.  101  seqq. ; The  World 
of  Homer,  pp.  105“-12. 

(5)  The  acceptance  by  Professor  Ridgeway  (p.  164)  of  the  legend  that 
Themistokles  sacrificed  before  Salamis  three  Persian  captives  to  Dionysos 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  TEAGEOY  AND  THE  AKHVANA  429 


II 

Professor  Oldenberg  has  been  m good  as  to  send  me 
a copy  of  an  article^  in  which  he  has,  witli  his  iisiial 
nbilit)’'  and  learning,  defended  his  conception  of  the  Vedie 

Onientes  seems  unfair  to  that  great  man,  even  if  we  accept  the  version  of 
Fhitarch  in  Thf  m.  13,  that  lie  did  so  of  necessity  at  the  demand  of  those 
ai-ound  him  on  the  bidding  of  the  seer  Euphrantides.  But  it  rests  only 
on  the  evidence  of  Phanias  of  Lesbos,  writing  two  hundred  \’'ears  later, 
it  is  not  noticed,  in.  Herodotos,  and  it  can  safely  be  put  down  as  a lie 
(ef.  Murray,  of  the  Greek  p.  34,  and  see  (trote's  criticism, 

Hidory,  iv,  2*27,  n. ).  It  is,  however,  true  that  here  and  there  human 
sacrifices  long  survived  in  Greece  (cf.  Parnell,  v,  303,  and  see  Murray, 
pp.  326-31),  though  again  it  is  doubtful  if  in  Pausanias'  time  human 
sacrifice  was  made  on  the  Lyca.*aii  mount  in  Arcadia.  Pausanias  (viii, 
38.  7)  hints  at  it,  but  this  may  be  merely  a case  where  he  quotes  his 
authority  without  vouching  for  his  own  time. 

(6)  Professor  Ridgeway  takes  great  pains  to  show  that  the  Dorians  were 
not  the  originators  of  tragedy,  and  declares  (p.  2)  that  “it  has  been 
universally  assumed  that  the  DorianwS  were  the  inventors  of  tragedy”. 
Bub  I cannot  find  any  evidence  of  such  assumption  ; see  e.g.  Haigh,  op.cit. 
p.  25,  and  Jevons,  op.  cit.  p.  190,  who  see  matters  in  a truer  perspective. 

(7)  The  view  that  the  Anthesteria  was  properly  and  solely  a great 
festival  of  the  dead,  put  forward  l>y  Aliss  Harrison,  Prolegomena, 
pp.  34  seqq.,  and  accepted  by  Professor  Ridgeway  (p.  50),  is  relied  upon 
to  prove  the  evidence  of  pre-Dionysiac  choruses  in  honour  of  the  dead  ; 
it  is  sufficiently  refuted  by  Parnell,  v,  219  seqq. 

(8)  It  is  difficult  to  follow  Professor  Ridgeway'S  elaborate  investigation 

of  the  meaning  of  fhymele  (pp.  39-48)  and  his  conclusion  that  as  there 
were  two  altars  there  were  two  cults.  The  dvyeXr},  as  he  himself  admits, 
is  the  place  of  the  offering  of  burnt- sacrifice  to  the  god,  round  which  the 
chorus  naturally  danced ; that  a chorus  could  dance  round  a tomb  is 
perfectly  true,  bub  a tomb  is  not  called  and  could  not  he  called  ev/iehn, 
for  the  dead  receive  no  burnt-ofTerings  (cf.  his  own  clever  rendering 
(p.  137)  of  iixTvvpovs  Popdoorrdras  in  Eur.  Mel.  574),  and  the  theory  that  an 
altar  replaced  a tomb  is  gratuitouvS.  There  was  also  on  the  stage  as  a rule 
(Pollux,  iv,  123  ; Aisch.  Ag.  1080)  a ficeyos  of  Apollo  Aguieus,  hut  it 
is  a mere  conjecture  that  this  was  really  an  old.  gravestone,  and  the 
author's  argument  rests  on  the  supposed  substitution  of  a for 

a tomb.  On  the  other  hand,  he  seems  right  in  correcting  Haigh’s  view 
{Attic  Theatre^,  pp.  106,  107)  that  the  table  which  may  have  stood  beside 
the  du/Mehr]  v'as  used  by  the  leader  of  the  chorus  as  a place  to  stand  upon 
and  converse  with  tlie  chorus.  That  is  called  ikeos  in  Pollux,  iv,  123, 
and  was  presumably  an  ordinary  table,  and  the  notice  in  Et.  Magn. 
S.V.  6vy4\r}  is  apparently  confused  ; it  does  not  yield  the  sense  desired  by 
Haigh  in  Ovyekv  = table  on  which  the  choir  leader  stood,  nor  is  Ridgeway’s 
version  satisfactory. 

^ Gott.  Nach.  1911,  pp.  441-68, 


4S0  THE  cmmiN  OF  teagebt  and  the  akhyana 


Aki'iyfiiui,  JiH  a narration  in  prone  in  wliicli  at  the  points  of 
lieig!A€nif*d  interest  versesj  wliether  narrative  or  dialogue, 
a, re  foiintl.  On  this  defence  J dcvsire  to  offer  the 
folh)wing  ohservationsj  preniLsing  that  the  <|uestion  at 
issue  is  tiie  early  existenct*  of  such  a forin  of  literatnn 
and  its  legitimate  application  to  the  interpretation  of 
Vedic  hymns,  tli(\se  being  the  theori<‘s  which  to  me  seem 
im}>rol)able,  and  that  in  the  absence  of  any  direct 
tradition  in  tlie  Vedic  literature  of  such  a form  it  is 
incundient  on  its  supporters  to  prove  their  case,  not  merely 
to  show  that  it  is  possible.  My  position  is  tliat  such  proof 
has  not  yet  been  adduced. 

I.  It  is  admitted  and  (unpliasimi  in  my  paper"*  that 
thejx*  exists  an  Indian  typ(^  of  literature  of  rpiite  reasonably 
early  date — but  not  early  V^edic — wliicli  gives  us  verses 
embedded  in  prose.  But  this  literatui*e  is  distinguished 
from  the  Ak}}yana  type  postulated  by  Bi-ofessor  Oldenberg 
by  the  fact  tliat  the  verses  are  citations, “ excerpts  from  the 
floating  mass  of  traditional  gnomic  literature  or  other 
source.  Professor  Oidenberg*^  now  suggests  that  tliis  is 
a suliform  of  the  Akhyana,  a .development  of  tlie  older 
type  of  Akhyana.  'For  this  view  he  neither  adduces  any 
ground,  nor  can  1 conceive  of  any.  Tlie  form  of  literature 
is  a simple  one,  and  in  India  a common  one.  I find 
no  ground  foi*  denying  its  independent  origin.  Take 
Professor  01denl)erg’s  own  examples'^  of  this  form:  in 
Maiinlyam  Swmhita,  iv,  8.  1,*"  in  a narrative  the  Brahmin 
answers  the  c|uestion  of  liis  Brahminliood  by  the  verse — 

him  brdhmwnasya  jnttmmi  him  u 2)rc7uaso*  mdtarmn 

HTiitam  ced  asmin  vedycmi  sa2>itd  sa  ■pitdm.ahuh , 

^ JR  AS.  mu,  pp.  979-95. 

“ Neither  Hertel,  VOJ,  xxiv,  122  seqq.,  nor  I.  have  maintained  that 
none  of  the  citations  are  eomposecl  by  the  author  of  the  prose.  The 
earlier  style,  in  my  view,  is  where  they  are  not  so  composed  (op.  cit. 
]>.  986,  n.  1).  " 

^ Op.  cit.  p.  451.  **  Op.  cit.  p.  464. 

•''*  Kdthaka  Samhitd f xxx,  1;  Kapi^thala^  xlvi,  4. 


THE  OF  TEAOEBV  AND  THE  AKHYANA  431 


Sii!‘ely  it  is  ,iiot  open  to  doubt  that  this  is  mere]}'?' 
a (|iiotatioii,  probably  of  a popular  Brahniinica]  verse ; 
lanv  can  it  help  the  Akhyfuia  theory  ? The  iiext  case 
lh«‘  StffifjiMttlfa  Brdhiua m,  xi,  5.  B,  wliere  in  the  middle 
<)(  prose  are  \ erse.s  in  which  the  gods  speak  to  Fi‘ajapati, 
he  to  tlie  gods,  jind  the  l)aiiavas  (aecor<]ing  to  Professor 
Olden Ijerg,  ])iit  not  to  Professor  Pggeling^)  also  speak. 
But  tlie  verses  are  given  precisely  in  xi,  5.  5.  12  as 
a (juotation  and  are  obviously  a quotation,  and  so  prove 
nothing;  similar  <[uotations  are  not  rare,  e.g.  Aiiareya 
A viuyyaka , ii,  3.  8,-  and  this  form  of  literature  is  surely 
a natural  one.  So  in  the  Chdndofjya  Upanimd,  v,  11, 
Asvapati  Ivaikeya  quotes  a verse  on  the  virtue  of 
Ihs  kingdom  (ru/.  me  Hieito  janapade  kadaryo  na 
madyapah,  iidrndltUd.ynir  ndridvdif'  na  .^vairi  svairinl 
kiiUik),  which  is  not  merely  gnomic  but  also,  as  the  form 
and  th<i  word  Hmdtel  show,  late.  In  the  Kafka  Ujxtnimd, 
as  Pi'ofessor  Oldenberg  urges,  I see  a closer  approach  to 
the  Akliyana  type  he  postulates,  and  lie  claims  this  as 
a support  for  liis  theory,  as  the  Upanisad  is  clearly 
a pre-Buddhist  text.  But  I regret  tliat  to  this  claim 
J cannot  agree.  1 pointed  out  that  the  older  Vedic  version 
<jf  the  legend  in  the  Taiitirlya  Borihmaiui,  iii,  11.  8,  is 
in  prose,  not  verse ; that  version  ivS  pre-Buddhivstic,*^  but 
I cannot  say  if  the  verse  version  is,  and  in  any  case  it 
is  no  proof  for  early  Vedic  literature.  But  what  is  more 
serious,  the  verse  form  witli  mingled  prose  cannot  be 
reasonably  claimed  as  primitive.  What  are  the  facts  ? 
The  Upanisads  sliow  either  (a)  prose  witlx  occasional 
quoted  verses,  like  the  verses  in  the  Brhaddranyaka^  the 
Ckdndogya,  and  the  Aitareya  or  Kaudtaki ; (6)  mixed 
prose  and  verse,  tlie  verses  now  forming  with  the  prose 

^ SEE.  xliv,  95.  1 am  not  sure  if  Kggeling  is  not  right,  hut  the  point 

is  indifferent  to  the  inquiry. 

“ See  my  note  ad  loc. 

•'  The  parallel  with  the  Alara  legend  is  proof  of  that  (of.  Alacdonell, 
SaUnHJcrit  Literature^  p.  225),  But  the  Upanisad  is  not  the  legend. 


4S2  THK  OBIGIK  or  TEAOEDY  AHI>  THK  AKHVANA 


aii  integral  whule^  e.g.  in  some  nlight  iiKaiHiire  ilie  JCafhff 
and  a better  example  the  Kewi ; and  (V?)  pure  verse,  as 
the  isil,  HirnfM^smtara,  Mimdaka,  and  often  in  the  later 
TJpanisads,  Can  anyone  doubt  that  the  second  form  is 
a natural  development  of  the  first  TIk^  use  of  quoted 
vt‘rses  leads  to  turning  part  of  the  narraii\e  into  \'ersc% 
and  a new  literary  form  emerges,  not  revival  or  remnant 
of  an  old  Akltyana  form.  Later  a whole  Upanisad, 
originally  in  prose  form,  may  luiN'e  been  transmuted 
into  'S’erse,  or  an  oi’iginal  Upanisad  composed  in  verse. 
In  this  case  Professor  Oldenberg's  tlieory  is  not  only 
unnecessary  but  it  is  most  improbable.  If  the  early 
Upanisads  had  taken  the  Akliyana  form  something 
might  have  ]:>een  said  for  Iris  view : unhappily  the  older  ^ 
Upanisads,  like  the  IhdtadaTanyaka,  the  Chdndogi/a,  the 
Aitareya,  even  tlje  Kaus^Ualci,  sliow  only  quoted  verses, 
and  worst  of  all  the  TaiWhHya  lhdln~a^^^  as  lias  been 
seen,  gives  the  older  prose  version.  Tljei*e  remains,  tlien, 
only  tlie  Cha/ndogya.  Upanimd,  iv,  ‘1,  whicli  is  probably 
a case  of  ({noted  verses  being  worked  into  a narrative,  for 
the  verses  are  mystic  and  no  doubt  traditional. 

2.  Nor  are  we  carried  further  ])y  the  case  of  the 
Aitareya  of  Sunahsepa.  I may  remark 

that  the  part  of  the  Brahmana  whicli  contains  the  legend 
is  beyond  all  doubt  late,-  and  the  mention  of  the  names 
Kali,  Dvapara,  etc.,  whatever  their  signification,*^  is  late,  so 
that  even  if  this  were  an  Akhyana  the  evidence  would  be 
of  little  value  for  early  Vedic  literature.  But,  unhappily, 
tlie  wjiole  of  the  first  verse  passage  (vii,  18)  seems  to  be 
culled  from  gnomic  sources ; at  any  rate,  to  deny  that  it  may 

^ Professor  Oldenberg  would  no  doubt  admit  the  juiority  of  these 
Upanisads  to  the  Katha,  The  evidence  for  it  is  given  by  Deussen, 
Philosophy  oj  the  Upamsliads^  pp.  22seq(X.  ; cf,  Keith,  Aitareya-  Arnnyaha, 
pp.  41  seqq. 

- See  e.g.  Alacdonell,  Sanskrit  Literature,  p.  205  ; Waekernagel,  Altind. 
(Imm,  I,  XXX  ; Keith,  Aitareya  Aranyaka,  pp.  110-3. 

See  Vedic  Index,  ii,  193. 


TliE  ORIGIN-  OF  TRAGEDY  AND  THE  AKHYANA  4t^3 


l)e  80  culled  m logically  iiuposmble,  and  any  other  theory 
inuftt  prove  itself,  not  claim  to  be  8e]f-evi(kuit.:;'  :Aiid,;tl^^ 
A,kh\'ana..  theory  has  this  unfortunate  ditficailty/  mdiicli 
Pi'oi'essor  Olden  berg  with  his  usual  candour  adinits, 
\\duc]i  he  does  not  successfully  (Explain  awa}’.  ■ The^prd^^^^^ 
tells  us  of  Parvatii  and  Narada  dwelling  with  ilte  kirig, 
and  of  tlie  latter  questioning  Narada  and  of  his  replyr  b^^^^ 
tlie  verses  attributed  to  Narada  contain  (v,  7)  the  plural 
brahrndtjo.  Why  slioiild  this  be  if  this  is  a true  Akliy ana  ? 
There  is  no  satisfactoiy  answer  forthcoming ; Narada 
sliould  address  the  king,  not  non-existent  Brahmins: 
But  if  it  is  a quoted  \’erse  the  plural  is  at  once  explained. 
No  doubt  if  the  Akhyana  form  were  an  establislied  fact 
tins  detail  miglit  be  neglected,  but  tlie  tlieory  of  tlie  form 
is  so  largely  built  on  tlie  Bunalisepa  legend  tJiat  the  detail 
becomes  of  \'itai  importance.  Nor  can  I see  any  real 
reason  to  doubt  that  the  tah^  of  Hariscandra  and  Rohita 
is  based  on  the  verses  containing  the  name  Rohita,  taken 
from  a gnomic  poem.  Professor  Oldenberg  deprecates 
such  distrust  of  the  narrative,  but  I think  he  can  hardly 
criticize  me  after  his  lighthearted  dismissal  of  the  hralmmiO' 
of  vii,  13.  7.  It  must  be  remembered  that  I am  not 
postulating  anything  unknown.  The  Brhaddevatd\-is: 
a standing  monument  of  tlie  bogus  Itihasa  traditioiiB 
which  surround  the  Rgvedu:  the  By v id hdoia  is 
and  Professor  Oldenberg  himself  ^ admits  tliat  they  are 
bogus.  Why  may  I not  see  in  the  Aitareya  a similar 
legend  ? Be  it  remembered  that  the  Aitareya  in  this  part 
is  no  very  early  text ; on  the  contrary,  it  is  decidedly  late 
Take,  again,  the  last  element  of  the  verse,  the  dialogue  of 
AJigarta,  Bunahsepa,  Visvamitra,  and  his  sons  in  vii,  17  and 
18.  This  is  in  itself  a whole,  and  it  is  most  essential  to 
note  that  it  is  not  an  Akhyana  form.  From  the  beginning 
(vii,  17.  3)  to  the  end  (vii,  18.  9)  the  narrative  is 

^ See  e.g.  ZDMCT  xxxvii,  79.  Contrast  Sieg,  Die.  Sagenetojfe  des 
p.  46- 


434  THE  omum  0F  TEAQKDT  AND  THK  AKHVANA 


foniiiiHotiH  ill  verse  with  connexions  gi\‘in<4*  the  speaker's 
name,  save  in  the  case  of  vii,  IS,  1-3,  wfiere  a note  is 
inserteil  about  the  sons  of  Visvamitra,  the  point  of  which 
is  to  <-oniieet:  ^mnealogically  the  Folindas,  Sabaras.  Andliras. 
Fmnlras,  and  Mfitibas  with  Visvamitra.  Surely  notlnno 
hut  de^'otion  to  a.  preconceived  theoiy  can  prevent  it  bein^‘ 
r«ailized  that  a genuine  epos  has  been  interpolated  and 
commented  upon.  We  have,  in  fact,  another  example  of 
what  is  seen  in  perfection  in  tlie  tale  of  Fururavas  and 
Urvasf  as  it  is:  told  in  the  da/pat  I at  Bnlhmajja.  And  in 
this  connexion  perhaps  it  is  not  without  significance  that 
Professor  Oldenberg  says  nothing  in  defencii  of  the 
Akhyana  theory  of  that  tale. 

3.  Professor  Oldenberg  is  not  satistied^  with  my  failure 
to  explain  my  view  of  the  Siiparuddlq/dya,  But  surely 
my  position  is  simple.  Professor  Oldenberg  calls  it  an 
Akhyana  ; Dr,  Hertel  - is  certain  tliat  it  is  a drama  ; I can 
see  that  part  of  it  is  epic,  and  tliat  too  plain  epic,  needing 
no  Akhyana.  theory  ; the  rest  may  be  epic  dialogue,  or  it 
may  not.  As  I am  unable  myself  to  make  any  satisfactory 
version  of  the  whole,  and  as  two  distinguished  scholars, 
after  elaborate  studies,  arrive  at  very  different  results, 
[ conclude  that  the  key  to  the  solution  is  not  yet  found 
and  probably  never  will  ]>e.  The  text  is  admittedly  not 
very  early,  and  is  wretchedly  preserved,  and  I submit 
confidently  that  to  base  any  argument  whatever  tipon  it 
is  to  violate  every  principle  of  sound  reasoning. 

4.  Professor  Oldenberg^  still  believes  that  the  ligveda 
contains  Akhytoa  hymns.  But  why  was  the  prose 
omitted  ? Professor  Oldenberg  can  suggest  notliing  better 
than  that  the  verses  were  in  some  way  more  important, 
and  he  instances  the  fact  that  to  each  there  was  a response 
in  the  Aitareyad  ritual,  of  om  after  a Rc,  tathd  after 
a GathA  and  lie  adds  that  it  would  have  been  inconsistent 


^ rmt.  JS^ach.  1911,  p.  461. 
^ Op.  eit.  pp.  466  -8, 


^ VOJ.  xxiii,  278  seqq. 

^ vii,  18. 12,  n. 


THE  OltlGIX  iW  TKAGEDV  AND  THE  AKHYANA  435 


to  inehiili?  the  prose  in  the  Mfjvedn  and  wotild  havi*  adde.d 
io  its  length.  Now,  it*  we  wei^e  certain  that  tin*  ve*rses 
had  been  aecouipanied  by  prose,  this  sort  of'  explanation 
jiiio'ht  ha, VO.  ]>een — rohictantly — accepted  faute  de  mienx : 
wlien  it  is  oHo*red  to  support  a tlieory  of  the  ikjio 
preservation  of  an  original  prose  it  becomes  incredible, 
if  we  reinein])er  the  steady-  persistence  with  which  the 
prose  text  of  the  Brahinanas  has  come  down  to  us. 

5.  These  considerations  seem  to  me  to  decide  the  fate 
of  the  Akhyana  theory  for  the  early  Vedic  literature. 
It  is  not  proved  })y  a single  text,  it  is  unknown  to 
tradition,  and  every  argument  adduced  for  it  is  open 
to  grave  oljjection.  And  that  is  all  I set  out  in  my  article 
to  prove.  But  I will  notice  the  Pali  evidence  again 

adduced  by  Professor  Oldeuberg,  as  it  still  seems  to  me 
that  no  cogent  proof  lias  been  adduced  to  sliow  tliat 
ciriy  Jfxtaka  is  really  a primitive  Akliyana  witli  a modern 
prose  replacing  the  old  prose.  I must  premise  that  the 
date  of  the  Jatakas  is  too  late  to  be  cogent  for  an  earl}' 
Vedic  period,  like  that  of  the  Mantras  of  the  Rgveda;  that 
seems  to  me  obvious,  and  until  it  is  denied  on  explicit 
grounds  I cannot  see  any  reason  to  abandon  the  obvious. 
Take  now  the  example  of  prose  and  poetry  adduced  bj' 
Professor  Oldeuberg  from  the  Mahdvagga}  What  is  its 
literary  parallel,  perhaps  model  ? Surely  the  form  seen 
in  the  Katlia  Upanimd  as  compared  with  tlie  Taittirvya 
Brahmana  and  more  clearly  in  the  Kema  Upanimd,  the 
mixture  of  verse  and  prose  which  arises  from  a versifying 
of  prose,  probably  motived  by  the  occasional  citation  of 
verses  among  prose.  Similarly,  we  may  liave  cases  of 
this  in  the  Jataka,  and  also  actual  cases  of  the  same 
style  as  is  seen  in  the  Tantrdkhydyika,  and  if  there 
are  cases,  as  Franke^  believes,  wliere  prose  and  verse  are 
contemporaneous,  such  eases  are  instances  analogous  to 
Katliasamgrahaslokas,  where,  as  Hertel  recognizes,  the 
^ Goff.  Nach.  1911,  pp.  457,  458.  - ZDMG.  Ixiii,  13. 


436  THE  ORICIIN  OF  THAGEDY  AND  THE  AKHYANA 


verses  are  supplied  by,  the  author  of  the  prose  hiiTiself, 
whether  as  new  eowposition  or  as  recasting  of  old  material ; 
it  must  never  be  forgotten  that  Niti  material  in  India  seems 
to  ha.V(‘.  Ijeen  inconceivably  plentiful.  Professor  Oldenberg 
has  forgotten  this  wlien  he  is  surprised  ^ at  niy  using 
Frankes  view  to  illustrate  my  thesis.-  A Xlti  writer 
was  not  bound  to  invent  ; his  use  of  verses  of  liis 
t>wn  composition  as  quotations  is  surely  perfectly  simple 
(and  a modern  example  is  that  of  Dya  .Dviveda,  author 
of  the  NUmianjarl,  who  invents  and  explains  his  own 
Niti  rules though  very  often  lie  could  draw  on  the 
existing  store.  Whether  in  the  particular  case  in  question 
Franke  is  right  in  seeing  contemporaneity  is  disputed  by 
Professor  Oldenberg,  ])ut  not  eompletely  con vincingly . Then 
in  other  eases  we  are  admittedly,  as  Professor  Oldenberg 
says,'*  in  possession  of  Jatakas,  the  verses  of  which  are 
in  themselves  a complete  whole,  e.g.  tha  Haddimtajati^^^ 
and  Professor  Ludei^"^  actually  accuses  a whole  Jataka 
(Xo.  15)  of  birth  from  a misreading  in  a Gatlia.  Moreover, 
admittedly  there  were  early  accounts  of  the  Buddha's  life 
in  verse  proper.^  In  the  face  of  tliese  facts  wliat  weight 
can  be  placed  on  the  assertion  that  the  Jatakas  as  they 
stand  are  really,  as  far  as  the  verses  are  concerned,  faithful 
replicas  of  old  Jatakas,  the  prose  of  whicii.  has  been  lost  'i 
Many  of  tlie  Jatakas  are  no  more,  I feel  certain,  than  Pali 
parallels  of  the  Tantrdkhyiiyiha,  and  the  verses  may  be — 
and  indeed  often  are — divorced  entirely  from  their  original 
sense  and  connexion.  It  is  no  argument  against  tliis  view 
that  in  the  earlier  Pali  texts  verses  are  found  with  old  prose, 

^ <rdtt.  Xach.  1911,  p.  452,  n,  4. 

“ But  I did  not  ao  use  it;  see  op.  cit.  p,  986,  n.  1.  X only  used  it  to 
show  that  the  relation  of  prose  and  verse  was  not,  according  to  a recent 
and  careful  student  of  the  texts,  as  Professor  Oldenberg  thinks,  always 
one  of  priority. 

^ See  Keith,  JRAS.  1900,  pp.  127-31 ; Sieg,  op.  cit,  pp.  37  seqq. 

^ Op.  cit.  pp.  444,  D.  3,  450,  n.  1, 

® Gott.  Wac/i,  1897,  p.  128,  n.  1.  Oldenberg  here  abandons  him,  p.  449,  n.  3. 

® Op.  cit.  p.  456. 


TIIK  ORUilN  OF  THAOEDV  AKI)  THE  AKHTAXA  437 


for  Taiitnikliyayika  ntyle  m certainly  im  old  one, 
and  may  easily  appear  in  the  Pali  canon  -itselF,  be  it 
!•e]nelnberetb  of  no  very  ancient  date.  Of  course,  if  it  be 
contended  tluit  the  Akhyana  style  is  really  the  Akhyayika 

-~a,nd  Profess(.)r  Olden  berg  seems  to  he  tending  towards 
this  view — cad  it  quiesfio,  but  also  cadit  tlie  attempt  of 
Pi*ofessor  01denl)erg  to  find  explatiations  of  Kgvedic 
hymns,  for  he  does  not  in  practice  apply  the  Akhyayika 
theory  at  all  to  them.  The  Jatakas,  in  fact,  will  not  give 
any  secure  foundation  for  an  Akhyana  theory,^  and  they 
are  not  needed  if  it  is  merely  a question  of  the  existence  of 
an  Akhyayika  style. 

To  sum  up  and  to  avoid  vagueness,  I should  say  that  it 
seems  to  me  that  in  tlie  Yedic  literature  certainlj^  and 
in  the  Pali  literature  very  probably,  there  is  no  real  case 
of  the  alleged  Akliyana  : there  do  occur  two  forms  which 
are  essentially  different  from  it  and  whicli  lend  no  support 
to  tlie  theory  of  its  existence.  Tlmse  ai-e  (1)  the  Niti 
style,  prose  with  (.[noted  verses,  a style  whicli  endures 
througliout  Sanskrit  literature;  (2)  a rarer  form,  of  prose 
narrative  mi.xod  witl]  verses  : this  is  seen  in  cases  like  the 
Kena  Upanisad,  and  faintly  in  the  Katha,  and  it  is  not 
rare  in  the  Buddliist  canon.  It  seems  clearly  not  to  be 
primitive,  but  to  be  derived  from  an  older  style  preserved 
to  us  in  the  earlier  Upauisads,  where  the  verses  are 
sporadic,  and  are  probably  older  than  the  prose  in  which 
they  are  quoted  and  applied.  The  transition  from  prose 
to  verse  is  not  at  all  unnatural : we  know  that  the  earlier 
Upauisads  are  prose  witli  occasional  verses,  that  the  later 
are  pure  verse  (prose  reviving  in  a still  later  stage,  as  in 
the  Prama  Upankad),  and  we  see  the  rise  of  verse  in 
such  cases  as  Brhaddranycdca  Upanimd,  iv,  4.  8-21,  and 

^ The  argument  at  p.  453  I do  not  follow.  The  Jataka  collection 
treats,  of  course,  the  verses  as  the  really  important  part,  because  in 
that  collection  they  are  so,  the  prose  being  clearly  subsidiary.  But  that 
tells  nothing  of  their  original  condition. 


4SH  THE  OHIOIN  or  TKAGEOY  AND  THE  AKIIYANA 


Kent^  I-IH:  we  lire  therefore  lVigfiiii<;’  no  idle 

hypothesis.  Now  in  all  these  eases,  the  prost*  has  'iiof 
disap|>earecl  : it  is  there,  ami  its  presence  warns  ns  that 
the  theory  lhat  it  has  1)een  lost  in  the  ease  f>f  the  Akh\Tina 
is  a llipory  for  which  no  paraliel  has  l^een  adducial  and 
for  which  I venture  to  think  no  parallel  can  he  adduced. 
Of  eoin'se,  if  tlie  theory  really  wer(‘  useful  in  exi>laininf( 
\"edie  hymns,  J might  l.)0  tempted  to  believe  the  iinpossibI(3, 
but  my  great  complaint  against  it  and  the  origin  of  my 
disbelief  in  it  is  that  it  lias  so  far  led  to  nothing,  in  my 
opinion,  save  confusion  and  absurdity.  We  can  all  invent 
Akhyanas,  as  the  ditlerent  theories  of  Mudgala  sliow,  but 
no  one  will  accept  another’s  version,  nor,  indeed,  can  I see 
why  he  should.  A theory  which  is  unsound  in  its  basis 
and  unsatisfaetoiy  in  its  results  seems  to  me  devoid  of 
plausibility. 

I !nay  conclude  witli  a mild  protest  against  the  attrilmtion  ^ 
to  me  of  tlie  view  that  the  earliest  form  of  tlie  Yajurveda 
texts  was  MaTib'as  inseparably  connected  witli  a prose 
explaining  them  and  the  ritual.  I can  see  nothing  what- 
ever- to  justify  the  tlieory  that  I liekl  so  foolish  an 
opinion : the  Mantras  clearly  were  collected  before  the 
Brahmanas  were  composed.  All  I have  stated — and 
Professor  Oklenberg  will  certainly  not  dispute  it — is  that 
there  existed  at  one  period  a text  of  the  Yajurveda  in 
which  prose  and  Mantras  were  united,  and  which  is 
adumbrated  for  us  by  the  texts  of  the  TaiUirlya,  Kapiaka, 
Kapisfkala,  and  Maitraymvl  Samhitds,  Nothing  else 
will  account  for  the  often  verbal  similarities  of  the  prose 
of  those  texts. 

^ am.  Nach.  1911,  p.  466,  ii,  1. 

- Op.  cit.  p.  488.  I point  out  the  distinction  between  the  prose  of 
the  assumed  Akhyana  and  the  much  less  closely  connected  prose  of  the 
Samhitas,  a fact  which  might  have  prevented  the  accusation.  But  I know 
how  easy  it  is  to  misunderstand,  and  I cannot  hope  to  have  avoided,  the 
same  fault  with  regard  to  others ; seee.g.  thecomplainb  of  Speyer  in  ZDMO. 
Ixiv,  819,  820,  though  I still  think  he  does  regard  the  phenomenon  dis- 
cussed by  me  in  ZDMG.  Ixiii,  346,- in  a somewhat  different  light  than  I do. 


X?I 


THE  CHINESE  BEONEE  KNOWN  AS  THE  ‘^BHSHELL 
BOWL’’.' AND.  ITS  INSCEIPTION 

By  L.  0.  HOPKINS,  I.S.O. 

I N tx  receiii  paper  in  this  Journal  on  “ Chinese  Writing 
^ in  the  Chou  Dynasty  in  the  light  of  Recent 
Discoveries”,  I expressed  the  hope  that  I should  be  able 
shortly  to  publish  in  the  Journal  a list  of  the  characters 
contained  in  the  Chinese  inscription  of  the  Bushel!  Bowl, 
now  in  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum,  with  their  Lesser 
Seal  equivalents,  and  some  additional  forms  besides. 

Tills  undertaking  is  carried  out  in  the  present  paper, 
tlie  scope  of  which,  how'ever,  is  rather  wider  than  I then 
intended.  The  article  now  includes  a revised  modern 
text  of  the  inscription,  a fresh  translation  into  English, 
and  a new  photograph  of  the  actual  inscription  taken 
by  the  authorities  of  the  Museum,  which  for  tlie  first  time 
shows  every  single  character  in  complete  detail,  a very 
different  presentment  from  those  previously  obtained. 
To  reach  this  result  has  been  a laborious  task,  and  would 
have  been  impovssible  but  for  the  ungrudging  and 
continuous  assistance  given  to  me  by  the  Museum 
authorities  in  a measure  beyond  what  I could  fairly  have 
asked  of  them.  I hope,  however,  that  the  now  final 
restoration  of  the  long  text  may  contribute,  among  other 
things,  to  settle  the  controversy  relating  to  the  impugned 
genuineness  of  the  bowl  itself,  and  of  the  historical 
document,  as  I believe  it  to  be,  borne  upon  its  inner 
surface. 

The  new  translation  is  based  upon  Professor  Parker  s, 
as  his  was  on  the  original  rendering  of  the  late  Dr.  Bushell, 
given  in  his  Chinese  Art^  vol.  i,  pp.  85-6.  I meant  at 
first  only  to  make  such  emendations  as  the  decipherment 
JRAS.  1912. 


29 


440 


THE  B0SHEEL  BOWL 


of  various  liitlierfco  illegible  characters  would  render 
necessary.  But  it  is  a common  experience  that  when  once 
you  !!ieddle,  with  another  man’s  translation  you  are 
insensibly  led  on  to  an  amount  of  change  greater  than 
eitliiir  you  at  first  desire  or.  he  probably  deserves..  So 
it  lias  been  with  the  present  document.  But  the  question 
of  translation  lias  been  of  quite  secondary  interest  from 
the  point  of  view  from  which  this  article  has  been 
composed.  My  object  has  been  to  present  the  original 
inscription  integrally,  in  tlie  f rst  place,  such  as  it  was  left 
on  the  metal  of  the  bowl  by  the  hand  of  the  engraver; 
and,  secondly,  to  construct,  for  purposes  of  study  and 
reference,  a comparative  list  of  the  component  characters, 
separately  and  severally,  with  the  corresponding  forms 
of  the  Lesser  Seal  character,  and  certain  other  forms 
given  by  the  Shuo  Wen  Dictionary,  as  well  as  a number 
of  variants  occurring  on  the  inscribed  bones  of  the 
Honan  fuel. 

In  the  paper  published  in  the  October  number  of  the 
Journal,  no  reference  was  made  to  the  question  of  the 
genuineness  of  the  Bushell  Bowl  and  of  its  lengthy 
inscription.  Both,  however,  have  been  challenged  by  high 
authorities,  and  it  would  be  idle  to  ignore  the  fact,  nor 
is  there  in  my  opinion  any  reason  to  do  so.  For  my  part, 
after  prolonged  work  upon  the  bowl  and  its  legend, 
I remain  on  the  side  of  the  angels,  and  their  representative 
— ad  hoe — upon  earth,  Professor  Parker,  and  opposed  to 
the  hosts  of  the  iconoclasts  led  by  the  great  names 
of  Chavannes,  Pelliot,  and  Vissim-e,  and,  in  England,  of 
Professor  Giles.  The  decision  of  the  issue  is  of  more  than 
academic  and  scientific  interest,  as  the  following  facts 
serve  to  show.  There  exists  a celebrated  bronze  antique 
known  to  Chinese  connoisseurs  and  others  as  the 
^ ^ Kung  Ting,  or  Cauldron  of  Duke  Mao. 

This  was  formerly  in  the  possession  of  a wealthy  family 
of  Shantung  Province  named  Ch'Sn,  from  whom  it  was. 


THE  B1J8HELL  BOWB 


441 


piircliasecl  than  two  yearn  ago  by  the  late  regretted 
,.e.x- Viceroy  T!iai.,i...Fai,]g,  foirtlie  sum.  of  ten  thousand  taels, 
Hay  .;£.bH()0.  But  this  figure  was  a reduced  one  in 
consideration  of  the  distinction  and  particular  attaiiiraents 
of  the  buyer.  Fifteen  thousand  taels  had  previously 
been  offered  and  refused  for  the  same  specimen.  We  can, 
then,  to  some  extent  judge  at  what  price  the  Bushell  Bowl 
would  now  change  hands  among  Chinese  collectors,  if  it 
is  a genuine  antique  inscribed  with  a genuine  legend. 
And  now  to  come  to  grips  with  that  very  question.  In 
his  Ailversaria  Sinica,  No.  9,  1911,  Professor  Giles,  at 
the  end  of  an  article  on  ''  Chinese  Bronzes  ”,  has 
convenienthT-  sinnmarized  the  grounds  of  tlie  unfaith  that 
is  in  liim,  and  I cannot  do  better  than  quote  the  whole 
passage,  which  is  as  follows : — 

“Witli  regard  to  the  ' bowl’  at  the  Museum,  I gather 
from  my  own  inspection  of  it,  from  a passing  acquaintance 
with  other  bronzes,  and  from  a careful  perusal  of  the 
passages  translated  above, 

‘‘  (1)  that  the  bowl  itself  is  of  doubtful  antiquity ; 

''  (2)  that  the  inscription  was  not  cast  with,  the  bowl,  as 
would  have  been  the  case  with  a genuine  antique  of  th.e 
seventh  century  B.C.,  but  was  incised  later  ; 

“ (3)  that  the  inscription  when  cut  was  covered  at  once 
witli  a varnish-enamel  to  conceal  the  fact  mentioned  in  (2); 

(4)  that  the  bowl  and  its  inscription  have  never  been 
noticed  by  Chinese  archseologists,  because  it  was  known 
to  be  a fake,  for  which  reason,  too,  it  was  readily  allo^ved 
to  slip,  for  a consideration,  from  the  collection  of  the 
Imperial  Prince  who  owned  it; 

''  (5)  that  the  argument  against  such  a lengthy  inscrip- 
tion is  fully  borne  out  by  a comparison  which  I have 
made  with  scores  of  inscriptions  on  ancient  bronzes ; and 
finally 

''  (fi)  that  MM.  Chavannes,  Pelliot,  and  Vissim*e  may  be 
said  to  have  gained  the  day.” 


442 


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These  six  lieadB  resolve  themselves  into  two  g!‘onps. 
Non.  (I)  and  ((1)  are  expressions  o£  opinion,,  while  the 
remainder  are  statements  o£  argument.  Any  considered 
|iidgments  of  Professox*  Giles  deserve  the  respect  which 
tliey  art3  sure  to  receive,  and  having  said  so  much,,  tlioiigli 
unable  to  concur  in  his  view,  I pass  to  tlie  specific 
arguments  of  Nos.  (2),  (3),  (4),  and  (5). 

First,  with  regard  to  the  argument  from  tiie  fact  tiiat 
the  inscription  'ivas  not  cast  with  the  bowl,,  but  incised 
later,  Tliis  point  certainly  lias  weight,  for  undoubtedly 
most  of  tlie  inscriptions  on  ancient  bronzes  were  previously 
written  on  the  moulds  in  which  the  vessels  were  to  be 
cast,  and  in  the  example  under  review  this  certainly  is 
not  tlie  ease.  But  the  practice  of  easting  an  inscription 
was  not  invarialile,  as  I shall  show,  and  1 venture  to 
maintain  that  this  bowl  formed  one  of  the  exceptions. 
I would  go  further,  and  express  my  sti'ong  suspicion  that 
one  of  the  clauses  near  the  end  of  the  legend  is  in  terms 
which  may  reasonably  be  read  as  an  implicit  statement 
to  that  effect.  First  let  us  hear  Yuan  Yuan,  the  antiquary 
and  scholarly  autlior  of  tlie  Ch/i  Ku  Chai  Cluing  Ting 
ICuan  Chill,  on  the  general  question. 

In  chuan  3 of  the  above  work,  Yuan,  in  his  note  oxi 
a bell  in  his  own  collection,  described  as  the  JpJ  ^ M if 
Chou  Kiing  Wang  Bell,  has  the  following  passage : ^ ^ 

X m m & s:  m M ± ^ n m ^ M je  ii 

m mm  ^ MM  mm 

Cheng  [K’ang  - cldeng]  in  his  commentary  on  the  K'ao 
Kiing  Chi  [section  of  the  Chou  Li],  says : ' the  inscription 
was  engraved,'  and  Ohia  [Kung-yen]  annotates:  'Tlie 
term  , k'e,  rightly  refers  to  engraving  on  the  mould, 
and  not  to  engraving  on  the  vessel  itself.' " “ But " [adds 
Yuan  Yuan]  ‘‘an  examination  of  the  inscriptions  on  old 
bronzes  shows  that  while  the  majority  are  unquestionably 
cast,  yet  incised  inscriptions  also  occur  liere  and  there. 


THE  BUSHEEL  BOWL 


445 


The  characters  oh  this  bell  were  thus  engraved  after  the 
casting  was  completed.”  Thus  Yuan  Yuan  on  the  general 
rule  and  exceptional  instances.  Chance  enables  me  to 
<|note  another  vSpecific  example,  taken  from  the  Talde  of 
Contents  forniing  chilan  1 of  Wu  Shih-fen’s  Chun  Xu  Ln. 
Ihu'e,  on  the  la>st  page  of  the  volume,  he  adds  to  the 
e!itry  of  a bronze  in  his  own  collection  the  words 
^ ^ ^ Characters  on  the  vessel  cast,  on  the  cover 
incised.’’ 

An  incised  inscription,  then,  was  not  a thing  unknown 
to  the  metal -founders  of  ancient  China,  and  cannot  serve 
to  prove  the  fabrication  of  a bronze  that  displays  it. 

Before  leaving  this  part  of  the  subject,  I would  draw 
attention  to  the  sentence  in  the  inscription  before  us 
already  alluded  to  as  having  an  important  bearing  on 
this  issue.  It  is  unfortunate  that  the  fourth  character 
in  the  passage,  though  now  perfectly  legible,  lias  so  far 
defied  all  attempts  to  fit  it  convincingly  with  a modern 
form,  and  this  to  some  extent  renders  uncertain  the  sense 
of  the  immediately  preceding  word,  yuan.  But  this 
uncertainty  does  not  affect  my  argument,  which  is  based 
on  the  last  part  of  the  sentence.  The  latter  runs  thus ; 
“ On  the  Ting  Yu  day  a plain  howl  having  been  completed 
was  proffered  to  the  King  for  the  favoui-  of  his  commands.” 
The  italicized  words  represent  the  unknown  character  and 
the  syllable  yuan,  original,”  next  above  it,  and  their 
translation  is  therefore  conjectural,  though  the  following 
character,  cli^ng,  “ completed,”  and  the  ensuing  wmrds, 
leave  but  little  room  for  material  error.  What,  then,  is 
the  meaning  of  this  passage  ? And  what,  especially,  are 
we  to  understand  by  the  command”,  or  mmp,  which  was 
expected,  and,  as  the  next  sentence  of  the  text  shows, 
received  and  ceremoniously  acknowledged  by  the  Marquis 
of  Tsin  ? It  could  not  have  been  a new  order  to  attack 
the  Tartars,  for  it  is  expressly  stated  that  the  King  s 
trusted  kinsman  had  just  returned  from  a successful 


m 


TflE  BDSHELL  BOWL 


iBissioii  of  that  kmcL  Moreover,  it  was  some  “ command 
as  to  wliich  tlie  formal  proffering  of  some  object  just 
coiB|)k?te(1  was  appropriate.  I can  see  but  one  satisfactory 
explanation,  but  it  is  a solntioii  that  explains  mricli. 
The  ol’ijcct  that  was  completed  and  proffered  must  have 
been  this  bowl.  The  “ command  asked  for  was,  I do  not 
doubt,  an  autliori^sed  text  given  out  by  tlie  King  to  be 
recorded  on  tlie  proffered  bronze  in  perpetual  lionoiir  of: 
the  Marquis  of  Tsin.  And  if  so,  the  text  must  necessarily 
have  been  incised,  for  the  bowl  had.  ..been  ca.st  ..  already 
without  inscription. 

This  leads  naturally  to  the  next  charge  against  the 
honour  of  our  antique,  that  the  inscription  when  cut 
was  covered  at  once  with  a varnish  enamel  to  conceal 
the  fact  that  it  was  incised.  I admit  the  fact,  Init 
I dispute  the  inference.  Whether  the  coat  of  lacquer 
was  added  ''at  once”,  which  we  do  not  know,  or  at 
some  time  later,  it  may  well  have  been  to  preserve  the 
characters  from  oxidation  and  decay.  In  tlie  event,  it  has 
been  *singular]y  effective  for  this  purpose. 

We  come  now  to  the  argument  from  the  silence  of 
Chinese  archmologists,  the  one  pressed  most  by  tlie  French 
authorities.  On  consideration  of  the  later  history  of  the 
bowl,  this  does  not  appear  very  strong.  So  long  as 
the  bronze  remained  in  the  Imperial  Palaces  it  wmuld 
not  be  accessible  to  a Chinese  subject  for  study  or 
description,  nor,  probably,  would  it  be  easy  of  access 
when  in  the  cabinet  of  the  Princes  of  L But  it 
may  be  urged  tliat  the  Emperor  Ch’ien  Lung  ordered 
the  publication  of  the  Palace  treasures  of  this  class,  and 
that  our  bowl  finds  no  place  in  the  Hsi  Oiling  Ku  Chien, 
which  illustrates  and  describes  them.  This  is  true,  but 
it  is  material  to  remember  that  the  supplement  to  the 
above  splendid  work,  as  well  as  the  similar  catalogue 
entitled  the  Ning  Shou  Ku  Ghien,  are  neither  of  them 
as  yet  procurable  by  Western  students,  so  that  we  cannot 


THE  BUSHELL  HOWh 


447 


Hiiy  wlieilu*!*  tlsin  brotiKe  is,  or  is  not,  after  all  illustrated  in 
onii  or  oi-iier  of  them. 

Lastly,  ih*oEessor  Giles  makes  the  length  of  the 
jiiS(!rj}>tion  a gi'ound  for  scepticism.  The  legend  is^  it  is 
true,  ilie  longest  known  on  a bron/.e  vessel,  consisting 
as  it  does  of  5'hS  characters,  exclusive  of  marks  of 
reduplication.  But  there  are  several  other  inscriptions 
which  exceed  300  characters,  the  celebrated  Mao  Kiing 
Ting,  ^ iib  example,  with  497;  the  Wu  Ting,  with 
403 ; the  Yii  Ting,  witli  390 ; and  tlie  San  Shih  P’an, 
once  at  l^ang  chon  on  the  Yangtze,  now  in  the  Palace 
collections,  with  3e57.  This  charge  against  the  incriminated 
vessel,  in  view  of  tlie  other  instances  just  quoted,  seems 
accordingly  somewhat  sliglit  to  support  a conviction  for 
forgery. 

The  foregoing  comprises  what  I liave  to  put  forward 
for  the  defence.  It  is  deej)ly  to  bo  regretted  tliat  the 
latter  should  not  have  fallen  to  the  far  more  competent 
hands  of  Dr.  Bushell  to  conduct  during  Ids  own  lifetime. 

Below  will  be  found  what  I regard  as  the  most  valuable, 
as  it  has  certainly  been  the  most  laborious,  part  of  my 
task.  It  is  a comparative  Table  in  parallel  columns 
showing  the  individual  characters  of  tlie  bowl,  with  the 
corresponding  forms  of  the  Lesser  Seal,  taken  from  the 
Sliuo  Wen,  together  with  the  modern  shape  and  sound, 
and  certain  additional  “Ancient”  and  alleged  Greater  Seal 
forms,  also  extracted  from  the  Shuo  Wtm.  Finally,  I have 
added,  when  available,  the  corresponding  variants  found 
on  the  recently  discovered  bone  fragments  from  Honan. 

Translation  of  Inscription  on  the  Bushell  Bowl 

It  was  in  the  King’s  first  month,  on  the  hsin  yw 
day,  that  the  Marquis  of  Tsin,  having  reported  the 
subjugation  of  the  Tartars,  had  audience  of  tlie  King. 
The  King  thrice  acknowledged  the  service — on  the  frontier. 


448 


THK  BtrSHELL  BOWL 


at  liiH  capital,  and  before  the  ancesfciy.  He  granted  an 
a!idi<nice  in  the  Sacred  Hall,  and  then  gave,  the  MarquiB  of 
Tnin  a banquet  in  the  Chou  dynastic  temple.  The  King 
rewarded  the  Marquis  of  Tsin  for  his  services,  Avith 
a commission  oi*  authority  over  the  Nine  Tenures,  and 
thus  spoke  the  King:— 

‘'  Uncle,  bravo  ! In  past  tiine>s  amongst  tlie  kings  before 
me  were  such  men  as  Wen,  Wii,  Ciieng,  and  K’ang. 
Stood fastly  and  watchfully  they  never  failed  in  devotion 
to  goodness ; their  glory  reached  to  the  Far  West ; and  so 
it  came  about  that  alike  in  midland  Hsia,  and  on  the 
marches  and  frontiers,  the  punishments  under  the  rule 
of  devotion  to  goodness  were  held  in  awe  and  in  respect, 
so  that,  Avliether  afar  or  near,  at  home  or  abroad,  there 
was  perfect  goodness.  Again,  there  Avas  among  your 
accomplished  ancestors  one  Avho  put  forth  great  efforts 
in  aid  of  our  Eoyal  House.  His  immense  distinction, 
his  immense  services,  Averc  freely  and  fully  recorded  in  the 
State  archives,  and  were  publicly  proclaimed  to  the  Chiefs 
of  Clans,  and  verily  their  praises  will  endure  to  distant 
generations. 

''But  under  the  succeedino:  kin^s  of  our  line,  Heaven 
did  not  grant  uninixed  success, — as  AAdien  the  archer  aims 
not  at  the  bull’s-eye,  or  the  spinner  leaves  the  cocoons 
unAVound.  In  truth  there  was  a lack  of  goodness,  discord 
with  Heaven  aboA^e  and  their  subjects  below ; the  Four 
Courts  not  under  control.  Then  those  at  a distance 
fell  aAvay,  and  the  Tartars  rose  upon  a great  scale ; bred 
troubles  and  dissensions  among  our  dear  kinsmen  ; drove 
our  people  from  their  homes ; and  chased  them  into  our 
suburbs  and  cities.” 

The  King  said — 

"Alas!  From  the  times  of  Li,  Hsltan,  and  Yu,  down 
to  those  of  P’ing  and  Huan,  they  wmre  as  one  fording  some 
broad  flood  without  banks,  who  fears  to  go  forward  lest 


THE  BU8HELL  BO  WE 


449 


lie  fall  into  deep  placesd  Our  Royal  House  had  no  repose 
until  once  more  there  arose  a man  like  your  grand fa.ther, 
the  Duke  Wen,  who  was  ahle  to  carry  on  the  achieviunents 
o£  your  accomplished  ancestor,  and  to  sldeld  us  in  our 
distresses.  We,  again,  never  failed  to  requite  those 
devoted  services,  by  inscribing  them  in  tlie  record  oC  deeds 
of  merit:  by  the  cool  chariot-pole  and  dappled  stallions, 
never  presented  except  for  goodness ; by  tlie  red  bow  and 
the  black  bow,  never  given  except  for  warlike  exploits; 
by  the  jade  sceptre  and  the  azure  token,  never  displayed 
except  to  kinsmen;  by  thirty  cliarnberlains  and  three 
hundred  body-guards ; and  by  the  lands  of  the  six  cities 
of  Wen,  Yuan,  Kin,  Fan,  Hsing,  and  Man.  Tims  the 
territories  of  Tsiii  were  extended,  and  tlms  also  the  Duke 
Wen  was  liberally  rewarded  witli  alien  lands,  so  that 
he  was  able  to  support  our  gracious  charge,  and  to  enjoy 
renown  among  the  ruling  princes.” 

The  King  said — 

“Alas  ! It  is  not  tliat  I,  tlie  One  Man,  liave  no 
■conscience,  and  take  pleasure  in  dire  disorder.  It  is  the 
Tartars,  who  are  never  satisfied  in  tlieir  encroachments, 
whose  desires  grow  from  generation  to  generation,  who 
fix  furtive  and  greedy  eyes  upon  our  guard-stations,  and 
have  caused  anxieties  for  you,  my  Uncle.” 

The  King  said — 

“ Ah ! Uncle,  I value  your  great  and  glorious  services. 
Carry  on,  tlien,  as  you  liave  done  before,  and  your 
•ancestors  before  you,  the  endless  charge,  unbroken.  I,  the 
Dne  Man,  trust  on  you  for  comfort,  and  I applaud  you. 
I therefore  extend  the  commission  of  authority  over  the 
Nine  Tenures,  and  appoint  you  Protector  at  tlie  alien 
Courts,  with  power  to  quell,  to  attack,  to  punisli,  to 
reward,  to  encourage,  and  to  appoint.  When  this 

^ This  rendering  of  the  sentence  has  been  adopted  from  Professor  Giles 
in  his  Adversaria  Sintca^  No.  9,  19H,  p.  289,  with  slight  modification. 


460 


TOE  BITBHELL  BOWE 


coiiiiiliBHioii  lui«  bmi  eoiiipleted  aii<1  eoinimiiiir'ated  to 
tlie  ruling  princes,,  should  any  dare  not  to  n,ct  accordingly, 
then  I,  the  C)ne  Man,  will  inflict  signal  piinishiuent;' 

The  ilar(|uis  of  Tsin  touched  the  groinid  twice  with 
his  forehead  in  aeknowledgnient  arni  prais(?  of  the  Son 
of  H(‘aven  s gracious  coniinands. 

TIjc  King  said-^ 

TJnele,  go  you  hence  I My  eoinniands  I need  not  repeat 
in  detail,  but  see  tluit  you  bear  them  in  mind  witliout  fail. 
So  will  you  hit  the  peer  of  your  accomplislied  ancestor,  and 
so  wall  the  end  l:>e  peace.” 

The  Ifarquis  of  Tsin  then  touched  tlie  ground  twice 
witl),  his  forehead. 

It  was  in  the  second  month,  on  the  kia  ivio  day,  when 
tlie  ]\raiT]uis  of  Tsin  returned  from  his  subjugation  of 
the  Tartars,  and  reported  tlie  fulfilment  of  Ins  task  to 
T’ang  Shu  and  Wen  Hou.  On  tlie  next  day  but  one, 
being  2'>rnf/  skeri,  lie  announced  liis  success  to  his 
grandfatlier  s spirit,  and  his  glories  to  lus  father’s  spirit. 
On  the  fintj  yic  day,  a hoivl  being  completed, 

was  presented  to  tlie  King  for  tlie  favour  of  liis  comniands. 
The  Marquis  of  Tsin  touclied  the  ground  twice  with  liis 
forehead  and  \'entured  to  acknowledge  and  praise  the 
King’s  gracious  command. 

Let,  then,  tlie  sons  and  grandsons  to  untold  generations 
pei*petually  treasure  this  bowl. 

Notes  on  the  Compabative  List  of  Charactebs 

In  these  notes  the  numbers  refer  to  the  characters  of  the  list, 
not  to  the  position  in  the  actual  inscription.  For  the  sake  of 
brevity  B means  any  given  character  in  the  form  found  on  the 
Bushell  Bowl,  and  L.B.  the  corresponding  form  of  the  Lesser 
Seal.  S.W.  = >S/r?/,o 

8.  The  L.S.  differs  from  B and  the  other  forms  by  the 
addition  at  the  top. 

10.  Note  that  the  modern  character  follows  B and  not  the  L.S. 


THE  BU8HELE  BOWL 


451 


11  and  14.  The  same  remark  applies  in  both  cases. 

16.  differs  essentially  from  the  L.S.,  but  agrees  with  the 
Shito  Hcw'.s  ku  wim  form. 

17.  The  character  here  given  in  the  L.S.  column  is  eailed  by 

the  B.W.  an  ‘'occasional  form”,  its  normal  scription  being 
equivalent  to  ii  modern  B and  the  occasional  form  o,re 

virtually  the  same. 

21.  B and  the  S.W. agree,  whff^  the  L.S.  is  rather 
unexpectedly  confirmed  by  the  Bone  forms. 

24.  This  clifiracter  is  one  of  the  Shno  TFc??’-v  radicals.  The 
author,  following  his  practice  when  the  group  of  characters  to 
be  ranged  under  a radical,  “ follow,”  i.e.  are  composed  with, 
a shaxte  other  than  that  of  the  L.B.  scription,  gives  the  first 
X)lace  to  that  form  of  the  radical  actually  occurniig  in  the 
members  of  the  group,  whether  it  be  a ku  wen  or  a chou  wen 
version.  He  then  adds  explicitly  the  cliuan  wen  or  Lesser  Seal 
form,  which  in  ordinary  circumstances  would  have  had  the  place 
of  honour. 

It  may  be  observed  that  B may  not  here  differ  so  widely  from 
the  L.B.  as  it  appears  to  at  first  sight. 

27.  B and  the  L.S.  differ  fundamentally,  but  the  former  is 
substantially  the  same  as  the  Stone  Drums  variant. 

28.  B and  the  Stone  Drums  form  concur  against  the  L.S. 

30.  33  differs  from  the  L.S.,  but  agrees  with  the  S.W.  ku 
tce7i  form. 

33.  Same  remark  applies  as  on  Nos.  27  and  28. 

35.  B differs  inateriaiiy  from  the  L.S.  and  closely  resembles 
the  Bone  variants. 

38.  The  Bone  examples  would  be  represented  in  modern  guise 
by  an  average 

40.  B and  the  L.S.  are  different  contractions  of  the  fuller 
forms  found  on  the  Bones. 

41.  The  modern,  the  L.S,,  and  the  Bone  variants  make  up 
a group  which  differs  from  the  identical  group  of  B and  the 
Stone  Drums  forms. 

43.  Here  B,  the  L.S.,  and  the  Bone  examples  coincide,  but 
it  should  be  added  that  3L  y%  right  hand,  Avhich  on  the  Stone 
Drums  is  found  for  ^ y2i,  to  have,  is  also  often  so  used  on 
the  Bones. 


452 


THE  BVSimth  BOWL 


45.  Notice  that  the  cotitracted  modem  form  is  justified 
neither  by  B nor  the  L.S.,  and  that  the  latter  is  closely 
supported  by  the  Bone  version. 

47*  B,  while  diifiiring  from  the  L.S.,  is  exactly  the  counterpart 
of  tlui  Bone  example. 

51.  The  characters  "7  P^i  and  2 P’cf,  wimense  (once 
homophones),  arc  not  distinguished  on  the  Bowl,  but  have 
become  differentiated  in  the  L.B. 

52.  B and  the  L.B.  differ  in  construction  very  little,  in  fact 
only  by  a horizontal  stroke.  The  Bone  forms  support  B. 

58.  B here  answers  in  construction  to  the  modern  fS  Ivhi, 
but  not  in  meaning,  where  the  equivalent  is  as  shown  in  the  list. 

54.  B,  the  L.B.,  and  the  Bone  forms  differ  but  little,  and  the 
first  and  third  not  at  all. 

57.  B and  the  Bone  forms  unite  against  the  L.B.  with  its 
additional  upper  element. 

58.  liere  B and  the  Skua  Wen's  chou  iven  form  agree  in 
lacking  the  radical  yen,  words^  of  the  L.B. 

00.  Notice  that  both  B and  the  modern  forms  have  counter- 
parts on  the  Bones,  which  also  partially  confirm  both  the  L.S. 
and  cJioii  iD&n  variants. 

61,  B,  though  essentially  similar  to  the  L.S.,  is  fuller  by 
giving  the  man  of  Hsia  two  feet  instead  of  one. 

66.  B is  much  nearer  to  the  Stone  Brums  version  than  to 
the  L.B. 

68.  The  more  ordinary  meaning  of  li  is  a chestnut-tree,  and 
B and  the  Stone  Brums  forms  unite  in  having  three  chestnuts 
on  the  tree  against  one  in  the  L.S. 

74.  B here  confirms  not  the  L.S.  but  the  ^hiio  W^n's  clioib 
win  form. 

77.  Note  in  B the  presence  of  % yu,  right  hand,  ignored  in 
the  L.S.  and  modern  versions. 

84.  The  lower  part  of  B is  ambiguous,  hut  appears  to  differ 
much  from  that  of  the  L.S. 

87.  Note  that  the  Bone  forms  here  support  the  L.S.  rather 
than  B. 

90.  There  is  a slight  but  important  difference  between  B and 
the  L.S. 

96.  The  two  versions  vary  largely. 


^rHE  BTJ8HELL  BOWL 


453 


lOL  It  is  curious  that  the-.  Bowi  form,  which  differs  con- 
sicloraldy  as  to  the  right  half' -of. 'the  character  from  the  L.B.,  is 
not  foiiiicl  again  l)efore  the  Han  Dynasty  seals. 

104.  Note  the  total  nnlikeness  in  construction  of  the  two 
fonns,  which  are  of  what  I have  elsewhere  called  sei>ai‘ate 
'Hypes”. 

105.  The  variant  alleged  in  the  Shuo  Wen  to  be  the  chuan^ 
or  Seal  character,  is  held  by  Tuan  Yxi-ts’ai  in  his  edition  to  be 
a later  interpolation.  His  reason  seems  to  me  good,  and  I have 
therefore  not  entered  it  in  the  list. 

106.  As  in  the  case  of  No.  24,  and  for  the  same  reasons,  the 
L.S.  form  is  not  the  Slitio  Wen's  first  or  principal  character. 
B and  the  real  L.S.  variant  have,  it  will  be  seen,  a strong 
general  similarity.  It  should  be  noticed  also  that  some  of  the 
Bone  examples  confirm  the  S.W.’s  ku  wen  form  H,  which 
Tuan  Yii-ts’ai  has  treated  very  cavalierly. 

107.  Mutatis  mutandis  the  foregoing  applies  to  this  also. 

108.  B here  agrees  not  with  the  L.B.  but  with  the  S.W.’s 
ku  tvin  form,  while  the  Bones  confirm  only  the  cJiou  tven 
variant. 

109.  The  two  forms  differ  widely. 

118.  The  upper  or  j^honetic  parts  differ  significantly,  B being 
nearer  to  the  original  pictogram — two  cowries  strung  together 
vertically. 

124.  Here  also  the  form  in  the  L.S.  column  (which  again 
agrees  closely  with  B)  is  expressly  stated  by  the  Blmo  Wen  to 
be  the  Seal  character,  but  is  not  its  first  and  principal  form 
(which  I add  in  the  fourth  column).  Compare  notes  on  24 
and  106. 

127.  Notice  the  construction  of  B,  which  might  have  been 
expected  to  contain,  but  does  not,  the  spiral  seen  in  129. 

130.  The  cutting  of  B is  not  perfectly  carried  out.  In  this 
instance  once  more  the  S.W.’s  Seal  form  is  not  its  principal 
entry.  The  Stone  Drums  version  here  does  not  coincide  with 
B,  but  approximates  to  the  Bone  variants. 

138.  There  is  no  L.S.  form  composed  with  ste?*,  water,  at 
the  side. 

184.  B here  corresponds  not  with  the  L.S.  but  with  the 
S.W.’s  ku  wen  form. 


454 


mt  BUSHELL  BOW.L 


186.  B,  while  identical  with  the  Stone  Driinifi  form,  differs 
slightly  from  the  L.B. 

148.  B and  the  L.S,  appear  discrepant.  The  former  is  much 
, nearer  two  variaiits  given  by  Wu  Ta-eh’eng  in  Ids  Shio  Wen 
Ku  Cinm  Pu,  vol.  ii,  p.  40. 

147.  I>  differs  considerably  both  from  the  L.B.  and  the  S.W.’s 
hi  wen  form,  but  shares  something  with  each. 

140.  1 am  not  altogether  happy  a, bout  the  identity  of  tins 
cliaraeter,  the  lower  part  of  the  left  side  being  a mere  contraction. 
But  it  is  probably  as  I give  it,  rather  than  tsai, 

150.  As  sometimes  elsewhere,  B corresponds  much  more: 
closely  with  the  modern  than  with  the  L.S.  form. 

150.  There  is  here  a total  difference  of  type  betw^een  B and 
the  L.S.  The  former  is  represented  by  the  modern  form  in  the 
first  coluiim,  except  that  the  upper  part  of  the  right  side  is 
absent  in  the  bronze  version. 

166,  B corresponds  more  -with  the  modern  form  than  with 
the  more  (elaborate  L.S. 

160.  Both  B and  the  L.S.  are  represented  on  the  Bones. 

174.  B and  the  L.S.  correspond.  A different  type  has  been 
adopted  for  tlie  modern  character. 

176.  B has  hsin,  heart,  at  the  bottom  instead  of  idem,  reversed 
liandH,  of  the  L.S. 

177.  B has  the  radical  7,  city,  at  the  right  side,  the  L.S.  has 
fou,  mound,  at  the  left.  But  the  twro  are  often  interchanged. 

179.  Note  the  difference  betw^een  B and  the  L.S.,  and  the 
confirmation  of  the  former  by  the  Bone  variants. 

182.  Here,  as  often,  the  radical  to  strike,  replaces  ko, 
halberd,  in  the  construction. 

185.  The  modern  form  follows  B and  not  the  L.S. 

187.  B omits  the  element  hoti,  mouth,  from  the  upper  part 
of  the  character. 

192.  The  tw^o  forms  differ  mainly  in  the  reversing  of  their 
constituent  halves. 

196.  It  is  interesting  to  see  that  B confirms  that  one  of 
the  modern  scriptions  in  column  1 which  Kanghsi  condemns 
.as  ^‘vulgar”. 

204.  B lacks  the  lowest  element  of  the  L.S. 

206.  B shows  that  the  upper  part  of  this  character  was  the 


THE  BUSHELL  liOWE 


455 


left  iiaif  of  M kufiu,  to  regard,  and  not  an  written  In  the  Tj.H. 
since. 

207.  35  fairl.x'  with  the  second  occasional  form  ” of 

tlie  Sliua  IRon 

210.  ]j  differs  in  arrangement  from  the  L.H.,  and  its  variaiioij 
is  siipported  by  the  Bone  fomis. 

213.  B 1 1 e re  i s v i r t ii ally  the  same  as  the  S . W . \s  eJi  o u we n form . 

21f5.  Note  that  B 1ms  f w,  earth,  at  bottom,  absent  in  the  L.S. 
Strictly  speaking,  the  latter  form  of  the  character  oiiglit  to  be, 
but  is  not,  composed  of  dm,  bamboo,  and  the  L.S.,  form  of  hsiang, 
to  sa£rifice,  shown  under  No.  24,  column  - B,  a^explained  in  the- 
note  on  that  entry. 

216.  B is  somewhat  nearer  the  Bone  form  than  to  either  the 
L.S.  or  Stone  Drums  variant. 

217.  B again  is  nearer  to  the  Bone  forms  than  to  the  L.S. 

220.  B here  once  more  affords  an  example  of  the  modern 
form  of  a character  not  being  derived  from  the  L.S.  B closely 
resembles  the  variant  cited  in  the  B.W.  from  the  works  of  the 
poet  Yang  Hsiung.  But  the  latter  misunderstood  the  construction 
of  the  character,  which  he  supposed  was  made  up  of  two  handn 
and  lisia,  below,  whereas  it  consists  really  of  hand  together  with, 
a phonetic  element  pai,  representing  a plant  in  linear  shape. 
Notice  that  both  in  Yang  Hsiung’s  variant  and  in  the  modern 
character,  this  plant  element  occupies  the  right  side  of  the 
compound,  while  in  B it  is  on  the  left. 

221.  B differs  from  the  L.S.  both  by  the  reversed^'position  of 
the  twm  halves,  and  by  having  the  (so-called)  radical  ^ hsieh, 
in  place  of  shou,  head. 

223.  B has  jen,  man,  at  the  right,  not  is'im,  inch,  as  in  the 
L.S.  and  modern  forms. 

224.  B has  the  right-hand  element  in  ^ diih,  to  grasp,  in 
place  of  shou,  hand,  of  the  L.S. 

227.  The  construction  of  B should  be  noticed.  It  contains 

7fe  hsien,  to  precede,  over  i du,  earth,  and  the  L.S.  and  modern 

forms  are  corruptions  of  this  combination. 

228.  Complicated  forms  similar  to  the  second  of  the  Bone 
variants  are  found  on  brohzes  also. 

231.  The  right  side  of  the  L.S.  and  modern  character  is 

2*  hi,  self,  but  in  B it  is  a form  of  A jdi,  man.  Very 

jKAs.  1912.  r 30 


456 


THE  BITSHELL  BOWL 


interesting’  I'joints  arise  in  connexion  with  tins,  bnt  they  cannot 
he  indicated  here. 

252.  here  stands  midway  between  the  L.H.  and  tlie  SJuio 
If  kif  irvn  form, 

254.  B is  ii  remarkable  and  very  rare  variant.  Only  om* 
otfiM*  (‘X?iin]de,  to  my  knowledjtcs  exists.  It  is  cited  by  the 
3?  MIi  j Shu  Tung,  from  a lironze  there  styled  the 
fjoblet  of  Fii  Kia,  ? fi*- 

250.  Not(^  the  difference  between  the  two  forms  and  tbt‘ 
constrnction  of  B,  the  left  half  of  which  is  really  /,  a character 
not  found  except  in  composition,  e.g.  in  |x  Ifin,  the  later  style 
of  the  Shang  dynasty.  The  older  versions  of  i show  it  as  the 
reversed  form  of  ^ hMu,  fmdtj.  In  view  of  this  and  of  the  fact 
that  it  cannot  have  a phonetic  value  in  kuei,  to  return,  we  may 
perhaps  assume  that  i once  had  some  such  sense  as  ‘‘  turn  round  ”, 
“return”.  I may  add  that  in  certain  compound  characters  on 
the  Bones  we  find  the  form  placed  last  in  column  4,  which 
closely  resembles  that  of  B. 

257.  The  enj^raver  has,  presumably  by  oversight,  omitted  the 
two  horizontal  lines  in  B. 

238.  Note  the  wide  difference  between  B and  L.S. 

241.  The  Htone  Drums  form  stands  midway  between  B and 
the  L.B.  The  Bones  support  B. 

245.  A rare  Bone  variant  supports  B to  some  extent. 

24G.  Idiis  is  by  far  the  most  difficult  character  in  the 
inscription,  and  has  defied  all  efforts  to  fix  its  true  identity, 
though  every  stroke  in  the  copper  is  now  perfectly  clear.  I will 
therefore  state  what  can  be  said  about  it,  and  leave  it  for  chance 
or  future  research  to  reveal  its  secret.  Only  one  other  instance 
of  its  occurrence  is  recorded.  That,  whether  by  coincidence  or 
not,  is  on  another  Bowl,  the  well-known  Ban  Bhili  P’an,  or  San 
Family  Bowl,  already  mentioned  in  this  paper.  On  that  antique 
it  is  the  last  character  of  the  inscription,  which,  unfortunately  in 
that  ])art  is  defective,  and  consequently  very  hard  to  understand. 
Yuan  Yuan  in  his  notes  on  the  passage  treats  the  character  as 
an  old  scription  of  ^ U,  a tripod  cauldron,  and  in  this  he  is 
followed  by  Wu  Bhih-fen  in  his  Chun  Ku  Lu.  But  such  an 
equation  does  not  satisfy  the  conditions,  for  neither  the  Bushell 
Bowl  nor  the  San  Shih  P’an  can  properly  be  styled  a li. 


™e  bushkll  bowl 


457 


Wu  'ra-cli’enj^'  cites  the  same  example  among  bis  unknown 
foi’inSj  and  laniards  no  guess.  Mr.  Takeda,  the  Japanese  author 
of!  the  67/ 7/0  Yamj  Ko  Tzil  Kien^  ch.xxvi,  p,  5,  and  Mr.  ('halfant 
in  his  Earh/  CJtmese  Writing,  p.  29,  identify  it  as  the  old  form 
of  M nung,  tillage,  farmer,  and  indeed  the  Sliuo  Wen  does  show 
that  the  Lesser  Heal  shape  of  nimg  is  extremely  like  onr  form, 
'the  difiicnlty  is  that  such  a word  seems  absolute! >'  impossible  in 
such  a context  as  ours.  On  the  other  hand,  the  characters 
Ei,  vessel,  or  Sl  pVm,  boivl,  would  suit  very  well,  but  not 
the  slightest  support  can  be  found  for  such  an  identification 
from  the  recorded  ancient  shapes  of  either  of  those  characters. 

246.  Note  the  difference  between  B and  the  L.S. 

247.  B and  the  L.S.  differ  in  construction,  the  former  having 
hsi,  west,  and  the  latter,  Ih  Ei,  that,  at  the  left  side. 


Journal  Roy.  As.  Soc.,  1912. 


Comparative  List  of  Characters  on  the  Bushell  Bowl. 

Abbreviations.  B B.-Bushell  Bowl.  L.S -Lesser  Seal.  S D.-Stone  Drums. 
C.-Chon  wen,  ar.d  K -Kii  wen,  forms,  from  the  Shuo  Wen.  H.-Honan  Bones. 

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MIS(]ELLA.FEO[JB'  COMMimiCATEGl^S 


The  KaTx\payai)J.  Notation  of  the  Second  AiiyA-  ' ' ■ 

SiDDHANTA 

In  iny  note  on  the  Katapayacli  system  of  expressing 
numbers,  given  in  this  Journal,  1911.  788  if.,  I said 
incidentally,  on  the  authority  of  statements  made  by 
two  or  three  writers  whicli,  I now  find,  are  not  sufficiently 
ex]dieit,  that  this  system  is  used  in  the  astronomical  work 
wliich  is  known  as  the  Second  Arya-Siddhanta.  I iiave 
recently  obtained  a copy  of  this  \vork  as  edited  by 
i\[ahainalmpadhyaya  Sudhakara  Dvivedi.^  I lind  that 
tlie  work  certainly  does  use  a Katapayadi  notation. 
But  its  system  differs  markedly  from  that  one,  described 
l)y  me,  which  is  taught  by  the  Paribhasha  verse 
Na~nav:::ac]i(d=c]ia,  etc.,  and  is  illustrated  by  the  examples 
given  by  me.  Also,  the  work  does  not  confine  itself  to 
the  Katapayadi  notation:  see,  for  instance,  p.  172  ff., 
verses  92-7,  where  it  uses  the  system  of  numerical  words. 

The  Katapaytldi  system  used  in  the  Second  Arya- 
Siddhanta,  is  defined  in  chapter  1,  verse  2,  a;S  follows  : — 

Kiipat=kat.apaya-purva 

varna  varna-kramaddbhavantj/^ahkah  l 
ilnau  sunyaili  pratham-arthe 
a chhede  ai  tritiy-arthe  11 

This  tells  ns  that  the  rows  of  letters  k to  ft,  t to 
/>  to  m,  and  y to  h or  I,  are  numbers  ; each  row"  running 
from  ' an  exemplar  or  single  specimen’,  which 

means  'one’:  also,  that  and  n are  ciphers.  To  this 
extent,  this  system  is  identical  with  the  one  already 

^ Under  the  title  Maha-Siddhanta,  a Treatise  on  Astronomy  by 
.Aryabhata”;  Benares,  1910. 


460 


THE  KATAPAYADr  NOTA'FION 


cleseribecl  by  me:  see  the  table  on  p.  791.  In  other 
r<‘spects  this  work  presents  a different  system,  which, 
HO  far  as  I lias  not  yet  been  found  used  any- 

where else. 

Tlie  first  iiiiportant  diderence  between  tln.^  two  systems 
is  as  follows.  The  system  as  taught  by  tlie  verse  Ka-nav, 
etc.,  is  sn])jeet  to  vx\\^  ramato  gcitih,  which 

means  that  the  numbers  rnuvst  be  stated  with  the  lowest 
figure,  tJie  unit,  first,  on  the  left,  but  are  to  be  applied  in 
the  opposite  direction , with  the  unit  on  the  riglit:  for 
instance,  in  a case  quoted  by  me  on  p.  790  we  htrve 

which,  means  1188.  But  the 
1‘nle  d-'/y/rovaTn’o  etc.,  does  not  apply  to  the  system  as  taiigiit 
l^y  the.  verse  Rupat,  etc.  In  accorclaiace  with  the  usual 
custom  oi*  tlie  southern  languages,  Tamil , Telugu,  and 
Kanarese,  and,  I presume,  Malayalam  and  Tulu,  the 
numbers  are  stated  witli  the  highest  figure  first,  and  are 
to  he  applied  in  that  same  direction.  Tims,  to  take 
a simple  instance  of  a small  number,  in  chapter  1, 
verse  10,  the  revolutions  of  the  apogee  of  the  sun  in  the 
Kalpa  are  given  by  g}iii(^)Aa{%ypa{\)h  : in  the  system 
previously  described,  tins  would  mean  104  : in  the  present 
system  it  means,  just  as  it  is  stated,  461. 

Anotlier  important  difference  is  this.  In  tlie  system 
taught  b}’  tlie  x'erse  Na-ndv,  etc.,  in  conjunct  consonants 
only  the  last  member  of  tlie  combination  lias  value  : for 
instance,  in  the  expression  delia-vyapya  quoted  just  above, 
tbe  r and  p have  no  values.  But  in  the  system  taiiglit 
by  the  verse  RU/pfd,  etc.,  every  consonant  has  value  : thus, 
in  this  system  tlie  same  word  would  liave  to  be  taken  as 
(fe(8)-/nd'8)-t’(4)-^6i(l)-|?(l)-2/a(l ),  and  \vouId  give,  not 
1188,  but  884,111.  Conjunct  consonants  are  not  found 
very  freely  in  the  Second  Arya-Siddhanta  : but  they  do 
occur:  in  chapter  1,  verse  6,  we  have  /tUd  ==  10 ; in 
verse  10,  tsa  = 67 ; in  verse:  15,  ska  = 71 ; in  verse  16, 
kbha  = 14 ; and  in  verse  21,  prtf,  = 12. 


THE  KATAPAVADI  XOTATIOK 


4,61 

In  the  system  taught  by  the  vense  initial 

vowels  are  ciphers.  The  \^eYBe  RajMt,  etc.,  says  nothing 
about  initial  vowels  : for  the  simple  reason  that  they  do 
not  enter  into  its  system  at  all  In  botli  systems,  otlier 
vowels  have  no  signihcance ; only  the  coiisonants  give 
numbers:  thus,  Jm,  ki,  ki,  etc.,  to  kau,  all  mean  1; 
kha,  khd,  khi,  kM,  etc.,  to  khem,  all  mean  2. 

The  last  part  of  the  verse  Riipdt,  etc.,  tells  us  that,  in 
tlie  separation  of  the  words  giving  numbers,  the  nominative 
plural  masculine  is  to  be  treated  as  ending  in  d,  and  the 
instrumental  as  ending  in  ai-;  so  as  to  avoid  a possibly 
resulting  s,  sit,  s,  or  r}  This  maj^  be  illustrated  by  the 
instance  given  by  tlie  editor  in  his  comments  on  the  verse  : 
we  can  denote  123  by  kakhagdh,  and.  OGO  b}'  tafxindh: 
but  if  we  want  to  express  "'123  x 060”,  we  must  take 
kakltagd  tatmmi  gunitdJi  : because,  if  we  take,  grani- 
maticall}^  kakhagds  iaianair  giinitdh,  this  would  give 
1237  X 6602  ’V-' 

In  the  Second  Arya-Siddhanta  I do  not  find  any 
tendency  to  use  the  Katapayadi  notation,  as  it  was  used 
elsewliere,  in  the  shape  of  words  having  particular 
meanings ; much  less  by  devising  sentences  such  as  the 
KlMgo-ntydn-Mesltam^dj'pa  which  I quoted  on  p.  789. 

I mentioned  (p.  789,  note  2)  that  Bentley  vsaid  tliat  the 

^ Any  use  of  the  uomin.  plural  neuter  and  the  instr.  singular  is  of 
course  barred  ; because  the  final  ni  and  na  would  always  give  a not 
wanted  cipher. 

- The  text  lias  l^een  edited  for  the  most  part  on  these  lines.  But  it 
seems  questionable  whether  the  author  wrote  on  them,  and  wliether  the 
manuscripts  follow  them.  The  word  chhede  in  the  Paribhasha  verse 
seems  to  imply  that  the  full  grammatical  forms  were  to  be  used,  and 
tliat  it  was  only  in  analysing  the  text  that  the  finals  in  question  were 
to  be  rejected.  The  editor  has  notified  no  fewer  than  ten  errata  in  his 
treatment  of  the  nominative  in  chapter  1,  verses  7,  8,  10,  11,  where  he 
has  given  it  as  ending  in  dk,  and  three  errata  in  respect  of  hi.s  treatment 
of  the  instrumental  in  verses  24,  27,  where  he  has  given  it  as  ending  in 
aih : and  this  is  suggestive  that  the  manuscripts  have  the  full  gram- 
matical forms,  and  the  editor  started  by  following  the  manuscripts,  and 
then  deviated  from  them  in  this  detail. 


THE  YCWAN’A  ANJD  THE  FARAHANG 


SiToiicl  \rya,»Sidi]lia,nta  is  elated  in  its  lirst  cliapter  iii  tlici 
year  442J1  (expired),  in  A.J).  I:'^i22,  but  Sh.  11 
I)iks!iit  said  that  its  date'  is  not  giTeii.  I camiiot  find  in 
tlie  text  Ijcfore  me  any  support 'for  Bentley’s  statement, 
wiiieli  would  seem,  tlierafore,.to  have  been  based  either  on 
suuio  iutorpolati'd  verse,  or  on  a .misinterpretation  of  some 
inimerieal  expression  ■Avhich.  I cannot  identity.  On  the 
otlier  hand,  chapter  2'  gives  an.  abstract  account  of 
a,  second  work,  the  Parasara-Siddhanta  t and  here  verse  2 


says,  l)y  way  of  giving  a venerable  antiquity  and  authority 
to  the  two  Sid(lhantas,  that  they  vvere  written: — Ishad- 
yate  Kalaii  yuge  ; '■'when  only  a small  part  of  the  Kali 
a.go  .Itacl  (.‘lapsed.”^  Tliere  are  no  clear  reasons  for 
following  81l  B.  Diksliit  in  placing  the  work  quite  so  early 
as  A.D.  950:  but  there  certainly  are  grounds  for  believing 
that  it  was  known  to  Bhaskaracharya,  who  wrote  in 
A.ix  1150. 


J.  F.  F.LEET.. 


The  Yojana  and  the  Parasang 

Since  writing  my  note  given  at  p.  229  ff‘,  above,  I have 
found  that  tlie  subject  of  the  yojana  has  been  treated 
in  the  Journal  Asialiq^ie^  Sept.-Oct.,  .1911,  p.  375  tf. 
M.  J.-A.  Deeourdemanche,  dealing  with,  the  long  ydja/aa  of 
32,000  hasta  or  cubits,  has  presented  there  the  conclusion 
tliat  it  was  equal  to  two  old  Persian  itinerary  2'Ktras€tn(js 
eacli  of  7670*40  metres,  and  its  value  was  15,340*80 
metres,  = 9*532312  miles.^ 

It  may  well  be  the  case  that  there  were  close  relations 
between  the  ancient  Hindu  and  Persian  measures ; and 
even  tliough  the  subdivisions  of  tlie  ‘parasany  do  not 
answer  to  those  of  the  yojana,  tliat  tlie  short  ydjana. 

^ In  the  other  Katapayadi  system  the  expression  Uliad-ydte  would  mean 
6160  : in  this  one  it  might  perhaps  be  interpreted  as  meaning  6816  : but 
we  are  still  only  in  the  year  5013. 

“ 1 use  39*37  inches  as  the  sufficiently  close  value  of  the  metre. 


HlNDfj  DIMENSIOKS  OF  THE  EARTH 


463 


of  16,000  lutda  was  tlie  Indiaii^  of  tlie 

PevHiiin  par  asa/ll fj  of  7670*40  metres,  = 4'76615()66  milesd 
But,  aceeptiiig  the  ARrluations  of  the  Persian  measures  and 
tiie  probabiiit}?-  of  a common  origin,  we  can  only  conclude 
tliat  measures  originally  identical  were  not  pi*eserved 
unaltered  in  the  two  countries  so  as  to  remain  exactly 
commensurate  with  each  other.  M.  Decourdemanche's 
value  of  the  long  ydjana  of  32,000  kasta  is  based  on 
an  assumption  that  the  ancient  Indian  cubit  was  of  the 
same  length  with  the  Babylonian  mean  cubit ; namely, 
0*4794  metre,  = 18*873978  inches.  But  Aryabhata  gave 
4 liuMa,  = 96  angiUct,  as  the  height  of  the  Indian  man; 
and  Yarahamihira  has  supplemented  his  statement  bj^ 
telling  us  that  that  was  the  height  of  the  normal  or 
average  man  (see  p.  232-3  above).  The  application  of 
the  value  of  the  Babylonian  mean  cubit  would  give 
6 ft.  3*495912  in.,  — practically  6 ft.  3|-  in.,—  as  the  accepted 
standard  lieight  of  tlie  normal  Indian  man.  We  cannot 
endorse  such  a result  as  this.  For  the  Indian  cubit 
we  cannot  admit  anything  in  excess  of  18  inches;  from 
which  we  liave  9*09  miles,  to  be  treated  practically  as 
9 miles,  as  the  value  of  the  long  ydjana,  and  4*54  miles,  to 
be  treated  as  4i-  miles,  as  tlie  value  of  the  short  ydjana, 

J.  F.  Fleet. 

Some  Hindu  Values  of  the  Dimensions  of  the  Earth 
The  Hindu  astronomers  were  accustomed  to  state  either 
the  diameter  of  the  eartli,  or  the  circumference,  or  both  : 
they  had  to  lay  down  the  diameter  for  calculating  the 
shadow  thrown  by  the  earth  in  lunar  eclipses ; and  the 
circumference  for  determining  longitudes,  as  denoted  by 

^ Al.  Deconrdeinaiiehe  lias  nob  mentioned  either  the  sliort  ijojaua  or  the 
ancient  original  Icrdsa  of  4000  luista : he  has  the  later  double  krokt  of 
8000  hmta.  He  has  called  this  parasang  the  paramnne  cV etapes,"' 
He  has  also  a par asange.  {schcem)  ” of  6903*36  metres  (nine>tentbs  of  the 
other),  = 4 '28954045  miles. 


4f)4  IfiXDU  OIMEKSfONS  OF  THE  EARTH 

<li.Mh‘iiieos  or  !)y  dirterences  of  time.  They  expressed  their 
values  iii  //d/HHOs.  ilnd ■ it ' may  be  noted  that,  as  they 
did  not  know  of  the  flattening  of  the  earth  towa-rds  tlie 
poh^s.  I)iit  ti’eated  the^  globe;  <as  a perfect  spliere,  any 
particular  vaim-;  of  the/  eircuriifereriee,  either  stated  or 
lu  he  (iediiced  from  a.  given  diameter,  rep]-eseiite< I exa.ct]y 
lht‘  meridiomil  as  well  as  the  equatorial  girth,  and  also  the 
giiah  round  any  other  terrestiial  great  circle. 

Ai^vabhata  f wrote  in  or  soon  after  A. I).  499)  gave  the 
tiiameter  as  1050  His  details  gi  ven  in  the  same 

]>lac«*  show  that  he  used  tlie  yojarm  of  B2,()00  luista  or 
cubits,  = 9 lidles  (see  p.  286  f.  above):  and  so  Ids  value 
for  the.  dianieter  wa,s  9450  miles.  He  liad  tt  ==  = 

8*1416,-  whiclj  gives  829(S’68  yqjarm  a,H  the  circumference; 
for  which  he  seems  to  have  taken  8800  = 29,700 

jiiiles,  in  ojaind  mnnbers:  at  any  rate,  this  is  the  figure 
stated  l)y  his  special  exponent  Lai  la,  ^vho  Iiad  tlie  sarne 
diameter  and  tlie  same  value  of  tt.** 

Erahmagufita  (wrote  A.D.  628)  gave  tlie  circuinferenee 
ns  5000  ydjdtui,  ==  45,000  milesd  From  this,  with  his 
value  TT  = \/ !()  ==:  8*1628,  we  have  as  the  diameter 
or  say  1581  ydjana^  ~ 14,229  miles. 

The  vSfirya-Siddhrmta,  1.  59  (from  about  a.d.  1000),  gives 
the  diameter  as  1600  yojann,  ^ 14,400  miles:  wlience, 
with  its  TT  again  =\/l0,  avo  liave  as  the  circumference 
5()59*()8  or  say  5060  yqjana,  = 45,540  miles. 

As  regards  the  merits  of  these  estimates,  we  need  onlj^ 
note  here  that  it  seems  customary  now  to  cpiote  7926 
or  7926*6  miles  as  the  mean  equatorial  diameter:''^  and 

^ OasagitikasifitriC  verse  5. 

- (.Tanitapfida,  verse  10. 

'*  Sisliyadluvriddhida,  }>.  10,  verse  56  ; for  tt  see  p.  ‘28,  verse  ;T 

^ Braliina-Siddhanfca,  p.  10,  verse  36  ; for  tt  see  p.  398,  verse  40. 

^ The  latest  retiiiemerits  seem  to  l>e  those  given  by  Young,  from  Clarke, 
in  his  Oeitoxd  Astronomy  (HK)4},  p.  601 : — 

ecpiatorial  semidiameter,  3903*296  miles  ; 
polar  ,,  3949*790  miles. 


HiNOr  DIMENSIONS  OF  THE  EAETH  465 

from  these  figures,  witli  nr  = 3*1 4159,  we  have  24,900  or 
24,902  miles  as  the  circii inference,  witlioiit  fractions. 

It  might  perhaps  be  thought  that,  hy  applying  the 
ydjaiKt  of  16,000  /iasfe.  = 4|  miles,  we  could  take  the 
statements  of  Brahmagupta  and  the  Surya-Siddhanta  as 
successive  improvements  on  that  of  Aryabhata,  and  so 
could  understand  them  as  giving  respectively  diameters 
of  *7115  and  7200  miles;  which  would  be,  for  tliose  times, 
<[uite  respectable  approximations  to  the  truth.  But,  even 
apart  from  the  point  tliat  there  is  no  evidence  to  show, 
and  nothing  to  lead  us  to,  think,  that  the  Hindus  ever 
made  any  independent  attempts  to  determine  tlie  dimensions, 
that  possibility  is  excluded  for  tlie  following  reasons.  The 
author  of  tlie  Surya-Siddhanta  belonged  to  tlie  same  school 
with  Bhattotpala  (wrote  a. ix  966) : and  the  latter  has  laid 
out  tlie  ydjcma  of  82,000  Imsta  = 9 miles.^  And  Bhaskara- 
charya  (wrote  A.D.  1150)  was  a follower  of  Brahmagupta: 
he  has  stated  the  diameter  at  1581  ydjcma,  and  the 
circumference,  with  a slight  refinement  of  Brahmagupta’s 
value,  at  4967  ydjana  : - and  he,  too,  laid  out  the  ydjcma 
of  9 miles.'^ 

So  far,  indec^d,  from  tliere  having  been  successive 
improvements,  the  reverse  was  the  case;  and  the  explana- 
tion seems  to  be  as  follows. 

If  the  value  of  the  Greek  c^tad’mni  is  taken  to  be 
606’75  feet,  the  ydjcma  of  9 miles  works  out  to  ISfU- 
Mculia.  If  the  stadium  is  taken  according  to  the  later 
valuation  at  582*48  feet,  the  ydjancc  works  out  to  81-H-jr 
■stadia.  In  either  case,  we  can  liardlv  doubt  that  the 
Hindu  astronomers  would  take  for  convenience,  according 
to  tlieir  liabit,  1 ydjanch  ==  SO  stadia  in  round  numbers : 
in  fact,  the}?-  would  only  be  doing  just  what  Megasthenes 

^ Commentary  on  tie  Brihat-Samhita,  vol.  I,  p.  48. 

- Siddhanfcasiromaiii,  ed.  Bapu  DevaSastri,  p.  52,  verse  I : in  verse  52 
on  p.  261  he  has  given  the  diameter  more  precisely  as  1581  A-. 

Lllavati,  verses  5,  6 : he  lias  referred  expressly  to  this  in  his  statement 
under  Siddhantasi roman i,  p.  52,  verse  1. 


IIIMli;  DDUCN.SIOX.S  OF  TOE  E.-UtTH 


4t)l) 

I, He<‘  p,  2.*]8  above)  when  he  preHeiiied  10  nitidia  as 
the  praetiea)  equivalent  of  1 hroki.  = -y'  of  a ijojivan^ 
liratosthenes  (b,c.  276-1.9'6) 'arrived  hy  expeihiuuit  and 
euliiilation  at  2504)00  ' circuroference  of 
the,  eai'ih : fur  whieli.  recoeDizine'  that  his  result  was 
unly  appruxintahe  h<.t  substituted  252,000  .s/o<7/e,  so  as  to 
liave  a.  uuinlx'u*  divisible  exactly  by  860,  giving  1.  degi'ee  == 
700  sftfiJUj.}  TiiLs  value  was  accepted  Hipparchus 

‘ Asfrihtonuj  of  th&  Auments  (1862),  p.  198;  Birnbui'y,  J 

(2iifl  <^d.,  1888),  vol.  1,  p.  028.  The  equivalent  is  28,959 
or  27,890  111  ties,  accfntli  ng  to  the  t wo  valuations  of  the  stadium.  But  we 
.•ire  eoiieenied  Iiere  with  tlie  actual  figures,  not  with  the  values  of  them. 

On  rlie  as^uiiiption  that  Eratosthenes  had  jiraetically  the  true  circum- 
ference, proposals  have  been  made  on  the  one  side  to  determine  the  value 
of  tlie  .stadium  from  liis  figures,  and  on  the  other  side  to  decide  which 
one  ho  used  out  of  various  ,s-todfa.  But  it  is  reasonable  to  hold,  with 
Hunhury  ({,>.  024),  that,  writing  for  Greeks,  lie  used  the  customary 
<h-cck  still le,  tlie  length  of  which  was  familiar  to  them  all”:  and  a 
perusal  of  det.ails  fully  justifies  the  same  writer\s  decision  that  “ his 
eoiiclusion  \v’as  erroneous,  because  his  data  were  inaeciirate,  and  his 
observations  defecti^’e.”  His  proce.ss  was  tlie  proper  one,  of  arc - 
measurement ; and  we  know  that  similar  attempts  were  made  in  other 
countries  also  in  early  times  : but  we  have  no  good  reason  for  lielieving 
I hat  any  early  people  could  perform  the  operation  with  an}"  real 
approach  to  accuracy ; they  could  not  determine  with,  sufficient  exaet- 
iiess  either  the  distance  between  any  two  points  or  the  latitudes  of  them. 

vEratost4ienes  may  be  treated  reasonably  thus.  According  to  the  two 
valuations  of  the  Htadimn,  liis  original  estimate  for  the  circumference, 
250,099 comes  to  28, 728  or  27,579  miles,  and  with  tt  = 3T4159  these 
give  as  tlie  diameter  9144  or  8778  miles  ; all  without  fractions.  These 
results  may  he  regarded  as  creditable  enough  for  so  early  a time,  thoiigli 
they  were,  of  course,  useless  foi*  any  really  seientific  purposes  : even  the 
higher  of  them  is  not  very  much  more  faulty  in  excess  than  w"as,  in  the 
opposite  direction,  the  estimate  (see  farther  on)  which  prevailed  in 
Europe  till  nearly  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

For  an  idea  of  the  delicacy  and  difficulty  of  the  operation  of  are- 
measurement,  reference  may  be  made  to  Airy’s  Popular  Astronomy, 
revised  issue  of  1891,  pp.  50-7L  See  also  .Proctor’s  Old  and  Nmn 
Astronomy  (1892),  pp.  87~9L 

The  modern  measurements  which  have  given  us  the  true  dimensions 
began  in  1528 ; see  Airy’s  Figure  of  the  Earth  ” in  the  Encyclopiedia 
Metropolitana,  vol.  5,  Mixed  Sciences,  vol.  3 (1845),  pp.  165-240:  I am 
indebted  to  Br.  Burgess  for  drawing  my  attention  to  this  article.  In 
that  year,  Fernel  found  the  value  of  one  degree  on  the  north  of  Paris- 
to  be  56,746  toises : with  the  toise  taken  at  2T315  yards,  this  gives. 


HINJ>LT  DIMENSIONS  OF  TEE  EARTH 


46T; 

102  -145)  und.  Strabo  (?lic.  54  - ajj.  24)4  And  ii 
.story  told  by  Pliny  ( a,d.  23-79)  about  a certain  ]Jion\^so- 
dr)rns  shows  that,  witli  the  rougli  value  tt  = 3,  tln^ 
diiiineder  was  taken  at  84,000  siadht?  This,  divided  In’* 
80,  Aiyabliata’s  value  of  the  diameter,  1050  'jjdjdWJ.:’ 

Aristotle  (irc.  384  -322)  quoted  400,000  staduh  as  the* 
value  of  the  circumference  of  the  earth  which  had  been 
calculated  bj"  matheinaticiansd  This,  divided  by  80,  gives 
Brahmaguptas  value,  5000  ydjana. 

It  can  hardh^  be  doubted  that  tlie  origin  of  Aryabhatats 
value  for  tlie  diameter  of  tlie  earth  is  the  rough  diameter 
of  Eratosthenes’  estimate  of  the  circumference.  And  it 
seems  also  a plain  conclusion  that  Bralimagupta’s  value 
for  the  circumference  is  simply-  the  Indian  equivalent  of 

r'-'  ==:  (58*7*24  ; iiiul  from  this  we  slioiild  have  circumference  24,740 

miles  and  diameter  7S75  miles,  without  fractions.  Other  measurements 
were  made  in  or  about  1G17  and  1037.  In  1009,  Picard  obtained  the 
result  of  57,000  toises,  = 09*104  miles,  as  the  mean  value  of  one  degree 
hetAVceii  Bourdon  and  Alalvoisine,  which  would  give  circumference 
24,877  miles  and  diameter  7912  miles.  And  this  last  result,  becoming 
known  to  Newton,  enabled  him  to  establish  in  1687  his  theory  of 
gravitation,  in  respect  of  which  he  had  previously  failed  in  consequence 
of  following*  the  then  still  usual  estimate  of  60  miles  as  the  length  of 
a degi’ee,  with  the  result  of  21,000  miles  circumference  and  0875  miles 
diameter. 

^ Bunbury,  op.  cit.,  vol.  2,  pp.  9,  228-9. 

- Nafura/  2.  1 12.  The  story  was  that,  after  his  death,  there 

was  found  in  his  tomb  a letter  from  him,  stating  that  he  had  descended 
to  the  lowest  part  [the  centre]  of  the  earth,  and  that  the  distance  [the 
radius]  was  42,000  stadia, 

*'  His  value  for  the  circumference  of  course  woidcs  out  to  more  than 
that  of  Jlratosthenes  ; because  it  was  the  figures  for  the  diameter  that 
lie  took  over,  and  he  applied  to  them  the  practically  correct  value  w = 
3*1410,  instead  of  the  rough  value,  3,  by  which  they  had  been  obtained. 

Bunbury,  op.  cit.,  1.  396.  The  equivalent  is  46,080  or  44,1*27 
miles,  according  to  the  valuations  of  the  stadium.  This  value  of  the 
circumference  perhaps  was  (but  perhaps  was  not)  associated  by  the 
mathematicians  with  the  idea  of  the  earth  being  a flat  disc  ; a view 
*which  Aristotle  rejected  : he  held,  with  the  Pythagoreans,  that  the 
earth  is  a sphere.  Bub  it  does  not  follow  that  the  idea -would  reach 
the  Hindus  with  the  measure : and  any  circular  plan,  with  dimensions 
marked  on  it,  would  show  the  earth  as  a flab  surface,  even  though  it 
was  known  to  be  a sphere. 


MIH 


HINDU  1>LMEN8K>NH  OF  THE  EARTH 


i1m.‘  valiir  reported  by  Aristotle.  It  woiilrl  be  in  teres  tiiio- 
if  we  enuld  useerhiili.  hew  it  was  that  Brcilnaaonpta,  tlie, 
later  in  date,  went  ba.ek  to  a sonree  earlier  tlian  lhal 
nsr‘d  !)y  his  predecessoip  AryaMiata.^ 


\'iirrih<‘iniihir;i..  (died  A.i).  o87)  has  -not  stated  the  diameter 
fd*  tle.t  earth,  but  lias  given  the  circaimtoreiice  as  d20(> 
tfoj a n a ; a..ppn  reiitly  from  1 1 le  O ri ginal  Siiry a-Siddhai  i t.*i 
ami  tlu‘  Paulisa.-  This  seems  to  l>e  a siibstituto  for 
Aryaljhata’s  :>>00  y^jima,  with  a view  to  having  Ahir  == 
Vh  as  more  ea.sy  to  manipulate  than  hMf  = the 

value  of  cue  degree  in  the  equator,  a. 

meridian,  and  any  other  great  circle. 

The  kSurya-Siddhanta’s  value  of  tlie  diameter,  160() 
ijOfauif,,  s»*ems  to  be  only  Brahmagupta’s  value,  1581 
ijOjaitfi,  tui'ued  into  a round  number  in  tlie  usual  fashion. 
The  wa.\'  in  wdiich  the  Siddhanta  states  it,  is  itself 
indicative  of  this  : the  text  says  that  tlie  diaiheter  is 
800  ijOjaum,  i.e.  tlie  radius,  multiplied  by  2 ; and 
Bralimagupta  s radius,  790  or  791  yOjana,  would  suggest 
the  substitution  of  800  even  more  readily  than  1581 
would  suggest  tlie  substitution  of  1600. 

In  the  case  of  Brahmagupta  there  is  the  curious  point 
that,  while  he  lias  given  5000  yojmia  as  the  circumference 
in  the  passage  mentioned  above,  and  has  stated  it  wdtli 
a \dew  to  calculating  the  demniara  or  ditterence  of 
place’  (longitude),  in  anotlier  passage  lie  has  indicated 
(fuite  a diiterent  value : lie  there  says  tliat  the  difference 

^ Another  Ureek  value  was  that  of  Posidonius  (about  b.c.'.  Kkj-ol), 
who  reduced  the  eireu inference  first  to  240,000  and  then  to  l<S0,000.s'/a':ffo: 
Lewis,  [i,  215  ; Bunhury,  vol.  2,  pp.  95,  539.  This  latter  figure,  180,000, 
was  taken  ovav  by  Marinus  of  Tyre  (second  century),  and  was  adopted 
from  him  }>y  Ptolemy  (a.d.  139  and  101)  : Bunbiiiy,  vol.  2,  pp.  539,  504. 
The  equivalent  is  20,085  oi'  19,857  miles.  The  Hindils  Avonhl  denote 
the  180,000  dadift  by  2250  yojmia  : but  such  a value  does  not  seem  to  ])e 
found  in  their  books, 

- Panchasiddhantika,  trans.,  p.  71,  verse  18  ; and  compare  p.  16, 
verse  14  ; p.  57,  verse  10. 


jnXDlJ  DIMENSIONS  OF  THE  EAETH 


4()9 


ol*  time  on  eaeli  side  ()iV  the  piime  ineridiaii  'UddI, 
= 24  minutes,  for  (30  ^ and  this  postulates  an 

equatorial  circumference  of  only  3600  = 32,400 

miles.  Further,  Alberuni, while  mentioning  1581  yojana, 
eaeli  of  8 ' miles  ’,  i.e.  kroms  (see  p.  239  above),  as  Brahma- 
o-upta’s  value  of  the  diameter,  has  represented  liim  as 
using  in  his  Kliandakhadya  still  another  value  for  the 
circumference,  namely  4800  ydjanar  This  I am  not  abhi 
to  verify:  but  it  may  be  a substitute,  for  some  general 
purposes,  for  the  4743  which  would  be  deduced  from  the 
diameter  of  1581  with,  the  value  7r  = 3,  which  is  mentioned 
by  Brcrlimagupta  as  giving  the  injdvakdrika  or  rougli 
practical  circumference.'^ 


Jervis  quoted  the  following  other  values:'^-— 


Lagl  III-  Vasishtha-  Siddhanta 

A 

Siddhantasekhara . . . . 


( diain.  1581  ydjana. 

( circ.  4966  ,, 

f diam.  1581 

I circ.  5000  ,, 


Sar  vabhauma-  Sid  d han  ta 
Arya-Siddhtota  . . . 


[ diam.  1600 
( circ.  5026 
circ.  6625 


There  is  no  difficulty  in  recognizing  the  bases  of  the 
statements  of  the  first  three  works.  The  fourth  work  is 
the  Maha-Siddhanta  or  Second  Aiya-Siddhanta,  which 
says  (p.  39,  verse  56)  that  the  circumference  is  6625 
ijojana  — tct-yajj-angida-manenak  the  measure  of  tlie 


angida  of  six  yavad'  This  is  only  another  variety  of 
the  same  estimate  : 6625  ydjcmas  of  this  kind  would  be 
equal  to  4968  or  4969  ydjcmas  by  the  measure  of  the 

^ Brahma-Sicidhanta,  p.  414,  verse  10. 

- Trans.,  vol.  i,  p.  312. 

*'  Brrdima-Siddhanta,  p.  198,  verse  40. 

Primitive  Universal  Standard  of  Weights  and  Measu7'es  (1835),  p.  73. 
It  may  be  noted,  as  a cnriosit}^  that  on  p.  53  he  made  practical  use  of 
the  long  value  of  tt  quoted  by  me  in  this  Journal,  1911.  793,  and  took 
the  decimal  even  two  places  farther,  ending  with  32384, 


4'70 


rUEMATtriX  AND  BURIAL  IK  THK  RUVEUA 


of  oioiit  i/dra,  Pc*rlia]>s  soum-  n^adoi*  cjf  this 
JouriinJ  hi  i'lic  extreme  South  of  luclia  cau  gi\“e  us  mon* 
information  about . this  ■ ang^da  of  the  Second  Aiya- 
Siddiulnia  and  the  ydjana  Ijased  on  it : I laive  not  a.s  yet 
fouisd  them  used  anywhere  d Be.  ■ 

J..  F.  Fleet.  , 


Cremation  and  Burial  in  the  Egveda 
In  his  elaborate  treatise  on  Jlte  Early  Age  of  . Greece  ^ 
Professor  Ridgeway  has  laid  great,  and  indeed  excessive, 
stress  on  the  importance  of  the  difference  betweeii 
cremation  and  burial  as  indicating  racial  distinctions.  Tims 
he  has  argued  that  the  practice  of  burial  in  Mycenean/^ 
civilisation,  as  contrasted  with  the  practice  of  cremation, 
which  is  decisively  Homeric,  is  to  be  explained  by  the  fact 
that  on  the  earlier  civilization  had  been  imposed  a later 
structure  in  the  shape  of  an  Achsean  inroad,  the  ^chseans 
being  of  Celtic  stock,  and  coming  from  northern  lands 
where  cremation  had  become  usual,  wliile  the  Aclueans  ho 
sliarply  distinguislied  from  Dorians,*''  who  were  Illyrians^ 
by  their  method  of  disposal  of  the  dead,  the  Dorians 
practising  interment  and  not  burning. 

Now  it  is  wortli  noticing  tliat  Professor  Ridgeway’s 
own  evidence  from  Hallstadt  and  elsewhere ''  shows  that 
cremation  and  burial  often  existed  contemporaneously, 
and  that  in  some  places  the  rich,  in  some  the  poor,  were 
Imried,  in  some  places  were  burned.  Tliese  facts  he 
^ See  i,  481"'55L  - i,  514. 

’’  CL  “Minos  the  Destroyer’^  {Brit.  Acad.  F roc  ted  inns,  iv),  p.  28. 
But  we  have  no  real  evidence  of  wdiat  the  Dorians  did  for  centuries  after 
tlieir  entry  into  Greece,  and  this  argument  from  their  later  usages  is  not 
cogent- 

^ “AVho  were  the  Dorians?”  in  Anthropological  £Jssayi<  presented,  to 
E.  B.  Tylor,  pp.  295  seqq.  Murray,  Kkc  of  the  Greek  Epic-,  p.  Ol,  n., 
suggests  that  the  Dorians  were  the  tribe  of  the  hand  (5wpor),  quoting  the 
lambda  on  their  shields.  Unhappily  for  this  wild  guess,  SidcDyi  does  not 
mean  “ moving  the  hand  ” either  in  Greek  or  in  Sanskrit. 

® i,  429,  439,  495-8. 


CREMATION  ANB  BURIAL  IN  THE  ROVED  A 


47 1. 


explains  b}"  tlie  view  that  this  is  a sign  of  the  inter- 
mingling  of  two  populations,  the  Mediterranean  race'’^ 
and  the  Alpine  or  Celtic  stock,  in  the  localities  in  question. 
But  tlicre  is  not  the  slightest  trace  of  any  reason  to  assert 
that  the  two  strata  of  the  population  (assuming'  that  they 
existed)  were  differentiated  in  matter  of  disposal  after 
death ; tliat  tin's  was  so  can  onh-^  be  inferred  if  we 
establish  othei*wise  that  difference  in  mode  of  disposing  of 
tlie  dead  is  an  essential  sign  of  race  difference. 

Now  Professor  Ridgeway^  cites  the  Vedic  Indians  as 
a people  wdio  burned  their  dead,  and  he  traces  them  In' 
this  characteristic  back  to  Central  Europe.  But  it  is 
quite  certain  tliat  our  earliest  evidence  is  unfavourable  to 
his  view.  In  the  Rgveda‘^  we  find  expressly  mentioned 
as  Pitrs,  and  therefore  as  belonging  to  tlie  Aryan  rulers 
and  not  to  the  Sfidra  or  aboriginal  population,  those  ye 
agnidagdhcl  ye  dnagnidagdliah,  and  the  Atharvaveda  ^ 
tells  us  of  the  Pitrs  ye  nihliCita  ye  pm^opta  ye  dagdhd  ye 
coddhitaU.  It  is  unnecessary  to  consider  closely  w'hat  is 
denoted  by  the  two  additional  categories,^  but  here  we  have 
clear  evidence  of  the  existence  of  both  customs  simul- 
taneously among  one  people.  Nor  can  we  follow  Oldenberg^ 
in  denying  that  the  usage  of  burial  is  to  be  seen  in 
another  passage  of  the  Rgveda  which  tells  earth  to  receive 
the  dead.  It  is  perfectly  true  that  the  later  ritual  ^ adapts 
tlie  passage  to  the  case  of  the  interment  of  bones  after 
cremation,  but  this  is  no  proof  of  its  earlier  use,  and,  so 

‘ See  e.g.  Sergi,  The  Mediterranean  jRace,  1901  ; Ripley,  The  Races  oj 
Europe^ 

- i,  532  seqq.  ® x,  15.  14.  ^ xviii,  2.  34. 

pdroptdh  refers  perhaps  to  exposure  (as  in  Iran)  of  the  dead  bodj?'  to 
the  elements  and  the  birds  and  beasts,  a practice  not  unknown  in  later 
India  (see  Vincent  Smith,  Early  History  of  India?,  pj).  143,  144  ; Nariman, 
JR  AS.  1912,  p.  257) ; iiddhitdh  to  exposure  on  a platform  or  tree. 

Religion  des  Veda,  p.  571.  He  does  not,  however,  suggest  that 
burial  was  not  known. 

’ X,  IS.  9-13.  See. also  Atharvaveda,  xviii,  2,  50-2. 

^ Oldenberg,  op.  cit.,  p.  580. 


472 


CItKMATICW  AKB  BUEIAL  IN'  THE  BOVia)A 


fa.r  fro!ii  hahv^  notJiing  in  tlie  laiioiiage  to.  show  tliat 
cit  a corpse  is  meant,  the  whol«3  passa,<»*e  is  full 
of  such  iiHlimtions.:  the  earth  -is  to  open  up,  a thousand 
pillars  an*  to  keep  it  up,  houses  dropping  ghee  are 
t<j  In*  a>signe<i  to  the  d.ead,  a pillar  (sihafjil)  is  to  be  sob 
up.  All  ilsese  are '■expressions  little  litting*  tlie  small 
ca\'ity  onpiired  by  a few  charred  bones,  but  admiraldy 
remiiiisceiii  of  the  stately  tombs  of  Alycenje.  Tims,  as 
a tolcmi  of  racitd  distinction  creination,  and  burial  cannot 
])tt  successfully  used  in  face  of  the  Vedic  evidence,  ■which 
presents  us  wiUi  early  reliable  proof  of  the  coexistence  of 
eithe.r  usage,  a coexistence  which  it  may  be  added  is 
attested  loi*  later  India  througii  all  tlie  ages.  With  this 
may  be  compai'ed  the  evidence  of  Ling  Roth  ^ regarding 
the  Tasmanians  who  practised  simultaneously  .hsverai 
^’e^y  ditiVa'ing  modes  of  burial,  and  in  wliose  case  racial 
groumls  of  distinction  are  not  obvious. 

It  is  not,  of  course,  easy  to  see  wliy  Horner  should  know 
ur  mention  but  one  mode  of  disposal  of  the  dead,  but 
Professor  Ridgeway's  theory  - really  does  not  help.  On 
his  owji  \'iew  the  Achseans  were  a mere  aristocracy  who 
ruled  over  an  earlier  race,  and  the  poet  must  liave  known, 
botli  burial  (used  by  tliat  race)  and  cremation,  and  not 
cremation  alone ; ecpially  possibly  the  change  of  the 
prevailing  mode  of  disposal  of  the  dead  may  have 
resulted  from  other  motives,  some  elrange  in  the  mode 

^ The  TamianianSf  ].,>p.  T28  seqq.  Cf.  Lang,  7Vie  World  of  B.oimi\ 
pp.  4,  105 -12, 

It  is  acce})ted  by  Burrows,  Dkcoveries,  in  Crete^  ]:,>p.  209-13,  .r)or])feld\s 
nigoiiions  view  {Melanges  Bicole,  pp.  95  seqq.)  that  in  all  eases  burial 
look  place,  but  in  some  scorching  (occasionally  leading  to  complete 
burning)  as  a quasi  means  of  embalming,  is  quite  impossible  in  view  of 
the  language  of  Homer  as  well  as  archmological  evidence.  It  is, 
however,  probable  tliab  the  use  of  rapxlniu  in  //.  vii.  85  ; xvi,  457,  is 
a pi'oot  that  Homer  knew  of  burial  as  an  alternative,  as  Zehetmaier 
{Leichenrerhreii'irung  mid  LeichenheMattung  ini  alien  Hellas,  pp.  123,  122) 
argues.  Zehetmaier  is  not  a believer  in  the  racial  distinction  of  modes 
of  burial,  an(}  it  is  hard  to  see  what  ground  there  is  a priori  for 
aeceptanca;  of  the  theory. 


CKEMATIOK  AND  BTJBTAL  IN  THE  .RGVEDA 


478 


of  regarding'  the  spirit,  or  perhaps  tlie  necessity  of 
f oreign  warfare,  like  the  attack  on  Ilion,  and  this  may 
have  ])een  hronght  about  witliont  any  change  of  race  at 
till}  Or,  again,  it  is  perfectly  possible  that  tliere  was 
iidiuence  from  tlie  nortli  by  peaceful  contact,  not  by 
compiest.  Kor  ]!eed  we  doubt  that  tribal  movenieiits  were 
known  ])eEore  the  Achfcan  and  Dorian  iin'asious.  What 
is  certainly  not  rendered  even  probable  by  the  evidence 
is  that  there  was  ever  a great  Ac]ia3a.n  invasion  of 
(Jelts^  practising  burning,  not  burial,  upon  an  earlier  purely 
aboriginal  population  which  was  Indo-European  in  speech 
hut  melanchrous  and  rather  small  in  stature,  and  wliich 
buried  its  d*‘ad.  All  the  evidence  so  far  available  jiisti ties 
us  ratlier  in  asserting  tliat  the  aboriginal  people  did  not 
speak  an  Indo-European  tongue,  and  that  the  Aclneans 
were  only  the  cliief  and  for  a time  the  political  leaders 
of  tlie  many  xiryan  Greek  tribes**^  wlio  at  some  uncertaiii 
date — perliaps  in  special  strength  in  the  fifteenth  centuiy  ^— 

’ Jt  may  liave  )»een  aristocratie,  but  aristocracy  is  not  necessarily  raciag 
and  Homer  is  doubtless  in  })art aristocratic,  but  be  describes  the  burning 
of  tin?  oivliuary  soldier  as  well  as  of  tbe  chief  (e.g.  Eipenor’s  burial  ; 
cf,  Lang,  Jlouirr  null  his  Age,  p.  99).  Murray,  Bise  of  the  Greek  Epic^y 
p.  90,  lays  stress  on  tbe  desire  to  avoid  Ijarm  to  tlie  body  of  the  deadj 
•which  is  not,  ho-s^ever,  altogether  consistent  with  the  raising  of  a mound 
over  the  as}l(^s,  and  he  does  not  insist  that  it  was  iritro<Iuced  merely  by 
the  northern  invaders  (whom  he  brings  to  Mj^kenai  in  the  time  of  its 
burials)...  . . 

- The  Oelti(j  theory  is  not  to  be  pressed  ; that  the  Greek  iii%^adets 
were  Aryans  is  clear  ; that  they  spoke  before  the  invasion  during 
a sojourn  in  the  Danidjian  region  an  Aryan  tongue  is  also  clear,  and 
])robab]y  it  would  ap].)roximate  more  closely  to  the  Teutonic  and  Celtic 
speeches  than  it  did  later — though  we  do  not  know  for  this  early  period 
the  nat  ure  of  the  Teutonic  and  Celtic  speeches  or  their  differentiation  (if 
the  difiei’cntiation  which  is  usually  ascribed  to  a racial  mixing  of  the 
Celts  had  eomuiencecl ).  But  that  the  Achieans  were  really  Celtic  in  any 
precise  sense  is  a pn'iori  improbable,  and  the  labialism  argument  has 
Ijeen  refuted  by  Monro,  J{ome7'^s  Odyssey,  p.  487. 

lonians,  Pelasgians  perhaps,  and  Miiiyai  must  be  reckoned  here  with 
others.  The  Aclucans  may  have  been  and  probably  -were  later  comers 
than  these. 

^ The  end  of  late  Miiioan  (or  Cnossus)  II.  It  seems  to  follow  tlie  sack 
r of  the  palace  about  1400  B.c,,  see  Burro-ws,  pp.  94-7,  which  Ridgeway 


474 


THE  AM  A jmi  A -S  A 1 1 A 


ill  IJrf*e.ce,  introducing  the  (h*eek  tongue.  Bui  wn 
euiuioi  p*'),stiilate  that  these  invaders  practised  crcuiiatioii 
u/oi/c  satber  when  they  entered  Greece  ui*  after  tlie\' 
setth‘d  there.  MortMiver,  Professor  Ridge  wa.y  seems  to  liaAMi 
o\(‘rlooked  the  date  of  the  Vedic  evidenct?  foi-  cremation 
when  lie  insists  that  the  Pfindiis  derived  tlie  practice  from 
Central  Hurtjpe.^  Tiie  evidence  of  the  RgrexUi  cannot 
reaisoiiahly  be  regarded  as  later  than  1200  and  may 
w<‘]l  l)e  centuries  older,  and  the  evidenc(‘  for  ci-emation  in 
Central  Europe  so  early  is  very  feeble. 

A.  hjEEKIEDALE  KeITH. 


The  Paramaetha-saiia 

Mr.  So\’ani's  arguments  may  be  briefly  answered.  We 
ha\‘e  (1)  Abhinavangupta’s  Paraiiiartha-saraj  a poem  in 
105  anjCh  \’erses,  wliicli  niodestly  claims  to  be  an  abridg- 
ment of  an  older  work  styled  AibiaiB-karikalC"’  and 
purporting  to  luu'e  been  delivered  by  tlie  serpent-king  Sesa 
to  an  inquirer,  and  secamdly  (2)  a work  that  has  been 
piililislied  in  four  editions,  viz.,  ]>y  Bala  Hastri  in  tlie 
Fa-ndit,  by  Kevalclin  at  the  Naval kisor  Press,  by  tlie 
compiler  of  the  Sabda-kalpa-driima,  and  by  Pattisapu 

ucoe])t<^.  Probably  Greeks  were  in  (Ireece  prop<ir  for  soiuo  generations 
or  possibly  centuries  earlier;  Hall,  OkUst  CinliKatioii  of  ih'eec<t^  \xeni 
perhaps  too  far  in  ascribing*  to  them  a large  influence  on  tlie  Aliiioaii 
culture.  Burrows,  pp.  14(5,  194,  shows  the  evidence  against  the  Indo- 
European  character  of  the  language  of  the  ATediterranean  race  as  doi'ived 
from  traces  of  it  in  Egyptian,  in  Welsh,  and  Irish  as  compared  witii 
Beiher  and  Egyptian,  8ee  also  Kretschmer,  0(xdu  d,  tjrkcli.  Sprachf', 
and  Fick,  Vorf/rlechm'lie  Ortsnamen  and  Jlaltkltu  nnd  Daiuibier  hi 
(Jrkcheiikind.  Conway'S  view  (BSA.  viii,  125  seqq.  ; x,  115  seqq.)  that 
this  language  is  Aryan  is  based  on  a series  of  improbable  suppositions, 
and  is  rightly  rejected  by  Burrows  (pp.  151  seqq.)  and  Aliirray, 

^ 8ee  i,  495,  5U0,  503,  500,  548.  He  regards  the  Hindus  as  making  their 
w'ay  into  India  before  the  beginning  of  the  iron  age,  1400  b.c.,  and  How 
much  earlier  who  can  say  ? ” But  there  is  no  conclusive  evidence  to 
prove  that  the  Indians  came  from  Central  Europe  (the  pros  and  cons  are 
too  evenly  balanced  to  render  any  opinion  useful),  and  there  is  certainly 
none  as  to  the  date  of  the  beginning  of  the  iron  age  there  or  elsewhere  in 
Europe  at  1400  b.c. 


GINGEK 


475 


W*nkatesvai.'U(Iu  \u  .^^adras.  The  latter  work  as  2>resriited 
in  these  four  editions  contains  respectivelj"  80,  89,  70,  and 
TO  stanzas.  My  view,  as  expressed  in  the  J1L4.S.  of  1910, 
p.  708,  is  tliat  tlie  latter  is  mainly  l)orrowecl  from 
Ai>hinava-gupta\s  P°,  and  dressed  up  so  as  to  wear  tl;i(^ 
aspect  of  ortliodox  Vaisnava  monism,  though  possibly  it 
may  liave  been  based  upon  tlie  lost  original  of  Abliinava- 
gupta’s  poem.  Mr.  Sovani,  on  the  contrary,  has  discovered 
tliat  this  precious  tract,  which  in  its  various  recensions 
(^eutains,  as  T have  said,  between  70  and  89  verses,  is  tbe 
original  Adliara-karikah  of  which  Abliinava-guptas  P° 
{containing  105  stanzas)  is  an  abridgment.  On.  tliis 
discovery  comment  is  superfluous.  I content  myself  with 
!H‘marking  that  Mr.  Sovani’s  arguments  prove  precisely 
nothing.  Tlie  coinmentator  on  the  Prabodlui-candrodaya 
is  late  (sixteenth  centuiy) ; the  Prabodlia  - sudliakara 
ilirows  no  light  whatever  on  tlie  subject;  and  his  further 
observations  on  Patahjali  are  quite  irrelevant. 

L.  I).  Bahnett. 

Ginger 

On  j).  1G9  of  this  Journal  for  1905,  Dr.  Tliomas 
expressed  doubts  as  to  the  derivation  of  tlie  Sanskrit 
w'ord  sribguA.'era  = Greek  = German  Ingiver 

English  ''ginger'’.  I think  it  is  quite  evident  that 
llie  second  half  of  it,  vera,  goes  back  to  the  well-known 
])!-avi(lian  word  ver  (Kanarese  her),  "a  root.”  Tliis 
derivation  was  tirst  suggested  by  Dr.  Guilder t in  ZDMG., 
vol.  xxiii,  p.  518,  and  in  his  Malayalam  dictionary, 
s.v.  inji,  where  ^chifiji-ver  is  assumed  to  be  tbe  original 
.Draviclian  form  of  the  word.  This  reference  seems  to 
1)0  the  source  of  Dr.  Burnell’s  statements  in  the  Induin 
Amtiquamy,  vol.  i,  p.  352,  and  Hobson- Johson,  p.  286. 

Pi-ofessor  Zachariae  draws  my  attention  to  the  fact  that 
the  Dravidian  origin  of  the  word  vera  as  second  member 
of  Sanskrit  compounds  seems  to  have  been  known  to 


VKESEH  RELATINO  TO  OlFTS  OE  LAND 


47« 

Nililkanflia,  who,  in  his  conmieritary  on  Malxlhlulrata , iii, 
1 <SH,  42,  I'ljiaarks  oti  the  word  hririrn  as  follows ; 

Trt%i:  i.e.  ‘‘  the  word  te'o  is  eiiiploy(‘(l 
l]i(‘  Kaon, rose  people  id  the  sense  of  ‘i-oot’  ”:  m'o 
Dr.  Pi'intz’s  diss(M;tafcion  BhaHlta^Wnrh/r  ru  Xfl<fkf(nt/in's 
VifilJ'jHi,  p.  17.  It  emy  h«‘  in  [aissini;' 

that  the  earliest  Sanskrit  work  whicli  <[Uotes  1 aniil  words 
is  Bhatta  Knnjfirila’s  Tff nirin^ilrll ilcd  (p,  157  of  the 
Beinires  edition  of  J908);  cf.  Dr,  Burnell,  JihI.  Auf,, 
voi.  i,  pp.  tr. 

Tlie  first  two  syllables  of  sri/djiU'etui  may  he  a Pandit’s 

corruption  of  the  1\inji[  and  Malayrdam  ihj /, '' e-reen  finger,” 

or  its  protntyjie  as  su^wested  by  J)r.  Gundei-t. 

ihit,  like  Dr.  Tliomas,  J cannot  follow  Dr.  pjurnell  if  lie 

connecb.'d  this  word  witli  another  t(‘rni  whlcli  is  used  in 

\arious  dialects  as  a designation  of  ''  dry  ;;in^‘er  'hand  whieli 

appears  iii  the  dictionaries  undm*  the  following'  forms  : 

1 a.mii yin/a/i!  ; Maluyalam,  Teln^ai,  Kanarese,  and  Sanskrit 

.siudki:  Maliratln  and  (jujaifiti  sn.u(h  : Hindi 

The  resenddance  wliicli  sinjfjil  bears  to  iujl  is  of  a very 

superficial  nature,  and  the  derivation  of  the  second  form 

from  the  first  or  vice  versa  is  phonetically  impossil)}e. 

Besides,  tlie  fact  tliat  in  Tamil  ‘-green  ginger”  is  called 

inji  and  at  the  same  time  “dry  ginger”  Hundl  precludes 

the  identity  of  both  words. 

^ Hrurzscm. 

ViUtSES  llKLATINC.t  TO  GlFTS  OF  LaXO 
Oti  p.  252  of  tliis  volume  Mr.  Pargiter  has  traced  one  of 
the  verses  quoted  iii  grajits  of  laud  to  the  Mahdblulrata, 
book  iii.  When  perusing  portions  of  this  poejn  sojne  time 
ago,  I noted,  besides  that  verse,  anotlier  whicli  is  some- 
times cited  in  grants  (e.g.  Ep,  IncL,  vol.  viii,  p.  142, 
1.  33  £.),  viz.  xiii,  02,  48 — 

E.  Hultzsch. 


RUPNATH  EDICT  OF  ASOKA 


477 


Rui'Nath  Edicti’  of  Asoka 

I venture  to  offer  the  following  brief  notes  as  a con- 

irihution  to  the  fnrthei*  study  of  tlie  Sahasrani--Bain1t-- 
Enpiuith-Siddapiir  edict  of  Asoka,  whicli  lias  been  tla* 
subjeet  of  so  many  interesting  discussion s. 

I.  Saindnd.  The  word  occurs  in  the  Siddapnir  version 
as  part  of  tlie  plirase  ainisd  saiadiKl  nviinisd,  wdiich 
corresponds  to  the  ammisamde^xl  samta  munim  ol* 
Sahasram.  It  is  therefore  a middle  participle  of  the 
verb  o.s*,  to  ])e/'  whicli  is  stated  by  B.  & R.,  following 
Biirnouf,  Loins  de  la  Bonne  Ijoi,  pp.  409-10,  to  be  used 
aTter  adjectives — we  might  add  also  after  nouns,  participles, 
etc.,  as  is  proved  by  Burnoufs  own  instances.  Although  it 
might  not  be  difficult  to  find  another  explanation  of  the 
idiom  (e.g.  ''\mm<lna  = ""prCvna,),  yet,  inasmuch  as  other 
middle  forms  of  the  verb  are  known  (see,  for  example, 
Whitney's  Sanskrit  Graxnonar-,  VLMki),  the  participles 
saniCioia  is  an  un(]uestionable  possibility,  and  that  this 
was  tlie  current  understanding  of  the  word  appears,  as 
was  noted  by  M.  Senart  in  his  article  relating  to  the  edict 
{Joii'vnal  Asiatigue,xix,]).  1892),  from  its  equiva]enci3 
to  sa/itita  in  the  present  pasvsage.  I will  now  append  the 
instances,  additional  to  those  given  by  Burnouf  and  Childers, 
whicli  I have  found  of  its  occurrence. 

(a)  Dlgha-Nikaya,  vol.  i,  p.  18,  11.  25-6  (Brahmajfila  Biitta) : 

dgato  samdno  (ef.  1.  27), 

(b)  Id.,  p.  60,  11.  21  and  28-9  (Samahnapbala  Sutta)  : 

IKihhajito  samdfio, 

(c)  Jataka,  vol.  i,  p.  218,  1.  82 : 

ahain  samma  makkatacchapako  samdno  . . . nigodha- 
jjotakassa  aggamkure  khaddmi. 

(For  the  above  three  examples  I am  indebted  to  Dr.  Sten 
Konow  s article  dealing  with  the  word  in  his  collectanea 
for  the  Pali  Dictionary,  published  in  the  Joxirnal  of  the 
Pali  Text  Society,  1909,  p.  90.) 


478 


mmktU  EDICT  OF  ASOKA 


{(i)  Biii|iyiitta-Nikslya,  voL  i,  p.  217,  11.  17"“ IH: 

id  ha  khf)  turn  hhikkhave  naldadha  ijam  hunla^  evant 
Hvakhijate  dhamnun: inane  pahhajiia  sruNdna  uJiha- 
laajijnlha. 

ie}  ^ Sa<l<]]!annapui.)<jiulka  (ad.  Keni),  p,  11,  22: 

kdimcicca  pasijfnny  nku  hod  hi  Halt  ran 
hhik^fi  Hmndnd  parane  rasanti. 

2.  IhilalMma  (Saliasvaiii,  Bnimt ),  pakamn.  ( Rfipiiat.h, 
Siddapiir). 

There  can  be  no  doubt  coiieerniiig  tlie  ineaiiing  of  the 
foriiier,  which  occurs  also  in  Rock  Edicts  vi  and  x.  It 
ri^presents  the  fMrdkrarna,  paoafkkarna  of  the  texts,  one 
of  the  Buddhists  pdranutdi^,  a synonyiii  of  vJnpi,  virlpa, 
!!»  conjunction  witli  which  it  constantl}"  a})peurs,  I liave 
elsewhere  reunarked  (“  Les  Vivastih  d’As(jka'^:  Joimia! 
AHudique,  lOK),  pp.  olo-lGj  that  it  contains  an  at  least 
latent  i!n]>]ieation  of  ]>odily  activity,  and  tlserefore  in  this 
passage  is  practically  e«]nivalent  to  pakajna,  wliich  in 
the  Pali  texts  is  exceedingly  common  in  the  sense  of 
travelling. 

Professor  Hultzsch,  liowever,  is  not  content  witli  this 
explanation.  He  declines  (JEAS.,  .lOll,  pp.  Jlio-Ki)  to 
accept  the  evidence  of  the  Pali  liooks,  and  contends  tliat 
“ in  explaining  doubtful  words  we  ought  to  rely  on 
parallel  passages  of  the  edicts  theinseh'es,,  wheriev<‘r 
we  can  quote  sueh^  rather  than  on  tlie  language  of  the 
Vinayajntaka  or  any  other  extraneous  guide”. 

I do  not  apprehend  any  wide  acceptance  of  such 
a canon,  and  I feel  some  confidence  in  averring  that  solid 
advance  in  the  interpretation  of  these  texts  has  been  clue 
to  comparison  with  the  language  of  the  Buddhist  books. 

But  in  tlie  case  of  the  wmrd  pahxma  -we  arc  without 
passages  in  the  edicts  to  use  for  tlie  purpose  of  comparison; 

^ Add  also  the  following  I)!giiaNikaya(Tevijja  Suita),  i,  p.  350,  1.  22  ; 
Jataka  (Kidanakatha),  i,  p.  22^  11.  9, 28  ; Divyavadana,  p.  Col,  1.  6. 


liUPNATH  EDICT  OF  ASOKA 


Wm. 

nos*  do  I see  any  advantage  in  Pi-ofessor  Hnitzselds 
quotation  of  2'K^rdJcrarn^^^  in  Rock  Edict  x as  e<|ui valent 
{>f  in  this  edict,  when  two  versions  of  ilns  very 

edict  supply  him  with  the  equivalence  in  its  strongest 
form,  namely  in  identical  passages.  If  the  e<juiva.lence  is 
evident  anywhere,  it  is  here. 

The  proposed  meaning  to  exert  oneself “ to  be 
zealous”  is  not  absent  from  the  Buddhist  l)Ooks  only. 
It  is  likewise  absent  from  general  Sanskrit  literature, 
wlim-e  the  word  usually  means  “ a procedure  Furtlier- 
niore,  it  is  not  supported  by  the  derivation.  In  fact,  it 
reposes  solely  upon  a view  of  the  present  passage,  where 
] liave  shown  that  it  is  not  indispensable. 

I will  now  that  pardkrama  has  a meaning  which 

brings  it  closei*  to  prali^ra/nai  as  denoting  travel 
Tile  word  expresses  not  merely  a moral  quality,  but  i*at]ier 
a bodily  (and  hence  mental)  activity,  in  virtue  of  which  it 
is  frecjuently  contrasted  with  Jcausidya,  sloth.”  As 
regards  the  ordinary  Sanskrit  literature,  anyone  can 
convince  himself  of  this  by  consulting  the  lexica.  From 
the  Buddhist  writings  we  may  cite  the  passage  in  the 
L(d lia,vistara  (Lefmann,  p.  53,  v.  10),  tasya  viryacaritasyii 
Uit  plialam  yena  kdyu  yatha  niern  sobhate,  where  a strong 
bodily  constitution  is  said  to  result  from  tlie  exercise  of 
this  virtue  in  a previous  birth.  The  Pali  writings  often 
couple  the  word  with  dramhha  B.ndinikkMma{%.g,8a.miyiitta- 
Nikdya..,  vol.  v,  p.  105,  11.  30,  31 ; p.  107,  II.  1,  2),  and 
Trenckner  in  liis  edition  of  the  Milindapanlta  (notes, 
p.  428)  goes  SO  far  as  to  make  it  equivalent  to 
nikkoAna.  But  the  most  decisive  passages  are  two 
occurring  in  the  Vinayapitaka  and  Saddharmitpicndaidkit 
respectively,  viz. ; 

tassa  accclraddhaviriyassa  oankamato  pada  bhijjwmi 

(Malnlvagga,  v,  1.  18). 

Through  his  excessive  activity  his  feet  were  injured  b>^  his 
walking  about.” 


480 


BUPNATH  EDICT  OF  ASOKA 


vlrye  sihitdiL  keci  jinasya  putrd 
niiddham  jahitvd  ca  asesato  'mje  1 
{ • ( / n k ra m ya  y n kidh  pa  va  ne  va sa  n t i 
viryena  tf'  'prasihiia  ayrahodhim  1; 

(Siulclhannap.,  ecL  Kern,  p.  It),  v.  31). 

“ Orfier  srnis  of  Buddha,  relying  uj)Oii  activity  aiid  luivin^^ 
al)aiidoned  all  sloth,  (‘Ogaged  in  walking  about,  live  on 
air.  These  have  sought  the  highest  enligbteiimojifc  ])y 
way  of  activity.” 

Here  the  \drtue  of  t’oo/o.  (=:  pavdknuaa)  is  expressly 
assueiated  with  walkirig  to  and  fro  (ca nkraiaya),  and  it  is 
therefore  far  from  surprising  wdien  we  find  similar  ideas 
associated  in  the  talict  of  Asdka. 

d,  M.  Levi's  cfinvincing  interpretation  of  tliis 

word  tin  his  most  valualjb^  articbg  Journal 
xs'i,  p]).  ilh  -2d,  llHl)  has  been  generally  accepted,  and 
the  re^sultant  meaiiing  that  ‘‘those  men  in  Jaml)udvipa 
who  liad  ‘ lutd  immixing  gods  ’ Iia.ve  btaui  mixed  with  the 
gods’’  appeal's  inevitable.  Jhil  the  practical  import  is  far 
from  ebair,  and  I am  nnalde  to  solve  tlie  problem.  That 
ilie  gods  nienti<.)iied  aa*e  real  gods  (see  the  r^nuarks  of 
]>j*.  Fleet  and  Professor  Plultzsch,  pp.  1001  and  111 4 above) 
and  not  kings,  as  M.  Levi  suggested,  and  that  the  nifcnisd 
are  ordimuy  men  and  not  deilied  teacliers,  as  is  pro[)osed 
by  Pandit  Laddn  (JRAS.  1911,  pj).  11  is  the  most 

natural  interpretation.  We  must  remember  that  the  rt'snlt 
<lescribed  had  been  attained — and  not  by  gi*eatness,  but  by 
iUicrgy — in  little  more  than  a year.  Are  we  to  understainl 
a coHN’ersion  of  people  who  previously  did  not  I'ocognize 
the  P>rahmanical  gods  ? 

Jn  any  case  the  result  is  a curious  outcome  of  Asoka’s 
first  work  as  a zealous  Buddhist.  But  for  tlie  laity,  even 
among  the  Bnddlusts,  heaven  is  tl)e  goal  in  pi'ospect, 
as  appeal's  later  in  this  very  edict,  and  also  in  Rock 
Edict  vi.  Asoka  is  liimself  devandmpriya. 

4.  Sdvana.  I cannot  agree  with  Professor  Hultzscli 


THE  BIRTHPLACE  OF  BHAKTi 


481. 


that  mvaaa  denotes  tin*  wlude  edict.  When  Asoka  refers 
to  the  inscriptions  theiBselves,  lie  uses  v.'U’iants  of  the 
phrase  dlHirn  uudipi  lel'Iidj)Ud.  How  could  ,^d  r((  nr 
sdrapifr  or  .sv7rovic  mvife  refer  to  a writing.''  And 
slK.>uld  the  phrase  liave  a-  different  nieanirjo’  liero  from  that' 
wliich  it  bears  in  Pillar  Edict  vii-viii,  eliiyr  me  ufJiiJye 
(llnunmftsdrauiJni  silnjd/pitdni,  where  it  is  coupled  wdth 
(Ui(rramanui:iat]iini  vividhani  dnapitfnti  ? In  the  present 
ease  the  matter  is  especially  clear,  as  the  words  conveying 
the  sdva/ne  are  enclosed  between  yafhd^  (Siddapur  II)  and 
fi  ( Rupnatb,  Bairat,  Siddapur). 

F.  \W  IhioMAs. 

The  Birthplace  of  Bhakti 
].  I read  with  pleasure  the  article  with  the  above  title  by 
l)r.  G.  A.  Grierson,  vide  J RAS,  for  July,  1 b 1. 1 , pp.  800 - 1 . In 
the  anecdote  cited  by  him  from  t]\oJilnlyanmJ<t-Md}idJrnnj(i . 
Bhakti  (Love  to  God)  was  born  in  Dravida  and  grew  up 
in  Karnataka.  Dravida  country,  for  ].>urposes  of  this 
anecdote,  would  be  the  stretch  of  country  in  South  India 
lying  between  N.  lat.  H""  and  11°  approximately,  and 
Karinitalva  that  between  N.  lat.  11°  and  14°  about. 

2.  In  tlie  Dvapara,  Age,  Bhakti  descended  on  earth  in 
the  ])erson  of  Sri  Kpsna  on  the  sliores  of  tl^e  Yaniuna  in 
Xorili  India.  After  liis  departure  from  tlie  mundane 
spliere,  the  light  of  Bhakti  became  dim.  It  took  birtli 
again  in  the  Dravicla  country  in  the  Kali  Age.  Vimit- 
Fa  mm,  vi,  1,  50,  says — 

Kalcm  Jagcd-patim,  Vipyum  sarva-srastdrmi  Isvaram 

Nd  'rcayipjcmti,  Maitreya  I 2)dsancl6-pahatd  jancth. 

O Maitreya  ! In  the  Kali  Age,  men,  deluded  by  heresy, 
worship  not  Visnu,  the  Lord  of  Kosmos,  the  Supreme, 
the  All-Creator.’' 

(Also  see  HaTi%XLm§a,  i,  54,  61 : Mahesvarain,”  etc.) 

After  thus  becoming  dim,  Bhakti  took  birth  in  tlie 
Dravida  country,  for  all  the  Bhaktas,  to  proclaim  Bhakti, 


482 


THE  nmmThhCM  of  bhaktj 


iakp  bif’ili  bmj.  According  to  tbf‘  Hhagiivnia  PnrdmK 
V.  88^4(bof  wbieb  one  vem^  only  ina}^  here  be  cited,  in 
Drilvida,  IjiihI  bt*.  N.  lat.  the  Bluiktas,  Hueh 

aw  the  Ay:bv?lrH  | ab/a  my  Lirei^  of  bravula 
birth 

IxViU'If  kraeit,  mahLlmja  ! DrarifJpHU  ea  Unlrimh 
Tdmmparm  vadl  yatra  Krtanidld  Fayanvinl 
Kdueri  ca  mahdptiiiyd,  efcc. 

''  Here  and  there,  O great  King!  the  devotees  of  Narayana 
(Visnu)  take  birtli,  but  mostly  on  the  banks  of 
(the  Rivers)  lYimraparni,  Krtannria,  Payasvini,  and 
meritorif>us  Kaveri  ai*e  they  born.” 

St.  i^athagopa  was  born  on  the  banks  of  the  Tamra- 
jiarni,  18  miles  from  Tinnevcdly  (lladras  Presidency), 
about  N.  lat.  8*^  50'. 

3.  Then  came  Ramanuja  and  liis  predecessors  (vide 

iny  Life  of  Rdnum>iija  and  his  Predecessors),  who  con- 
tinued the  work  of  tlie  Difivida  saints  in  the  Karnataka 
country,  i.e.  X,  lai.  11-14^  wliere  Jay  Ramanuja’s 
chief  field  for  proclaiming  bhaJdi.  In  wliat  is  now, 
in  the  twentieth  century,  called  Karnataka  in  a limited 
sense,  xh,  the  State,  Rrirnanuja  laboured  in- 

cessantly for  nearly  fourteen  years,  restoring  the  ruins 
of  the  ancient  and  archaic  temple  of  Xbiiayana  in 
Melkote  (or  Bi*i-Narayana-puram),  30  miles  north,  of 
the  city  of  Mysore.  Bhaktd  therefore  really  grew  up 
in  Karnataka. 

4.  In  the  Maratha  (Maharastra)  and  the  Gujarat 
country,  Ramanuja’s  influence  was  not  so  fully  discernible, 
hence  Bhakti  iniglit  well  have  exclaimed  “ my  limbs  were 
mutilated  by  heretics”  (JRAS.,  p.  801), 

5.  In  Brndavana,  on  the  banks  of  the  Yamuna,  Bhakti 
might  again  well  say : Since  I came  to  V(B)rndavana, 
I have  recovered  and  am  now  young  and  beautiful” 
(JRAS.,  p.  801).  For,  as  Dr.  Grierson  might  have 


BH AG A VAN 


<483 


pers<inally  witiiessed,  aiiotlier  great  shriiie,  on  the  pattern 
of  tlie  Great  SJirine  Srirangam  (near  Tricliinopoly  on  the 
Kaveri  River),  luxa  grown  at  Bnidavana,  on  the  lines 
ordained  in  tlie  Pdncardf m or  BlidfUivaf-sd^irif-  (ride  inj' 
article  on  tliis  theme  in  JRAS.  October,  1011),  to  which 
Haniaimja  and  liis  school  belong. 

().  Even  before  Ranifuuija,  St.  i^arakala  (Kali  Age)  ^ 
visited  the  sliores  of  the  Yamuna : next  Yamunacarya,  the 
great  Guru  of  Ramanuja  in  the  tenth  century,  obtained 
Ids  name  Yamuna  bv  dwelling  on  the  l)a,nks  of  the 
Yamuna. 

7.  All  these  events  go  to  illustrate  the  anecdote  so 
aptly  unearthed  by  Dr.  Grierson  from  Indian  bhald.i 
literature. 

A.  Govindacarya  Svamin. 

AIysoke  {SoriTn  India), 

Octoh(^r  Wll. 

Another  Note  on  tjie  word  Bhagavan 

In  JRAS.  for  1911,  p.  194,  Dr.  F.  Otto  Schrader 
advocates  Holy  ” for  Bhagavan.  But  this  word  would 
only  be  equivalent  to  l^uddhah,  Idirirnddhali,  PtUah, 
Pdvanah,  Pavitrak,  used  in  Sanskrit  as  epithets  of  God, 
and  would  not  express  the  totality  of  attributes  involved 
ill  Bhagavan. 

The  term  “ Perfect  ” which  I proposed  along  witli  other 
terms,  such  as  ''Glorious”,  "Blessed”,  etc.,  although,  it 
approaches  the  perfection  of  God  in  all  auspicious 
attributes,  would  literally,  though  not  connotatively,  he 
an  equivalent  of  the  Sanskrit  Pilrnah,  another  epithet 
of  the  Deity. 

Other  epithets  which  imperfectly  comprehend  all  tliat  is 
intended  by  Bhagavan  are  Divine,  Supreme,  Exalted,  and 
Bli>ssfuL  The  second  and  thii^d  of  these  are  represented 
by  the  Sanskrit  Parah,  while  Blissful  has  its  counterpart 

^ No.  17,  in  the  hierarchic  Table  attached  to  my  Liues  of  Saints  i his 
Tamil  name  is  Tiramaiigai. 


BUmAVAM 


4B*I 

ill  jnaU‘^l(th.  Divine  m dimply  that  which  pertains  to 
Dccff  ( /hh’i/rc). 

The  infinitude  of  tlje  unvspieious  attributes  of  God,  and 
iiM‘  ruiiii‘e  a)»s<‘nce  <»f  inauspiehuis  attributes,  are  ini])lie.d 
b}'  the  word  as  explaiius]  in  tlie  vei'se  from 

the  (VI.  v,  79)  fjuoted  several  times  in  the 

cours4i  of  thi^  eorr(‘spondencf*.  On  p.  7 of  my  En<^lish 
translation  of  thti  Blmijanul  - CrJid  with  Ramanuja’s 
(/Ommentajy,  1 r^.mdered  the  six  types  of  attributes 
therein  enumerated  as  follows:  (I)  paina,  omniscience; 
(2)  .sh/,*//,  oimiipotence  or  power;  (3)  hda,  strength  : 
(4)  (Oscar i/<i,  sovereignty ; (5)  vlrya,  constancy  or 

endurancoi ; ( b ) idjas,  gloryd  Tlie  fpiestion  is  tlierefore 
what  single,  term  could  be  cliosfm  to  completely  expres>s 
omniscieueo  4-  omnipotence  + strengtli  + sovereignty  4 
enduranee  4 glory  ? Thm'e  are  three  from  wliich  to 
clioose  - - Perfect,  Divine,  Blessed,  Jnasmucli  as,  not  only 
in  idiom  and  sentiment  ))ut  also  in  usage,  in  both  English 
and  Sanskrit,  tlie  wonl  “ Blessed  ” most  nearly  approaches 
Bhaijacdn,  I resign  in  its  favour  terms  Perfect  ” and 
“ Divine  ”,  and  Join  Professor  Hopkins,  who  supports  tins 
rendering  in  his  article  on  “The  Epic  use  of  Bliagavat”  on 
pp.  727  tb  of  JRAS.  for  19]].  But  I should  nevertheless 
prefer  the  adoption  of  the  word  “Bhagavat”  itself,  without 
translation,  just  as  “avatara”,  “karma”,  and  “ pandit'' 
have  been  admitted  citizenship  in  the  vocabulary  of  the 
Englisli  language, 

I am  unable  to  accept  Mr*  V.  V.  Sovani's  statement  that 
the  term  Bkagavan  was  first  used  of  great  spiritual 
teachers  and  in(|uirers,  and  that  next  it  came  to  be  used  as 
an  epithet  of  those  persons  who  had  acquired  spiritual 
powers,  and  that  then  it  came  to  be  used  of  emancipated 
souls,  and,  finally,  of  God.  On  the  conti*ary,  I agree 
witli  Professor  Hopkins  when  he  says : “ It  does  not 

^ Even  these  renderings  are  tentative,  but  for  our  present  purpose  they 
may  be  accepted. 


BHAOAVAN 


Hitem  to  me  that  tlie  advance  in  application  indicated 
by  feaeher,  Hplritiudly  gifted  persons,  emaneipafed  souls, 
God,  can  maintained  as  a strictly  historical  fact.”  As 
for  me,  F\irasara  settles  the  question  in  a reverst^.  order — 

Asahda-gdcarasi/d  'pi  tasya  vcti  Bralummo^dvija] 

pfijayfim  BJlACrAVAT-sabdal}  hriyate  liy  upacdratali  !i 

(Visnii-Piirana,  YI.  v.  71.) 

Tlie  purport  o£  this  verse  is  that  God  is  ineftable — 
no  word  can  express  Him,  but,  as  in  His  personal  cliaracter 
lie  possesses  “ perfections  ” or  “ auspicious  attributes  ”,  even 
the  word  Bhagavan  ” is  a conditional  or  reverential 
appellative — a word  chosen  for  the  sake  of  reverence  to 
designate  Him. 

taim  pujya-p)addTth6-'hti  parihhdm-smiiaivmtali  1 
sahdo  'yam  nd  'paccirena  tv  ajiyatra  hy  upacdratah  ! | 

(il).  77.) 

But  even  this  term  Bhagavdn,  as  a conditional  epithet 
for  God,  is  a sign  or  mark  most  aptly  expressive  of  Him. 
Primarily  it  expresses  God  ”,  and  it  is  only  secondarily 
transferred  or  applied  to  others  (teachers,  etc.,  of 
Mr.  Sovani)  as  an  honorific  or  courtesy  title.  Parasara 
himself  explains  liow  the  term  most  fully  expresses  the 
idea  of  God  in  Vipm  - Purdna : VI.  v.  72-6.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  quote  the  text,  whicli  is  easily  accessible. 

‘‘  O Maitreya,  the  word  Bhagavat  is  expressive  of  Para- 
Brahman,  the  holy,  the  ineffably  glorious,  the  cause  of 
all  causes.  (72.) 

“ Tlie  syllable  bha  has  two  senses— Prop  and  Px'otector ; 
and  the  syllable  get,  0 sage,  means  ‘Leader',  ‘Dmector', 
‘Creator’.  (78.) 

“ The  divssyllable  bhaga  is  the  sign  expressive  of  the 
sextuple  totality  of  sovereignty,  energy,  glory,  wealth, 
wisdom,  and  freedom.  (74.) 

“The  vsyllable  va  ( — van)  is  for  Him  who,  by  virtue  of 
all  objects  (beings)  abiding  in  Him,  is  the  Inexhaustible, 


THE  iKaCflilTiOX 


4811 

the  Spirit  of  being^i,  the  Ali-Spirit -™He  abiding  in  at! 
thiiigH  wiiliont  exception.  (75,) 

“ TIiuh,  Maitroya,  this  great  word  Bh*ujat:dn^  is  the 
epitiujt  solely  id  Vasudeva,  who  is  l\ini-Brahnian  ; atal  is 
not  otherwise  a,p|)]ieah]e.’'  (7().) 

Tinai  folbnvs  verse  77  already  quoted,  and  the  wliole  is 
sminiiefl  up  in  the  o£t-*<|Uoted  TDtli  verse  nderred  to  a!)f>ve‘, 
which,  it  is  needless  to  repeat. 

Idle  Xaighanfukas  liave  ruled  ''  l)Uriidjhatun  BHAGA- 
IhlA  ill  srfljrlo  iu;dtlffaik  fymyujyate  pd/yed’;  the  tcwins 
TiffrnMttmtb  and  Blia<j<.wdih  are  used  by  groat  men  for 
adora hie  objects. 

Dr,  i\,  A.  (jiriersoii’s  choice  ‘•Adorable”  is  but  the 
equivalent,  of  DhyeynJf,  or  Upmyak,  or  Areyah, 

I hitil,  therefore,  further  perfection  is  attained,  I would 
adher<3  to  “ Blessed  ” as  tlie.  ))est  translation  of  Bhagavdn, 
which  has  a predicative  value,  of  which  even  the  Latin 
Miuelniii^  falls  very  much  short. 

A.  (h)VINI)AOA.IiVA  SVAMIN. 

VKI»,\a  Ouf  AM,  A1  VSOKK. 

(Hohtr  AI,  Itni. 


Two  COKKECTKJO  ReADIKOS  IN  THE  MyAZEDL  (TaLAINO) 

Inscription 

The  words  which  I read  as  dijham  and  ijldni  in.  my 
transliterations  of  tlie  above-named  inscription  publislied 
iii  this  Journal  should  be  written  dinedm  and  incim 
respectively.  I make  this  alteration  both  on  pateographical 
and  on  linguistic  grounds.  The  symbol  wliicli  I had  con- 
jecturally  rendered  ji/t  is  plainly,  as  I now  see,  nc,  a composite 
of  n and  c (the  Pali  version,  I am  informed  by  Mr.  Taw 
Seiii  Ko,  confirms  this) ; and  the  amended  readings  give 
forms  which  from  the  point  ,of  view  of  comparative 
phonetics  are  more  acceptable  than  my  first  readings, 
because  more  consistent  with  the  phonetic  system  of 


SHAXS  AND  BUDDHISM  OF  THE  NORTHERN  CANON  487 


Tiilaing  itself,  iu  its  later  stages,  and  of  tlio  Mon-Kliiner 

faniiiy  in  ^i;*enercal.  There  is  only  one  point  remaining’  to 
]>(t  cleared  up:  tlie  form  incvm  appears  to  involve  the 
prefix  in-,  with  which  I am  not  faniiliar ; ]:nit  tliis  may 
turn,  up  elsewhere  some  da, y. 

(Since  tlie  above  was  written  and  sent  in,  a new 
inscription  of  the  same  period  has  been  received  by  me 
whieli  contains  the  word  panea2:)rdstld,  exhibiting  the 
same  composite  nc.  This  Indian  loanword  settles  the 
readings  conclusively.) 

C.  O.  Blagden. 


Shans  and  Buddhism  or  the  Northetin  Canon 

In  his  article  on  Buddhism  in  the  Shan  States,  Sir  George 
Scott  contends  that  it  is  more  reasonable  to  suppose  that 
the  first  introduction  of  Buddhism  into  the  Nan-chao 
and  the  Mao  Shan  kingdoms  was  from  India  direct,  or 
from  Mongolia,  than  that  it  Avas  from  the  south.  The 
Shans  were,  and  are,  a considerable  people,  and  the 
question  of  the  earliest  source  of  their  Buddhism  is 
one  of  sufficient  importance  to  justify  looking  over  the 
evidence  Sir  George  produces  in  support  of  his  con- 
tention, and  to  see  what  may  be  said  on  the  other  side. 
Sir  George  Scott  is  recognized  as  a great,  if  not  the  greatest, 
authority  on  the  Shans,  and  anything  he  writes  in  regard 
to  their  history  and  religion  is  wortliy  of  more  than 
ordinary  consideration.  In  the  present  instance,  however, 
the  evidence  is  of  the  slightest,  and  he  himself  seems 
to  think  that  his  argument  is  rather  interesting  than 
conclusive,  for  lie  admits  that  'Hhe  matter  is  one  quite 
incapable  of  proof  at  the  present  time''.  Let  those  of 
us  who  hold  that  the  Shans,  in  all  probability,  never 
had  any  Buddhism  until  they  got  it  from  the  south, 
be  equally  generous,  and  admit  that  we  cannot  prove 
beyond  a question  but  that  the  Shans  may  have  had 


488  SHAHS  AHB  BUBBHMM  OF  THE  NOETIIEKK  CAHON 


form  of  Buddhism  l>efore  the  iiitrodiietion  of  the 
SoHtlierii  Canon  ; we  argue  only  for  a stronger  probability. 

This  review  of  the  article  need  not  detain  us  long,  for 
alx)ut  two-tliirdn  of  it  has  to  do  with  the  general  history 
of  the  Shans  and  with  descriptions  of  hill  rac<*s,  with 
little  direct  bearing  on  the  subject  supposed  to  ])e  treated 
except  as  a sort  of  pictorial  background,  dliis  is  pardonable, 
for  every  writer  on  the  Slams  krujws  liow  necessary  it  is 
to  draw  at  times  on  extraneous  material  (and  imagination  ) 
to  fill  in  the  wide  blank  spaces  of  the  Slum  records. 

On  p.  920  Sir  George  says:  “ tliere  is  evidence  of 
lamaism  among  the  Afoiigols  and  in  the  train  of  Kublai 
Khan  two  Imndred  y<airH  and  more  l)efore  tlie  Peguan 
king  came  with  lus  Buddhism  to  the  Alao  Shan  kingdom.” 
Tliat  statement  prohahly  no  one  would  (piestion  ; but  it 
is  followed  by  this  seqniftir:  “It  seems  therefore 
very  clear  that  Ihiddhism  existed  most  probably  in  both 
the  Ngai-lao  and  Meng  Mao  kingdoms  at  least  as  early 
as  it  did  in  Burma,  (tiid  that  it  was  of  the  Nor  then, 
Caiio}b  ” (the  italics  are  mine).  Why  is  this  so  very 
clear  ? We  can  show  that  there  is  a reasonable  degree 
of  probability  that  Buddhism  of  the  Southern  Canon 
existed  in  both  the  Ngaidao  and  the  Mao  Slum  kingdoms 
before  the  days  of  Kublai  Klian,  and  with  that  at  least 
he  had  nothing  to  do.  Whether  these  Slums  had,  or  did 
not  have,  Buddhism  of  the  Northern  Canon  at  a still 
earlier  date  remains  to  be  seen.  If  they  had,  it  certainly 
was  not  due  to  the  missionary  efforts  of  Prince  Kublai, 
for  he  was  not  yet  born. 

Of  as  little  value  historically  is  the  reference  to  Asoka 
and  his  86,000  pagodas  (p.  921).  That  he  ever  built 
86,000  pagodas  is  probably  an  hyperbole.  The  Shan 
reference  to  these  pagodas  belongs  to  the  legendary  part 
of  Shan  history,  where  there  is  a Buddhistical  attempt 
to  connect  the  line  of  Shan  princes,  and  some  of  the  old 
towns,  with  the  great  E^Jas  of  India.  No  Shan  scholar 


SHANS  AND  BUDDHISM  OF  TBE  NORTHPJEN  CANON  489 


seeuis  ever  to  liave  taken  tliese  ticfcions  very  seriously 
before,  and  that  Sir  George  himself  tldnks  that  they 
hav(3  any  liistorical  value  is  doubtful  Just  why  he 
should  bring*  these  non-existent  pagodas  into  liis  argument, 
and  see  under  them  manuscripts  of  the  Northern  Canon 
of  Buddhism,  I do  not  pretend  to  know.  My  opinion  of 
his  scholars] rip  is  so  high  that  I am  compelled  to  regard 
it  as  a jest ; or  it  may  be  one  of  the  cases  in  which  it 
was  necessary  to  draw  on  the  imagination  to  fill  in 
a blank  space. 

In  order  to  discredit  the  Shan  accounts  of  the  coming 
of  Shan  princes  from  Mdng-hi  Mong-ham  on  the  Me- 
hkawng  to  the  Mao  Shan  kingdom,  and  of  their  bringing 
manuscripts  with  them,  the  writer  of  tlie  article  says 
that  'Mt  was  quite  a common  affair  in  later  days  for 
Shan  States  which  had  no  direct  or  suitable  heir  to  send 
to  Mdng  Mit  for  a ruler  ”,  on  the  ground  that  tliey  were 
of  the  “ purer  northern  Tai  He  furtlier  maintains  that 
if  Shan  princes  came  in  from  the  soutli  it  would  be 
a reversal  of  all  that  we  know  On  the  contrary,  it  is 
all  that  we  do  know,  and  reverses  nothing.  There  are 
a few  things  on  which  the  Shan  records  agree,  and 
among  tliem  are  the  following:  that  the  old  Mao  Shan 
dynasty  ran  out  before  the  administration  of  the  ''  Elders  ” : 
that  Shan  princes  were  called  in  (or  came  of  their  own 
accord)  from  the  south;  that  one  of  these  established 
a new  line  of  princes  at  Mdng  Mit  (as  well  as  others  at 
Hsen-wi  and  Mdng  Mao) ; that  every  Shan  ruler  borrowed 
from  Mdng  Mit  by  any  other  Slian  State  was  of  the 
Mdng-hi  Mdng-ham  line  of  princes,  and  not  of  the  Mao 
Shan  line  as  Sir  George  assumes.  Moreover,  when  there 
was  any  borrowing  to  be  done,  the  States  w^'ent  to  Mdng 
Mao  oftener  than  they  did  to  Mdng  Mit,  until  after  the 
former  State  became  tributary  to  the  Chinese  (or  at 
least  the  capital  and  a part  of  the  Mao  kingdom).  It 
is  tlierefore  quite  incorrect  to  say  that  the  Shans  i^egarded 


490  SHAN'S  AND  BUDDfimM  Or  ME  KOliTflEEK  CHAKON 


the  Mrni<,^  Mit  rulers  as  of  purer  Xortfu‘rii  Tai  stock 
than  the.  rulers  of  the  ueighl'KiUriug  States,  for  the}^  all 
alike  heloiiged  to  the  same  Mciug-hi  Moiig-luim  litie.  If 
there  be  any  doiil)t  of  this,  I can,  eertiiinly  support  my 
stat(Uii<‘Ut  from  four  Sliau  mauuscrijls  lyiuy  ])efore  me. 
This  is  not  all  : according  to  one  of  the  Ahom  nmniiscripts 
the  then  ruling  Mong-hi  Mong-ham  line  of  princes  came 
originally  from  Northern  Yunnan,  and  wore  of  tlte 
same  ruling  family  to  which  the  early  Mao  Shan  princes 
were  connected  In'  marriage,  and  are  expressly  declared 
to  be  'Uijlhn  Hi  to  ngiut  hhin}  of  tbe  same  royal  line. 

Reference  is  made  in  tlie  article  to  the  location  of 
Mong-hi  Moiig-]u;im.“  ^Four  Shan  records  agree  in  fixing 
the  location  on  the  .Medikawng ; two  of  them  say  that  it 
was  on  the  border  of  Chieng-mai;  aiul  one  is  more  explicit 
and  says  distinctly  that  it  comprised  Mong-lii,  ]\[6ng-yon, 
Mong-kang,  and  Mong-hpa.  Just  what  territory  was 
included  in  tliese  States  we  do  not  now  know,  but  the 
general  location  is  clear  enougli.  That  Shan  princes  came 
from  this  ]\Iong-]ii  Mong-ham  to  the  Mao  Shan  kingdom 
in  the  ninth  or  tenth  century  A.D.  is  well  attested  by  the 
Shan  ripcords. 

All  this  has  little  to  do  with  the  introduction  of 
Buddhism  among  the  Mao  Shans,  except  as  it  helps  to 
introduce  the  next  statement,  which  is  tliat  they  “ brought 
manuscripts  with  them  Tlie  Shan  word  used  liere,  lih, 
shows  that  more  than  a mere  alphabet  was  intended.  If 
the  latter  had  been  meant,  me-lih  or  iow4ik  would  have 
been  used.  A literature  of  some  sort  is  referred  to. 
I would  not  myself  dismiss  this  important  statement  so 

^ Literally,  “silver  of  lords,  origin  of  kings,”  i.e.  the  pure  original 
(line  of)  kings.  Sao  is  Shan  ; hkun  (and  its  couplet  hiMu)  seem  to  he 
variants  of  hkan, 

^ As  to  the  meaning  of  “Mdng-hi  Mdng-ham  ”,  I have  ascertained  that 
hi  means  “long”,  and  ham  is  not  the  couplet  but  co-ordinate,  with  the 
meaning  “abandoned,  darted’’;  hence  the  name  means  “the  long 
sparsely  settled  region  ■ 


SHINS  AND  BUDDHISM  OF  THE  'NORTHERN  CANON  491 

lightly  as  Sir  George  does.  As  the  bulk  of  the  Shaii 
literature  for  all  known  branches  of  the  Shans  (except 
tin)  Hindiiized  Ahoms  of  Assam)  is  religions,  and  tliat 
religion  Buddhism  of  the  Soutliern  Canon,  it  is  a fair 
suppositioTi  that  tliis  literature  referred  to  was  at  least 
in  part  religious,  and  if  religious  it  was  of  tlie  Hinayana 
type.  Of  this  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt ; neither 
is  there  any  sufficient  reason  for  doubting  that  these  princes 
actually  brought  letters  into  the  Mao  Slum  kingdom.  It 
was  from  that  moment  that  traditional  Shan  histoiy  left 
off  and  liistoiy  began.  Traditions  of  immediately  preceding 
events  would  be  trustworthy,  but  from  a little  more  than 
a century  earlier  all  is  legendary,  and  much  is  manifestly 
pure  fiction.  This  fact  goes  against  any  tlieory  that  the 
Mao  Slums  liad  any  earlier  form  of  writing. 

The  writer  of  the  article  declares  tluit  if  letters  were 
brought  from  the  south  to  tlie  Mao  Shan  kingdom,  it  is 
a reversal  of  all  that  we  know.  I fail  to  see  wliy.  Letters 
came  to  Tibet  from  tlie  south;  tlie  inain  body  of  the 
Burman  alphabet  came  from  the  soutli ; what  objection 
can  there  be  to  the  assumption  that  the  Mao  Shan  alphabet 
and  the  beginnings  of  their  literature  came  from  the  same 
direction  ? Granting  that  Budtlhism  of  the  Northern 
Canon  was  introduced  into  tlie  basin  of  the  Irrawaddy  at 
Pagan  at  an  early  date,  that  is  far  from  saying  that  the 
same  agency  must  have  taken  it  on  to  the  Mao  Shan 
kingdom,  togetlier  with  its  literature.  If  there  is  the 
slightest  indication  that  it  did  so,  I am  not  aware  of  it. 

But  as  an  alternative  Sir  George  suggests  Mongolia  as 
a possible  source.  If  Northern  Buddhism  was  introduced 
into  the  Mao  Shan  kingdom  from  Mongolia,  it  must  have 
come  via  the  Ngai-lao  Shans  of  Nan-chao.  Concerning 
the  early  religion  of  the  Ngai-lao  Shans  of  Nan-cliao  we 
have  at  present  one  Shan  document,  and  only  one,  that 
throws  light  on  the  subject,  and  that  is  one  of  the  Ahom 
manuscripts.  This  states  clea?rly  that  the  Ngai-lao  Shans, 


4f>2  SHAN8  AND  BTODHISM'  OF  THE  KOETHEEN  CANON 


ili  tlift  time  tliat  Hkiin-Iong  and  Hkim-ki  were  sent 
Hoiiih  tn  (sstablisli  a new  line  of  Sliati  princes  in  Mong-lii 
Mling-ham,  were  animists.  Eight  lacs  of  spirits  (probably 
ancestral),  as  gnardiaii  spirits  of  the  land,  are  mentioned, 
together  with  speciiic  directions  as  to  the  sacrifices  that 
should  be  made  to  them.  No  mention  is  made  of  the 
Buddha,  or  of  las  Law,  or  of  his  monks.  The  record  is 
EiiU  of  references  to  animism,  but  contains  no  referencr^ 
to  Buddhism  whatever. 

Nej  Elias,  relying  on  a mistranslation  of  this  record, 
makes  out  that  this  Ukun dong  and  Hkimdai  came  down 
from  heaven  on  an  iron  ladder;  but  that  the  record  gives 
us  terr<:?sti‘lal  facts  (real  or  assumed)  and  not  celestial 
myths  is  t;nident  from  the  record  itself.  According  to 
this  manuscript,  Mong-hi  Moiig-ham  was  a part  of  the 
Shan  province  of  Mong-litin  (Yuiman-sen) ; Mong-htin 
extended  w<.‘stward  to  the  Salween;  Mong-htin  and  the 
tJppei*  Kingdom  of  the  Ngai-lao  Shans  were  equal  in 
power  and  glory ; the  king  of  Mong-htin  called  the 
northern  king  “ our  father  ” ; the  northern  king  called  the 
southern  oiir  sou  ” ; a messenger  was  sent  back  and  forth 
on  horseback;  he  crossed  a river  in.  a boat;  the  mother’^ 
of  the  nortliern  king  is  mentioned,  as  also  astrologers  ; 
Hkun-long  and  Hkun-lai  were  sent  down  to  Moiig-hi 
Mong-ham  with  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  the  king 
of  Mong-htin  : they  were  carried  on  palanqnins,  with  four 
bearers  each  ; they  were  to  pay  annual  tribute  to  the 
northern  king — tliis,  and  much  more,  shows  that  we  liave 
here  a document  of  some  value,  and  not  altogether  a silly 
myth  ; but  even  granting  tliat  it  is  a legend,  it  is  a legend 
of  a people  that  were  animistiCj  and  not  Buddhistic. 

But  when  did  these  events  take  place  ? No  date  is 

^ The  Shan  here  is  hmng  kpa,  **heavenly-jeweMady.'’  The  Shans 
of  Ynnnan  still  nmya  in  speaking  of  any  old  lady,  and,  in  polite  address, 
of  young  ladies  as  well ; hence  the  queen,  instead  of  the  queen-mother, 
may  be  meant.  It  is  more  probable,  however,  that  the  aged  mother 
would  be  called  for  eonsulfcalioii,  ^ in  'this  case. 


SHANS  AND  BUDDHISM  OF'  THE  KORTHEIiN  CANON  49S 


given  in  the  manuscript.  The  time,  however,  may  be 
calculated  approximately.  Between  the  descent  of  Hkiin- 
long  and  likuii-lai  from  the  Northern  Kingdom  to  the 
Mo-hkawng  and  the  coming  of  the  southern  princes  to 
the  Mao  Sh.au  kingdom  tl,iere  were  nine  reigns.  Allowing 
an  average  of  twenty  years  for  eacli  reign,  or  a total  of 
180  years,  tliis  would  bring  us  back  to  the  latter  part 
of  the  seventh,  century,  or,  following  another  Shan  record, 
to  the  middle  of  the  eighth,  i.e.  to  the  reign  of  tl.ie  great 
northern  Shan  king  Koh-lo-feng.  At  tliat  time,  according 
to  this  Ahom  record,  the  Ngai-lao  Shans  were  still  anirnists. 
It  is  therefore  scarcely  possible  that  Buddhism  was  taken 
Boiitliward  until  after  the  reign  of  Koh-Io-feng,  if  at  all. 
There  was  time,  liowever,  for  the  introduction  of  Buddhism 
of  the  Nortlierj)  Canon  into  the  Ngai-lao  kingdom  between 
this  date  and  the  inroads  of  the  hordes  under  Prince 
Kublai.  What  proof  of  it  does  Sir  George  give  us  ? Here 
it  is:  ‘'The  Chinese  annals  speak  of  the  Ngai-lao  kingdom 
as  being  quite  a reasonable  approximation  to  their  own 
civilization,  which  is  a concession  that  tliey  are  not  too 
free  in  making  in  much  later  times.  Some  of  the  details 
given  certainly  suggest  Buddhism.*'  What  these  details 
are  he  fails  to  state,  though  he  has  given  us  the  pagodas 
of  Asoka.  I will,  therefore,  give  what  may  ])e  one  of  them 
myself.  In  the  reign  of  I-niu-hsun,  we  are  told,  four 
copies  of  a certain  treaty  were  made.  A few  yearvS  ago 
I wrote  to  a distinguished  archaeologist  asking  in  what 
languages  and  alphabets  these  copies  of  the  treaty  were 
presumably  written.  The  reply  stated  that  they  were 
written  in  Oighur,  Chinese,  Tibetan,  and  Shan  respectively. 
This,  if  true,  would  have  proved  that  tlie  Shans  were  at 
least  a literary  people  at  that  time.  Unfortunately,  no 
proof  whatever  of  the  statement  was  given.  Neither  is 
there  anything  very  remarkable  in  the  “ concession  for, 
according  to  Mr,  E.  H.  Parker's  account,  the  Chinese 
attributed  whatever  culture  the  Shans  may  liave  had  to 


4M  SHAKS  AKI>  SyBBHiaM  OF  THE  KOETHEIIX  CAxNON 


(JhiiieHC  artinaiiH  taken  captive  in  SaU'-elriian,  and  wc^te 
praising  thenjhfjlvcH  quite  as  iinick  as  they  wore  tlie  Shaiis. 

Ifi  my  review  of  this  article  I have  come  now  to 
iJie  lo!tgesi  jiart.  coiieerning  Buddhism  innong  the  Lalin 
triboH.  (')ri  p.  925  wo  reixd,  **  There  is,  however,  one 
particfibir  race  which  shows  signs  of  ha\i‘iig  l.)een  at  one 
time  Buddhistic,  and  so  adds  ground  for  belief  that 
Buddhism  was  adopted  in  the  earl}’'  years  of  the 
Ngai-lao  and  Mao  Shan  monarchies/’  The  early  home 
of  tfic.  .Lihus,  we  art^  told,  was  on  the  extreme  upper 
reaches  of  the  Irrawaddy,  on  the  border  of  Tibet.  The 
grammatical  sinieture  of  their  language,  and  the  presence 
in  it  of  many  Huruian  words,  places  the  Lahii  in  tlie 
Tibeto-Burman  class,  lliat  Northern  Buddlnsm  may  liave 
1x3611  introduced  among  them  when  they  were  still  living 
in  that  early  home  is  quite  possible.  This,  however,  is 
not  t3videnct‘.  tliat  the  Ngai-lao  and  Mao  Shans  adopted 
Buddhism  from  the  same  source.  The  secondary  seat  of 
the  Lahus,  iii  the  Nan-chao  kingdom,  was  at  Mong-men 
(Mo-mein),  and  from  that  time,  according  to  this  article, 
they  have  been  forgetting  their  Buddhism  as  fast  as 
possible,  if  they  ever  had  any.  If  they  and  the  Shans 
were  both  together  Buddhists  of  tlie  Northern  Canon,  it 
is  singular  that  they  did  not  together  adopt  Buddhism 
of  the  Southern  (Janon.  This  gives  us  at  least  a mere 
hint  that  the  Lahus  WQve  not  Buddhists  at  all.  If  they 
ever  were>  it  is  peculiar  that  the  Lahus  of  Kengtung  know 
notiiing  of  it.  Tlieir  worship  now,  Sir  George  tells  us, 
in  its  simplicity  and  vagueness  recalls  tlie  altars  in  the 
courts  of  tlie  Temple  of  Heaven  in  Peking,”  when  it 
does  not  correspond  to  the  ordinary  spirit  worship  of  their 
neiglibours. 

I cordially  agree  with  this  charming  writer  that  we 
know  but  little  about  the  Shans ; but  we  do  know  a little, 
and  that  little  throws  no  light  on  any  introduction  of 
Buddhism  of  tlie  Northtox  Canon  among  them.  I wish 


SHAN  BUJDDHLSM 


495 


to  say,  liowever,  that  Sir  George  has  luade  the  ablest 
possible  defence  of  his  client.  I aiu  therefore  soriy  that, 
when  weighed  in  a balance  like  Belshazzar  oi:  old,  liis 
client  should  be  found  wanting. 


W.  W.  Coon R AXE. 


HsfCAw,  N.H.S. 

Xoreriihf:i\  liUh 


Shan  Buddhism 

I do  not  presume  to  intervene  between  Sir  George  Scott 
and  Mr.  Cochrane  in  their  discussion  of  this  subject : 
I should  be  risking  tlm  fate  of  the  proverbial  inouse-deer 
who  got  mixed  up  witli  two  contending  elephants.  But 
without  taking  sides  in  the  debate,  may  1 be  permitted  to 
draw  attention  to  a few  facts  which  may  liave  some 
bearing  on  the  (juestion  ? 

1 . The  Shan  word  lik,  whicli  I take  from  Air.  Cochrane 
to  mean  ‘‘writing”,  is  an  Indian  loanword  (either  from 
Sanskrit  or  Pali),  It  is  found  in  the  same  form  in  Talaing. 

2.  Buddhism  of  a Sanskrit-using  Alaliayanist  type  can 
be  shown  to  have  prevailed  in  Southern  Iiido-China  at 
a very  early  date,  before  the  Pali-using  type  can  be  traced 
there.  This  is  pre-eminently  the  case  in  Camboja,  but  tlie 
presence  of  a very  large  percentage  of  Sanskrit  words 
in  Talaing  indicates  that  it  was  much  the  same  in  the 
Talaing  country  too,  and  it  is  the  same  in  Siam.  This 
Buddhism,  however,  is  associated  everywhere  in  those 
regions  witli  an  Indian  alpliabet  derived  from  the 
Southern  Indian  type  and  therefore  brought  to  Indo-China 
by  sea,  not  from  Tibet  or  Northerii  India  overland. 

3.  All  tlie  Tai  alphabets  tliat  I remember  to  have  seen 
belong  to  the  Southern  Indian  type.  They  seem  to  be 
clearly  traceable  to  the  same  stream  of  culture  which 
brought  tills  type  of  alphabet  to  Camboja  and  the  Talaing 
country. 

Manifestly,  therefore,  the  Shans  might  have  received 
Buddhism  of  the  Saiiskrit-using  type  from  the  South 


BHIH  B1TP0HISM 


496 

o£  Iiido-Chi«a  together  with  their  alphabet,  if  they  got 
the  latter  at  a period  when  this  form  of  Biiddhism  still 
Jonrished  in  tliose  coast  lands,  as  to  which  point  I profess 
no  opinion.  But  the  possibility  seems  to  have  been  left 
niieonsidered  by  both  parties  to  this  discussion. 

Finally,  may  I draw  attention  to  a.  passage  in, 
HaekmannV  excellent  little  book  Biuhllttsm  osn  Religion, 
p.  70,  in  whieli  lie  speaks  of  the  Shans  as  “adherents 
of  Buddhism,  but  of  a type  strictly  different  from 
Hinayana”  ? His  authority  on  the  point  appears  to 
be  a work  by  G.  W.  Bird,  entitled  Wa7iderbigs  in  Burma 
(London,  1.897).  The  matter  is  interesting  and  deserves 
to  be  cleared  up.  Blaoden^ 


Skan  Buddhlsm 

Mr.  Cochrane  still  does  not  convince  me  tliat  it  may  be 
finallj?'  accepted  as  a fact  tliat  Buddliisrn  and  letters  came 
to  the  Tai  from  the  South.  The  exasperating  thing  about 
Tai  liistory  is  that  everything  is  so  vague.  We  talk 
glibly  of  tlie  J^Iao  Shan  kingdom,  and  there  is  nothing 
that  is  conclusive,  and  very  little  that  is  even  convincingly 
‘Suggestive  as  to  where  the  capital  of  that  kingdom  was. 
We  want  another  Dr.  Aurel  Stein  to  dig  in  the  curtilages 
of  tlie  old  city  sites  of  deserted  Shan  capitals  to  furnish 
us  with  clues.  The  presumption  is  that  the  earliest  and 
possibly  succeeding  capitals  were  in  tlie  Nam  Mao  valley, 
at  the  western  extremity  of  which  Mrs.  Milne  lived  when 
she  gathered  material  for  her  book  on  the  Shans,  but 
whetlier  it  was  at  Selan,  or  Mong  St\  or  Mong  Mao,  we 
have  nothing  to  show. 

Thanks  to  Mr,  E,  H.  Parker,  we  know  much  more  about 
the  earlier  Ailao  or  (Ng)  Ailao.  We  know  that  the  Nan- 
chao  kingdom  extended  to  Magadha  on  the  west  and  to 
Tibet  on  the  north.  It  al^  apparently  touched  the 
Female  Prince  State  ^ (Camboja)  on  the  south.  We 


SHAN  BUDDHISM 


497 


know  from  Mr.  Parker’s  translations  of  T'eng-yileh  annals 
that  the  Nan-chao  State  was  highly  organizocL  “ There 
were  Ministers  of  State,  censors,  or  examiners,  generals, 
record  officers,  chamberlains,  judges,  treasurers,  fndiles, 
ministers  of  commerce,  etc.,  and  the  native  word  for  each 
department  was  given  as  shwang.  Minor  officials  managed 
the  granaries,  stables,  taxes,  etc.,  and  the  military  organisa- 
tion was  by  tens,  centurions,  chiliarchs,  deka-chiliarchs, 
and  so  on.  Military  service  was  compulsory  for  all  able- 
bodied  men,  who  drew  lots  for  each  levy.  Each  soldier 
was  supplied  “witli  a leather  coat  and  pair  of  trousers. 
There  were  four  distinct  army  corps  or  divisions,  each 
having  its  own  standard.  The  king’s  body-guard  were 
called  Clm-nu  katsa,  and  we  are  told  that  katsa  or  katsu 
meant  leather  belt.  The  men  wore  ehuf/i,  Iielmets,  and 
caiTied  shields  of  rhinoceros  liide.  The  centurions  were 
called  Lo4sa4sz.  Land  was  apportioned  to  each  family 
according  to  rank  : superior  officials  received  forty  shtvang 
ov  acres  (the  tone  of  this  word  being  unlike  the  tone  of 
the  first-mentioned  word  shwang).  Some  of  the  best 
cavalry  soldiers  were  of  the  Wang4sa  tribe,  west  of  the 
Me  Khawng.  The  women  of  this  tribe  fought  too,  and 
the  helmets  of  the  Wang-tsa  were  studded  witli  cowries. 
Tliere  were  six  metropolitan  departments  and  six  provincial 
viceroys  in  Nanchao.  The  barlmrian  word  for  depart- 
ment was  kien4  This  does  not  sound  like  the  status  of 
an  animist  race,  and  the  further  statement  that  ‘‘  When 
the  king  sallied  forth,  eight  white-scalloped  standards  of 
greyish  purple  were  carried  before  him ; two  feather  fans, 
a cliowrie,  an  axe,  and  a parasol  of  kingfishers’  feathers 
having  a red  bag”  sounds  still  less  like  what  we  are 
inclined  to  associate  with  the  cult  of  fetish- worshippers. 

The  old  writers  of  annals  were  not  concerned  witli  the 
religion  of  tlie  peoples  they  fought  with.  They  were 
greatly  more  interested  in  their  powers  of  resistance  and 
in  the  plunder  that  was  to  be  had  if  they  were  conquered. 


498  SMAK  BUDDHISM 

The  (Ng)  Aiiao  were  in  touch  with  Magadha : they  fought 
with  t%nd  defeated  and  were  defeated  hy  the  Tibetans. 
It  seeuiiH  wore  likely  tlnat  they  learnt  eivilizatitei  and 
cohesion  and  religion  from  those  with  whom  they  had 
their  early  struggles  than  from  tiie  souihernm's  whom 
they  gradually  drove  farther  towards  the  sea  and  over- 
wlielmed.  And  the  religion  they  would  luive  ac{]nire(l 
would  be  the  Mahayana  form,  not  Southern  Buddhism, 
just  as  the  peoples  of  Northern  Burma  were  Itaiiayanists 
till  the  days  of  Nawrat‘a. 

Dhammathawka  s 8(1,000  pagodas  are  doubtless  a tigure 
of  8p<iech,  but  they  cover  a certain  amount  of  trutli  in 
their  vaiuUing  multitude.  Tlie  Shwedagon  was  cased 
seven  times.  Some  of  tlie  Asoka  pagodas  no  doubt  have 
been  similarly  treated,  and  beneatli  them  might  be  found 
buried,  as  religious  olyects  'were  buried  below  all  pagodas, 
the  MSS.  of  the  Northern  Canon.  It  is  not  possible  to 
believe  that  ministers  of  state  and  censors  and  record 
officers  were  appointed  in  a State  which  liad  not  a written 
character,  and  that  written  character  was  surely — in  the 
days  of  the  early  (Ng)  Aiiao — derived  from  the  Northern 
Buddhists.  I-mu-hsiin,  with  his  treaty  in  four  languages, 
died  before  the  apostles  of  Southern  Buddhism  could  have 
made  any  iiupression  on  the  peoples  of  the  South.  The 
Lahu  are  certainly  not  Buddhists  now.  The  southern 
sections  are  purely  animist,  but  the  northern  branches 
have  suggestions  of  a vague  Buddhism  which  may  have 
been  imposed  upon  tliem  in  the  T'eng-yiieh  neighbourhood 
by  the  conquering  (Ng)  Aiiao,  and  gradually  lost  in  their 
isolated  mountain  homes. 

It  also  seems  quite  possible  that  the  Sanskrit-using 
Buddhists  of  the  Mahayanist  type,  who,  Mr.  Blagden  tells 
us,  were  found  in  Southern  Indo-China  at  a very  early 
date,  were  really  the  forerunners  of  the  Tai  who  came  to 
found  Siam,  and  that  they  were  early  invaders  from  the 
Mahayanist  Nan^chao  kin^pm.  • ■ 


THE  TIABL-DIYEE  OF  AL-A^SHA 


499 


The  laoderii  Ttii,  like  tlie  modern  Borman,  certainly 
follow  the  Soiitlieru  Canon,  but  it  iw  quite  certain  tliat 
.Buddhism  first  entered  Burma  from  the  north,  and  that 
it  was  the  Mahayanist  form.  I still  believe  tiuit  i:he  sanu^ 
will  be  found  to  be  true  of  the  Tai  race.  The  only  hope 
of  proof  seems  to  rest  in  tlie  libraries  of  monasteries  in  the 
Shan-Chinese  States  across  the  border.  It  may  be  hoped 
that  Mr.  Coclirane  will  find  the  time  and  the  opportunity 
to  carry  on  researches  there. 

J.  George  Scott. 


The  PEARL-DlVEXi  OF  AL-AtSHA 
Of  the  seven  passages  of  which  translations  are  given 
in  my  paper  on  “ The  Pictorial  Aspects  of  Ancient  Arabian 
Poetry”,  read  on  November  14  last,  six  are  easily 
accessible,  and  can  be  read  in  editions  which  have  passed 
under  tlie  revision  of  European  scholars.  One,  however, 
the  extract  from  al-A'shas  poem  dealing  with  the  Pearl- 
diver  (pp.  146-7),  is  less  known,  and  has  so  far  been 
published  only  in  the  unvocalized  text  of  the  Khizanat 
al-Adab,  by  'Abd  al-Qadir  of  Baghdad,  printed  in  Egypt 
in  1299  H.,  which  is  now  rather  scarce.  I think,  therefore, 
that  it  will  be  of  interest  to  readers  of  our  Journal  if 
I append  here  the  original  text  of  the  passage,  with  the 
vowels  added : — 

y 

O 'I  50  * c. 

— I }«-> 

L;ij 

sLS-^-aLjj 


U:  -L: 


Lji 


U- 


■•I 


^ P J-  ? ^ “S’ 

.J  (LmJAj  Lr.jiiL!icl 


7 


600 


THE  PEARL-DIVER  OF  AL-A‘SHA 


:.1  'll  ■ d.Ju4J\  jLii,,^U?l 

6^  L4-J  cpL^u  11 

il  ti^— i4-f  l5^^* 


jAJsf 
ij 


Xj\ 


J •»>  * 1 »1 


■ Notes  . 


V,  '2.  lu  tlie  (iDinnientiiry  contained  in  the  Khizdnah,  i,  p.  544,  it  is 
stated  that  should  l)e  vocalized  as  an  accusative,  as  the  (JU^ 

{^Wz  : it  would,  I think,  be  more  natural  to  take  it  as  a ik^  and 
therefore  in  the  nominative. 

V.  3.  SJX'V.  lurendering  these  words  “the  collar  of  captaincy 

I have  assumed  tliat  ^jlil'i  is  connected  with  and  this  ma}^  well 

,% 

be  the  ease  ; but  the  Lexx.  generally  explain  it  as  equivalent  to 

plural  of  {the  Arabicized  form  of  the  Persian  “key^’;  in 

any  c«ise  it  implies  that  the  sailors  invested  their  chief  with  authority 
over  thenn 

V.  4.  has  been  substituted  for  the  reading  of  Kim. 

which  could  only  mean  {when  used  of  a boat)  a small  craft  attached  for 
the  service  of  another,  an  unsuitable  sense  here : we  may  also  read 

; both  words  mean  “ swift  the  sense  required. 

V.  7.  1 have  not  been  able  to  hnd  authority  for  in  the  sense 

“(his  teeth)  were  clenched though  this  seems  to  be  certainly  the 
meaning  intended. 

V.  10.  The  discussion  in  Khimnah^  i,  542,  sbow^s  that  the  grammarians 
generally  read  either  uAaf  or  , taking^  to  have  been 

understood  before  , though  it  seems  preferable  to  read  (with 
ar-Riyashi  and  al-Miizini,  p.  543,  lines  2,  3)j\^\  <-  > in  the  accusative 

as  a . There  is  an  altematire  reading  for  ; as  the 

l>iver  was  the  captain  of  four,  the  singular  or  must  stand 

for  the  plural  (as  rendered  in  tihe  translation) ; this  is  a very  common 
idiom,  especially  with  such  wqedias  ^4^  and  * 


THE  PEAEL-DIVER  OE  AE^A^SHA. 


501 


V.  Hi  alternative  reading  to  the 

latter  meaning  “sailors”.  I have  preferred  the  former,  because  we 
have  already  left  the  vessel  and  have  had  brought  before  us  the  pearl- 
merchants  who  wish  to  buy  the  precious  prize,  which,  in  the  second 
hemistich,  the  Diver  energetically  withholds  from  them,  clutching  it 
with  both  hands  raised  to  his  throat. 

V.  14.  The  first  word  is  a syllable  short  of  what  is  required  by  the 
metre  ; perhaps  we  should  read  , 

The  ode  in  praise  of  Qais  son  of  Ma'dikarib  of  Kindali, 
from  which  this  extract  is  taken,  is  variously  attributed 
to  Maimun  al-A'sha,  the  poet  of  Qais  b.  Thadabali,  and 
to  Zuhair,  called  al-Musayyib  (or  al-Musayyab),^  son  of 
'Alas,  of  Dubai'ah.  The  former  was  the  opinion  of  Abu 
'Ubaidah,  Ibn  Duraid,  and  others,  the  latter  that  of 
al-Asma'i.  'Abd  al-Qadir  states  (i,  545)  that  he  copied 
the  extract  he  gives  from  al-A'shiVs  DlwCm,  and  pre- 
sumably the  notes  from  the  commentary  thereto;  the 
poem  is  not,  however,  as  I learn  from  Professor  Geyer, 
contained  in  Tlia'lab’s  recension  of  the  Dlwdn.  Ibn 
Qutaibah  quotes  from  it  (but  not  these  verses)  as  the 
work  of  al-Musay^db  {Bhi'r,  p.  83).  Al-Musayyib  was 
al-A'sha's  maternal  uncle,  and  al-A'sha  was  his  rdwiyah 
(that  is,  the  official  transmitter  of  his  compositions).  In 
these  circumstances  it  is  natural  that  the  works  of  the 
elder  poet  should  he  appropriated  by,  and  in  the  course 
of  time  be  ascribed  to,  the  younger  and  much  more 
famous  author.  The  balance  of  probability  is,  therefore, 
in  favour  ofJal-Musayyib. 

Passages  dealing  with  the  getting  of  pearls  in  the 
fisheries  of  the  Persian  Gulf  are  not  infrequent  in  the 
ancient  Arabian  poetry.  There  is  an  interesting  descrip- 
tion of  such  a scene  in  the  poem  by  al-Miikhabbal  of 

^ ‘Abd  al-Qadir  expressly  states  {KMz.  i,  545,  lines  6 and  5 from  foot) 
that  the  name  is  in  the  active  form,  given  to  him  by  his  father  because 
he  left  the  camels  of  which  he  was  in  charge  to  wander  by  themselves 
while  he  was  busy  with  his  poetry.  The  name  is,  however, 
more  often  given  in  thejpassive  form,  Musayyab,  and  is  so  explained  in 
al-Anbari’s  commentary  to  the  MnfaddaUydt  (my  edition),  p.  92,  1.  7. 


602 


THE  rEAEE-BIYEB  OF  AL-A^SIIA 


Ha'cl  Ik  ZiiicJ-Mat>at  (a  contemporary  of  the.  Prophet)  in  the 
M (Thorteeke,  No.  11,  vv.  Ki~15,  my  edition, 
p.  2ld},  where  the  diver  in  depicted  as  wiimin;^  his  treasure 
from  the  midst  of  a billowy  sea  in  wliieh  tlie  sword-fish, 
Xiphiim,  lives.  There  is  another  in  a poem  by 
a!"Farazda(|  (A\fqaid,  No,  of),  vv.  J8-2S,  Bevan,  pp.  517- 
20),  wliere  the  pearl  is ' guarded  by  a deaf  sea-serpent, 
the  terror  of  tlie  divers.  The  diver  risks  death,  however, 
and  wins  the  pearl  from  the  serpent’s  month,  but  is  bitten 
in  doiiig  so  and  dies  as  he  readies  tlie  surface. 

I take  this  opportunity  to  make  two  sliglit  rectifications 
in  my  paper.  In  the  passage  from  Labid’s  MibUdlaqali 
describing  the  wild-cow  (p.  140),  tlie  verses  are  given  in 
the  order  in  whicli  they  stand  in  all  editions  of  the  poem. 
Nevertheless,  liowever,  it  seems  certain  that  w^e  should 
transpose  the  two  verses  “ She  wandered  distracted 
about  . . . suckling  and  weaning”  from  their  present 
place,  and  enter  them  after  verse  4 of  the  extract  and 
before  the  description  of  the  rainy  niglit.  Tlie  reason 
is  that  in  all  these  scenes  the  rain  and  cold  are  brought ^ 
in  by  tlie  poet  in  order  to  enhance  the  speed  of  the 
animal ; and  accordingly  the  description  of  them  should 
immediately  precede  that  part  of  the  narrative  where 
the  wild -cow  is  beset  by  the  hunters  and  their  dogs.  Tlie 
seven  days'  -wandering,  which  now  stands  between, 
interrupts  the  proper  sequence. 

On  p.  141  I suggested  that  the  habit  of  the  male 
ostrich  sitting  on  the  eggs  laid  by  his  mates  was  unique. 
It  is,  however,  common  to  the  ostrich  with  other  Ratite 
birds,  such  as  the  Emeu  in  Australia  and  the  Rhea  of 
South  America,  and  was  very  probably  the  habit  of  the 
extinct  Moas  of  New  Zealand. 


C,  J.  Lyall. 


thb:  a?pb:arakce  of  the  feophist  in  deeams  , 50.3 

Thb;  Appearance  of  the  Prophet  in  Dreams 

I should  like  to  siipplemont  in  a ineasiire,,  from  one 
point  of  view,  the  arguments  on  tliis  topic  farnislied  hy 
]\Ir.  F.  Krenkow  in  the  Journal,  mite,  pp.  77-9.  It  is  no 
uneemuion  thing  in  Islamic  literature  to  find  botli 
th(M,)logical  doulAs  and  questions  of  practical  controversy 
solved  by  the  decision  of  the  Prophet,  wdio  appears  in 
a dream,  and  this  on  the  autliority  of  the  IjuxlUli  treated  by 
Mr.  Krenkow, — decisions  whicli  extend  as  well  to  isolated 
cases  affecting  individuals,  as  to  mattei;^,  afteeting  the 
interests  of  tlie  cmnmurtity  at  lavije.  Let  me  give  instances 
of  both  classes  from  that  literature. 

A man  was  employed  by  its  owner  to  drive  an  ox  from 
one  place  to  anotlier.  On  the  way  he  was  attacked  by 
robbers  to  the  peril  of  Ids  life,  and  he  escaped  only  by 
surrendering  to  them  the  ox  entrusted  to  Ins  charge. 
Thereupon  the  question  of  law  arose : Was  tlie  agent 
bound  to  compensate  the  owner  for  the  property  entrusted 
to  him,  or  did  the  danger  to  his  life  amount  to  vis  mxijor 
and  so  displace  the  liability.  The  once  renowned  jurist 
Ahmad  1>.  Abi  Ahmad  al-Tabari,  known  as  Ilrii  al-Qass, 
oh.  A.H.  335  (a.d.  946-7),  in  Tarsus,  maintained  the  former 
view,  whilst  Abu  Ja‘far  al-Hannati  held  that  on  the  true 
view  he  was  exempt  from  liability  to  make  compensation. 
At  this  point,  according  to  Taj  al-din  al-Subki,-^  the  Qadi 
Abu  'All  al-Zajjaji,  a pupil  of  Ibn  al-Qass,  saw  the  Prophet 
in  a dream,  and  seized  the  opportunity  of  asking  him  to 
decide  the  point  of  controversy  between  his  teacher  and 
al-1  lannati-  " It  is  your  teacher  who  lias  decided  aright,'' 
pronounced  the  Prophet,  to  the  great  joy  of  Ids  questioner. 

Of  much  the  same  date  is  a dream  vision  in  which 
the  Prophet  solved  a doubt  which,  disquieted  tlie  pious 
tSafi  Abu  Bakr  Muhammad  b.  Sa^dun  al-Jaziri,  a Maghribi 
who  spent  a large  part  of  his  life  in  journeying  about 


^ Tahaqdt  al-BhdfiHyya,  ii,  p.  104. 


1 A1  O 


504  Tin;  APPEARAHCi  OF  THE  FliOFHIT  IN  DEEAMS 


E?iHit'rri  klHiii,  and  to)k  part  in  iks  wars;  dind  A.ii. 

(AJ).  0r)r)--fi).  Tills  holy  iriafij  aronnd  whoiii  when 
prayiii;^^  we  are  told  that  a light  used  to  play,  was 
anxious  to  he  assure*!  on  the  point,  how  many  .7/o/,’V.//es' 
w^re  ohligatory  during  the  Holuf  id-d'iUtfi,  1 nder  the 
vnwiH  of  Malik  and  of  Lailh  tlierr*  was  a.  <lisen*panfy  in 
the  numh‘T  ])rescribed.  The  pious  man  tells  ns  how  his 
douht  disturbed  him  during  his  wanderings  in  the 
Mjn|aihim  range  of  liills  near  Cairo,  until  the  Prophet 
prononneed  in  a dream  a decision  in  favour  of  the  ruling 
of  the  Imam  Malikd 

Tim  n-nowned  Shafeite  jurist  of  .Mecca,  Ibn  Ihijar 
ahHaithami,  oh.  A.n.  973  (A.i,).  1505),  mentions  in.  ins 
tixaitise  IVnj^d  itl-rldn\tit  (preserved  in  the  .‘History  of 
Gujarat  hy  Ahd  Allali  Muhammad  Ulngklulni,  which  has 
Ixaui  editt.'d  hy  E.  Denison  lloss),  in  tlie  course  of  a eulogistic 
Hft,^  of  the  learned  vizier,  hVbd  ai-h^ziz  Asaf  Khan,  that 
a contemporary  pious  Huti  Sliaikli  was  in  continuous 
communication  with  the  Prophet.  On  any  question  of 
douht  presenting  itself,  he  used  to  say,  Wait  until  I can 
make  inquiry  of  the  Prophet/’  and  shortly  afterwards  he 
brouglit  tlie  Priiphet’s  decision.-  Tliis  anecdote  seems, 
nex'ertheless,  accounted  for  by  tlie  Shaikh’s  hallucinations 
wlien  in  a wakeful  state — a trait  rather  frequently  present 
in  Siiti  biographies. 

The  foregoing  caBCs  are  instances  of  instruction  imparted 
to  individuals ; but  a number  of  instances  are  to  bo 
gathered  from  literary  sources  where  doubts  on  religious 
questions  affecting  the  entire  community  were  decided  by 
means  of  such  visions;  ci  the  vision  of  al-AslPari, 
the  motive  for  his  action  against  the  MuTazilah. 
A disputed  point  of  old  standing  as  to  ritual  was 
this : whether  when  holding  prayer  over  the  dead 

^ Maqqdn^  ed.  Leyden,;  I,  p. 

Ambk  Himry  of  B,;  Boss  (Indian  Texts  SenesII), 

Le»don,  1910,  p,  374  A D' ' ; - . 


THE  APPEARANCE  OF  THE  PROPHET  TN  HRKAM8  505 


(mldt  aUjhndza)  the  corpse  may  be  borne  into  the 
piH^cincts  of  tlie  mo8(]ne,  or  whether  the  rite  whonld  be 
pt^rionsKMl  outside.^  The  celebrated  mystic  3hihyi 
lo!)  ^A)‘abi  (wliose  visions  of  tlie  Propliet  in  his  dreams 
^yiiVQ  most  frequent,  as  appears  from  liis  work,  the  FukU-s 
aUIiikaia,  tbrouglioiit)  was  desirous  that  the  question  in 
dispute  should  be  set  at  rest,  so  far  as  concerned  his 
place  of  aljode,  Damascus.  .He  accordingly  narrates  how 
he  saw  in  a dream  a corpse  carried  into  tlie  mosque,  and 
that  he  also  saw  the  Prophet  disapprove  of  this,  and  direct 
the  corpse  to  bo  removed  from  tlie  mosque,  and  conveyed 
to  the  Jairun  (uite.‘^ 

Changes  in  ritual,  too,  wliieli  confirmed  conservativoK 
hal)itually  resisted,  were  at  times  alleged  to  liave  received 
tlie  Prophet’s  approbation  in  a vision,  and  tliis  expi*ession 
of;  consent  was  made  to  supply  tlie  want  of  any  con- 
firmation by  a written  tradition.  When  the  Dervish  clasH 
in  Cairo  managed  (a.h.  7 hi,  a.d.  1389)  to  get  the  long- 
established  Adhan  formula  extended  by  tlie  inclusion  of 
Praise  of  tlie  Propliet,  the  inno\'ation  was  rested  on  the 
Prophet’s  approval,  announced  in  a vision.'^  And  wlien 
two  centuries  later  conservative  circles  resisted  the 
establishment  of  mlaiucit  meetings  as  introduced  by  the 
Sufis,  the  legend  was  spread  abroad  that  the  Prophet  had 
appeared  in  a dream  to  one  of  the  bitterest  opponents,  and 
had  signified  his  approval  of  the  pious  custom  tlius 
introduced  in  Ids  honour.^  The  appeal  to  tin's  form  of 
decision  passed  among  this  superficial  folk,  as  the  weightiest 
argument  against  the  expressed  disapproval  of  tlieological 
jurists  at  the  pious  Bid' a It. 

Eaimest  voices  were,  indeed,  upraised  in  disapproval  of 

J Ilm  Sa%  III,  i,  10r>,  L 3 ; ib.  302,  I 19  ; and  abNahrawali,  adPlam 
hi~Pl(lm  htit  AUdh  al-hmrm,  ed.  Wiistenfeld,  Gesch.  d.  ISfadt  Mecca^ 
iii,  208. 

” Murtada,  IthCif  al-Sdda  (comriientary  on  the  IhyCi,  ed.  Cairo,  iii,  458). 

MaqriK,  Khikd,  1st  ed.,  ii,  272. 

^ Muhibbi,  Khnldsat  al-Athar,  ii,  455. 


50l>  THE  AFFEARAHOE  OF  THE  FEOFHET  IN  DREAMS 


dtjeisioiiH  being  based  on  such  visionary  arguimuits, 
especially  when  they  sanetioued  practices  wbi(*.h  were  in 
contnida*! ion  to  the  To  this  effect  is  ib«‘  opinion 

of  al-Xawawi  against  any  authoritative  use  being  nm/ltj  of 
r**put«‘d  visi<)ns  in  dreanisd  And  tlie  Maghribi  Siinna- 
?seal<st,  Muljairnnad  al-'AI)dai*i  (ob.  a.h.  A.d. 
devotes  aji  caitire  chapter  of  his  work,  wliicli  lie  rests  on 
Xawawl's  authority,  to  combating  sucli  inetliods  of  seeking 
counsel.- 

Ibit  (ivem  up  t«.)  a,  very  recent  period  it  has  l)een  possible 
to  impose  on  tlie  superstitious  multitude,  especially  on 
tlicjse  far  removed  from  the  centres  of  Islamic  civilization, 
precepts  which,  have  been  imparted  by  tlie  Prophet  in 
divams.  In  East  Afi*ica  a versified  religious  manual 
{Minizfi ifuit  (dAanhlil)  is  widely  cuiTent,  which  was 
dictated  to  its  editor,  Ahmad  al-Marznip,  in  A.tl.  125S 
(aj>.  1842),  in  a dreatm,  on  which  the  author  himself,  and 
a learned  Javanese,  liave  written  commentaries.'^  On  Java 
to{.)  desc.ended,  in  A.H.  121)7  (a.d.  .1880),  tlirougb  a revelation 
of  the  Prophet  vouchsafed  to  a certain  vShaikli,  ‘Abd  Allah, 
in  a vision,  an  earnest  exhortation  to  trne  believers,  the 
written  text  of  wlncli  was  alleged  to  have  been  found  l^y 
tlie  Shaikh  near  Muhammad’s  tomb  at  Medina.  This 
exhortation  was  some  time  since  brought  to  public  notice 
by  Professor  Snouck  Hurgronje,  who  has  pointed  out  its 
significance.*^ 

1.  Goldziher. 

January  Sl^  19PJ, 

^ I'ahdhlh^  ed.  Wiistenfeld,  p.  55,  1.  7,  infra, 

~ ^^(ldkhal  al-uharlf  Alexandria,  1293,  iii,  pp.  302  ff. 

*'  Cf.  on  this  C.  H.  Becker  in  Der  Idam,  1911,  ii,  27. 

De  laatsto  A'ermauing  van  Mohammed  aan  zijne  Geineente  uitge- 
vaardigd  in  het  jaar  1880  n.  Chr.,:  in  De  Indische  (7ids,  July,  1884. 


THE  MEANiNG  OF  THE  WOEBS  HOJI  TASH 


507 


The  Meaning  of  the  words  Hoji  Task 
In  one  of  iny  wifti’s  Notes  on  the  JMbar-ruma,  JRAS. 
for  1009,  p-  454,  an  entry  in  the  Turki  language  is  cpioted, 
referring  to  the  gift  of  a niannscript  of  Ba])ar’s  Memoirs. 
44ie  unknown  writer  says  therein  that  the  nianuscj^-ipt, 
now  known  as  the  Kehr  MS.,  and  the  foundation  of  the 
Ihninsky  volume,  was  given  to  him  in  957  AM.  (1550) 
at  a place  or  stage  (manzil)  called  Hoji  Ta^.  Now, 
tliough  Hoji  is  written  with  a wrong  li,  and  there  is  no 
dot  to  indicate  tliat  M was  the  proper  letter,  there  can 
be  little  doubt,  1 tliink,  that  the  word  intended  is  Khwa  jah. 
rt  might  also  be  Ilaji,  but  this  is  less  likely.  But  we 
have  been  long  puzzled  to  identify  Hoji,  or  Khwiljah, 
d^Ish,  and  1)ooks  and  maps  have  been  searclied  in  vain. 
T think,  however,  that  I have  now  discovered  tliat  Khwajah 
Tad]  is  a title,  and  that  it  means  tlie  Master  of  Stone- 
work", and  that  “the  place  called  Khwajah  TfuA is 
(Mpiivalent  to  “the  place  called  Farhad’’.  ]\Iy  ground  is 
that  in  the  canto  of  Nizrimi’s  Kli/asr<:m  and  which, 

describes  the  suicide  of  Farhad,  tlie  unhappy  lovei*  of 
ShiFin,  the  poet  proceeds  to  moralize  on  the  instability  of 
life,  and  the  Hux  of  human  bodies.  He  says  Faridun  and 
Kai-Khusrau  (famous  Persian  kings)  are  now  motes 
blown  about  by  the  wind,  and  then  he  adds,  Khwajah 
Tadi  no  longer  lives  and  his  breatli  is  borne  to  and  fro 
by  the  winds  of  autumn.  Evidently  by  Khwajah  Tadi 
he  means  Farliad,  and  the  allusion  is  to  his  skill  as 
a sculptor  and  an  engineer.  As  Nizami  tells  us,  Faihad 
carved  th.e  likenesses  of  Shirin  and  of  Khusrau  and  his 
l>iack.  steed  Shabdiz  on  the  rock  (at  Taq  Bostan),  and  made 
a canal  for  Shirin,  and  was  making  a road  for  Khusrau 

-all  for  love  of  Shirin,  whom  he  hoped  to  win  as  Ids 

reward — when  he  was  treacherously  slain  by  the  false 
news  of  her  death.  If,  then,  lOiwajah  be  Farhad, 

the  place  called  by  tlie  former  name  must  in  all  probability 
be  somewhere, near  Kirmtoshah  or  Bisitun  (Behistun),  and 


508  ISIHTOftY  OF  FIME  hWf  IK  IKOIA  AKD  CEVLOX  ” 


WO  ill  ihi»  iiortlowest  part  of  Persia,  for  that  is  tlie  only 
pliiet*  where  Farluld  was  employed.  If  this  be  so,  and  the 
dab*  057  he  eorreet,  the  note  eaiinot  be  by  lluinhyiln,  for 
lie  heil  left  Persia  two  or  three  years  before.  .Howev(‘r, 
the  fjiei  of  tla^  misspelling  of  tlie  word  Kluvnjah  or  Ijaji 
is  siiffielent  to  show  that  the  note  could  ]iot  ])e  by  so 

highly  educated  a prince  as  llumaj’un. 

' ■ ..  " II.  Beveridue. 

“ A Blstory  of  Fixe  Art  in  India  and  Ceylon  " 

Two  regn.*ttal>le  erroi’s  occur  on  p.  315  of  my  book  in 
the  citation  of  3Ir.  Ha, veils  views  on  Tibetan  painting. 
TiiC  quotation  spitmdid  in  drawing  ”,  etc,,  is  applicalde, 
not  to  plate  xlix  of  Tuduin  S(^Hlptu.re  and  Faint  lag, 
but  to  a large  |)ainting  iu  Berlin;  and  the  reference  to 
All*.  Ha  Veils  (‘riticism  of  liis  platii  li  is  inaccurate.  1:1 is 
praise  I'thVrs  only  to  the  upper  figures  iu  tluit  caniiposition, 
and  not  to  the  principal  tigui'e,  which  lie  correctly  describes 
as  a ‘‘  inonst.rositA' ” of  “tlioroughly  degenerate  type”. 

I cannot  explain  the  lapse  of  attention  wliieli.  caused  me 
ti)  make  incorrect  notes  on  tlie  8ubj(‘ct,  and  can  only 
express  my  regret  at  the  inadvei-bmt  misrepresentation  of 
Mr,  Havel  Is  opinions.  Vincent  A.  Smith. 

J(t unary  76\  /a/.?. 


International  Congress  of  Prehistoric  Anthropology 
AND  Archaeology 

The  Fourteenth  Session  will  be  lield  in  Geneva  during 
the  first  week  in  September,  Full  information  can  lie 
obtained  from  tbe  Secretary,  Dr,  Waldemar  Deonna, 
l(>  Bvd.  des  Ikanchees,  Geneva. 


International  Cohgbess  of  the  History  of  Religions 
The  Fourth  Session  will  be  lield  at  Leiden  from 
September  9 to  13,  Full:  information  can  be  obtained 
from  the  SECRETARlAfg'Jli'fknt^pen,  Leiden. 


¥()TICEB  OF  BOOKS 


(!)  BriujoTHECA  Budj)higa,  XIII : Mahavyutpatti.  Ed. 
J.  P.  Mjkayef.  2nd  ed.,  wltli  index,  by  K D. 
Miroxoff.  St.  Petersburg,  1911, 

(2)  3IEM01RS  OF  THE  ASIATIC  SOCIETY  OF  BENGAL. 
Yol.  lY,  No.  1,  pp.  1-127  : Sanskrit-Tibetak- 
English  Yocabulary,  being  an  edition  and  trans- 
lation of  the  MalidvyiifiKitti,  by  Alexander  Csoma 
DE  Koros.  Ed.  ])y  E.  Denison  Ross,  Ph.I).,  lYA.S.B., 
and  Maham aiklpadhyaya  Satis  Chandra  Yidya- 
BHCSANA,  F.A.S.B.  Part  1. 

The  first  edition  of  the  M(ihd/oyutj>atti  ];y  Minax^ef 
appeared  in  1887,  and  was  reviewed  by  Professor  Zachariae 
in  Gotfinr/er  Gdelivh^-  Aiizeigen,  1888,  pp.  845  ft*.  It  is 
now  out  of  print.  Minayef  liad  at  his  disposition  four 
MSS.  (P,  D,  M,  U),  belonging  partly  to  tlie  University 
Library  and  partly  to  the  Asiatic  Museum  at  St.  Peters- 
burg, and.  one  printed  copy  in  the  Tibetan  character 
forming  a part  of  the  123rd  volume  of  the  Tmijur  (T.). 
The  best  among  them  is  P,  of  which  tlie  editor  gives 
a.  short  description  in  his  preface,  pp.  iii  tf.  Tliere  are 
two  more  MSS.  in  St.  Petersburg  (L  and  S)  which 
Minayef  could  not  use  for  his  edition  in  1887,  but  whicli 
lie  described  in  the  manuscript  notes  contained  in  his  own 
copy  of  the  Mahavyutpatti. 

Tlie  present  editor,  N.  D.  MironofF,  states  in  Ins  preface 
that  in  1905  Professor  Oldenburg  suggested  to  him  to 
prepare  a new  edition  of  the  Mahavyutpatti  in  which 
he  would  make  use  of  the  MSS.  L and  S and  also  of  the 
copious  notes,  additions,  and  corrections  he  had  found  in 
Minayefs  copy.  The  two  new  MSS.  offered  comparatively 
few  additional  readings,  as  we  can  see  in  the  note>s  at  the 


510  xmwEH  or  .bookb 

Imfctoiii  cii*  tilt*  pai^es,  wliich  are  only  a little  more  extt^riHive 
than  ill  the  first  edition.  The  text  also  shows  slight 
alteratirjns  in  tliose  cases  only  where  the  first  edition  had 
an  evident  misprint  or  wlnwe  Minayef  had  ins(ni-t*(I  a 
eorreetion  in  his  own  copy. 

In  this  way  most  oi*  the  pages  in  b^a-h  ♦slitions  an^ 
identieal.  'Hie  only  real  difference  lies  in  the  tact  that 
at  the*  lieginning  of  some  paragruplrs  3finayel*  reproduces 
tlie  heaiii ng,  while  Mironofi*  preters  to  (.unit  it.  So,  for 
instanet^  ^ Hi)  reads  in  tlie  first  edition:  indriyavainiritrata  ] , 
mrdvindriyah  2,  madhvtmdriyah  tikslinendriyah  4.  In 
tin,*  second  editimi  wrt  luive  : nirdvindriyah  .1 , niadliyen- 
driyah  2,  tlkshnendriyuh  3.  It  is  clear  that  iiidriyavai- 
mati'uta  is  only  tin.*  heading  of  the  paragraph,  and  if 
included  in  tin?  text  should  certainly  not  have  a ninnlier 
attaclied  to  it.  The  same  <,>cciii's  in  § 77.  11ie  pa.ragraph 
begins  in  tlie  first  edition  : CatN'firi  dliarmasairiadanani  1. 
Afterwards  the  four  dharmasamadanas  are  enumerated, 
and  that  brings  the  number  to  five,  which  is  certainly 
wrong.  The  same  jiroceoding  may  be  observed  in  §§  B1, 
82,  ibo,  119,  J20,  188,  208,  207,  209. 

The  principal  advantage  of  the  second  edition  is  tlui 
excellent  index,  which  reproduces  every  word  of  the 
Makdrijuipalii  with  its  paragraph  and  number.  All 
Sanskrit  scliolars  should  be  thankful  to  Mironofi‘ for  this 
capital  piece  of  work. 

At  the  end  of  his  preface  Mironoff  states  that  when  the 
third  part  of  his  edition  of  the  MahoA^yutpatti  liad  nearly 
left  the  press  another  edition  of  the  same  text  appeared  in 
Calcutta,  but  that  he  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  give 
an  opinion  about  this  edition  for  the  present,  and  that  lie 
preferred  to  postpone  it  for  a later  occasion. 

This  leads  us  to  the  second  part  of  our  review.  The 
edifcorsof  the  Sanskrit-Tibetan-^English  Vocabulary, Denison 
Ross  and  Vidyabhasana,,tell  us  in  their  preface  that  they 
could  not  use  Minayefs  edition  of  the  Mahavyutpatti  for 


MAHAVrdTFam  Ol  I 

the  beginning  oi‘  their  book,  but  that  they  got  it 
Ur.  Thoinas,  librarian  at  the  India  Office  in  London,  when 
tlio  first  .sixteen  pages  had  already  left  tlie  press. 

Idic  Calcutta  edition  is  based  on  a MS.  \v]*ht(.*n  1)\' 
t.lsoiiia  de  Kords,  tlie  pioneer  of  Tibetaii  studies,  i see 
from  tlie  preface,  p.  iv,  that  the  Tibetan  portion  of 
the  3IS,  needed  little  or  no  revision.  Witli  regard  to  the 
Sanskrit,  this  seems  not  to  have  been  tlie  case,  as  the 
(‘ditors  were  obliged  to  change  the  ti’anscription  of  <.tsonui 
to  that  adopted  by  the  Asiatic  Societj*  of  Bengal,  and  here 
and  there  also  to  coiTect  tlie  reading  of  the  Sanskrit. 
The  Tibetan  portion  of  the  text  is  not  to  be  considere<l 
liere — I leave  this  entirely  to  a Tibetan  scholar — hut  about 
the  Sanskrit  portion  I must  say  with  regret  that  iii  spite 
of  tlie  corrections  wliich  Csoina’s  ]\IS.  has  undergone  in 
the  hands  of  the  Calcutta  editors,  a considerable  number 
of  mistakes  has  been  allowed  to  stand  in  this  edition. 
I shall  prove  this  later  on  by  quoting  a number  of  words 
from,  I I SO,  and  I hope  that  this  review  will  come  in  time 
to  permit  tlie  editors  to  correct  similar  mistakes  in  tlie 
second  and  third  instalments  of  their  edition. 

As  Minay ef’s  and  Mironotf’s  editions  do  not  give  an}" 
translations  of  tlie  words  in  the  Vocabulary,  this  is 
evidently  tlie  most  valuable  part  of  the  Calcutta  edition. 
Here  also  the  editors  have  followed  Csorna  in  nine  cases 
out  of  ten,  and  they  are  certainly  not  to  be  blamed  for 
doing  so.  Still,  in  some  cases,  for  which  examples  are 
given  in  the  preface,  they  have  been  obliged  to  correct 
Gsom  a' s trail  si  at  ion. 

I shall  now  submit  to  the  reader  a number  of  interesting 
words  from  | 186,  with  their  translations.  K designates 
tlie  Russian  edition,  C.  the  Calcutta  edition. 

§ 186  R.  = 34  G.  gives  the  names  of  the  degrees  or 
classes  among  men. 

No.  44  R.  b}iatavalagra  = 43  Cl  ghatavolagra.  Neither 
reading  is  satisfactory,  but  R.  is  supported  by  all  MSS., 


512 


wliile  is  ail  arbitrary  correction  of  tJie  CJalciitta  pdiiors. 
The  tmiisiatiori  is  not  given. 

XcK  59  K.  kilravalikali  = o7  C.  karavalika  fTaravfirika), 
that  earrieh  the  crooked  swordT  roadingH  are 

€<|iially  eorreet,  as  we  find  them  lioth  in  llemacaudras 
Aidiidhauaeintamani,  788  Hch.,  and  Taravarikfi,  !i>.  782. 
Trikandywssha,  2.8.54,  and  flaravali  188,  Karapaiikn 
oeenrs  alno  in  IVdi  Ai)hid}ifuia|)}>adi})ika  892.  The  com- 
mentator of  H(3iaacandra  calls  it  tiirnshkayndhcup,  and 
this  has  indnced  Weher  (Indlsrhe  aJ , Id.  88)  to 
that  it  iniglit  Ije  a Ik^rsiari  loan-word  (just  as 
f^phard  hf'lowt  If  it  is  >Stuiskrit  the  literary  meaning 
would  he  “ hand-protecting 

'Kih  71  IL  dandavasika.  = dfM’A  dan  da  vasika.  Danda- 

vasika  and  the  identical  dandavnsin  (Trik.  2.  8.  24)  can 
iiiean  eith(‘i*  ‘'a,  <Ioork<M3}H*r  ” or  ‘‘a  ^'il]age  lieadman 
The  reading  ot  ( ■.  dandavasika,  and  tlie  translation  “ the 
keeper  of  a serpent  " are*  supported  hy  no  autliority. 

No.  84  H.  sjiharika  = 1)2  C.  paparika..,  ‘‘the  shield-bearer.'' 
Spharika  is  evidtmtiy  derived  from  spliura,  shield," 
Herti.  788.  Zachariae,  litdisde  p.  67,  takes 

it  to  ho  a Sanskriti^iation  of  the  Prakrit  |>liarao,  but  I think 
that  Noldeeke  (MonaldM^riehie  tier  Berluu^r  Aeadrnrif^, 
1888,  p.  1109)  is  right,  wdio  considers  it  as  a Persian 
loan-word.  Why  the  editors  of  C.  have  clianged  this  into 
paparika  1 cannot  tell. 

No,  84  E.  dhtouvadi  = 82  C.  dhanavadin.  Both  are 
twidently  incorrect  and  the  reading  in  the  footnotes  of 
R.  dliatuvad!  must,  be  adopted.  Cf.  Haravali  195, 
The  meaning  is  the  same  as  tliat  of  the  pri^ceding 
klianyavadi,  “ skilful  in  discovering  mines."  C,  substitutes 
dhanavadin  (which  is  not  to  be  found  elsewliere)  and 
translates  “ a broker  " or  go-between 

No.  89  R.  khatikal.i  = 87  C.  khantika.  Tlie  correct 
reading  is  khattika  mtosavikrayi,  a “butclier"  or 
seller  of  meat",  Se#;H0maoandra’a  Anekarthas.  3.  30. 


MAHAVYUTPATO 


513 


No.  97  R.  bliraingarikali  = 95  C.  l)Iiraiaiygarika  (?). 
Tho  correct  reading  (it*  one  is  correct)  rrnist  be  that  of  R., 
as  tlie  second  is  no  Sanskrit  word  at  all,  but  tlie  nieauing 
is  obscure.  The  vSt.  Petersburg  dictionary  sugg(‘sts  that 
it  may  a wrong  derivation  from  bhriigara,  ‘ha  water-jar,” 
and  identical  in  meaning  with  tlie  following  sfipakara, 
“ a cook,” 

No.  102  R.  palaganda  = 99  Cl  palaganda,  ’“  carpenter," 
This  word  is  correct,  and  the  translation  as  well.  .It 
occurs  also  in  Pali,  Abhidhanappadipikri  506.  Monier- 
Wiliiarns  derives  it  from  pala,  ‘hstraw,”  l>ut  the  second 
part  remains  obscure. 

No.  113  R.  r;ilakuttah  = 1.10  C.  silakiiha,  stom.^- 
eutter.”  Tlie  commentary  on  Hemac.  Aiiakartlias.  ii,  82, 
(.‘xplains  it  by  (p’lakuttakah  punishah.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  about  the  meaning  of  the  word.  TIic  reading  of 
Cl  is  not  to  be  found  elsewhere. 

No.  140  R.  maudvikah  =140  Cl  mantrika,  “a  writm“. 
clerk,  amanuensis.”  According  to  Bdlitlingk  and  3Ionier- 
Williams  maudrika  is  a maker  oi*  seals  (mudra).  Mantrika, 
on  the  contraiy,  means  “ a sorcerer  ” (see  Maiikha  69), 
and  this  ma}^  be  tlie  correct  reading  Iiere,  as  it  agrees 
best  with  the  preceding  words  maiishtika  and  vidusliaka. 

No.  155  R.  krsliivalah  = 146  C.  krshiptihi,  ''a.  neat- 
herd.” Both  readings  are  here  equally  good  ; the  secoml 
is  tlie  better  from  an  etymological  point  of  view,  but 
the  hrst  is  also  supported  by  good  authorities.  See,  for 
instance,  Hemac.  890. 

No.  168  R.  badhakali  = 158  C.  vadaka  (vadin).  The 
reading  vadhaka,  althougli  supported  by  no  manuscript, 
would  be  still  better.  In  any  case  tlie  meaning  must 
be ‘‘ murderer  ” or  hangman  ”,  as  this  only  agrees  witli 
the  preceding  words  and  with  the  following  hananani, 
putting  to  death.”  The  reading  of  C.  and  tlie  translation 
petitioner  ” are  totally  out  of  place  here 

I have  reached  the  end  of  my  review.  In  the  cliapter 


HimCES  or  ilOOKB 


514 

wiiieli  I have  seleetech  we  have  found  uhoiit  u dozen 
words  with  ivi^ard  to  which  the  Cnieutta  edition  aiui 
the  two  liiis.siau  editions  do  not  agree,  and  in  incest  of 
ihcHt^  cases  the  llussian  reading  has  proved  to  he  the 
heater  one.  As  for  th<^  translations,  Denison  Koss  says 
in  his  pndaec^  that  whc*re  any  ditlerencje  arises  ])etweeii 
the  Sanskrit  and  the  Tih<*tan.  he  lias  followed  ihe^  Inbeian ; 
and  1 certainly  cannot  blame  liim  for  this. 

T!u^  prc^seiit  iirstalment  repnssents  about  one-third  of 
(Isoma’s  manuscript.  If  in  the  following  instalments 
the  editors  will  he  careful  to  stick  to  the  Russian  text, 
and  to  d^oiaie  only  from  it  wlien  tliere  is  a palpable 
rtason  (as,  fcir  instance,  in  the  case  of  dhaimvridi  above), 
I have  no  doubt  that  their  work  will  lie  an  excellent 
addition  to  Indian  lexicography. 

E.  MtJLLKH. 

Bkrsk.  ' , 

yoiU  hihf  19  f I. 


Ej'ioiJjrnfA  Zevj.axioa,  ueixo  Lithic  axd  oxiiEii  Inscrip- 
tions OP  Cevlon.  Edited  and  translated  by  Don 
Martino  de  Zieva  Wiokremasinohe.  Vol.  I,  Part  V. 
London,  191 1. 

In  ih<‘  hftli  instalment  of  Ids  interesting  work  Wickre- 
masingho  gives  us  seven  important  inscriptions,  of  which 
only  one  (No.  18)  is  mentioned  in  my  xincierit  Lmcriptions 
of  Ceylon.  The  rest  was  discovered  by  the  editor 
and  Mr.  Bell  daring  the  last  decade  of  the  nineteentli 
century. 

Nos.  12  and  13  are  pillar  inscriptions  dated  from  the 
first  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Abhaya  Sa]ame.van,  No.  13 
from  the  month  Hil  (October-November),  No.  3.2  from  the 
mouth  Undvaep  (November-December)-  Wickremasinghe 
Inis  found  in  the  olst  chapter  of  the  Alahavamsa  that 
KuUhaka,  the  chief  captain  of  King  Sena  II,  built  the 
pari  vena  Senasenapati  and  endowed  it  with  great 


EPIGRAPHS  ZEYLANICA 


possessions.  This  might  induce  us  to  identify  the 
Kuttliaka  of  tlie  Mahavamsa  with,  the  Kuttlni  of  oni* 
inscription,  and  in  tliis  case  the  naine  of  the  king,  Abluiyn 
Salaiiievan,  would  correspond  to  Sena  IJ  (917-52  a.d.). 
But  for  ditterent  reasons,  stated  on  p.  165,  Wickreraasingln.^ 
comes  to  tlie  conclusion  that  Abhaya  Salamevan  cannot 
identified  with  Sena,  but  rather  witli  one  of  liis  immediate 
successors,  either  Udaya  I (952-63)  or  Kassapa  IV 
(963-80). 

No.  14  is  a slab  inscription  by  Queen  Lilavati,  found  in 
Anuradhapura.  Wickremasinghe  compares  it  with  the 
A])]iayavaeva  pillar  (A.I.C.,  No.  157)  of  Lag  Vijaya  Singu 
Kit.  I am  read}^  to  admit  that  I was  wrong  in  stating 
(A.I.C.,  p.  69)  that  Lag  Vijaya  Singu  Kit  married  Queen 
Lilavati:  lie  was  only  her  chief  minister.  Abha  Salamevan 
is  simply  an  epithet  of  the  queen,  and  the  first  line  of  the 
inscription  157  sliould  be  translated  tlius : General  Lag 
Vijaya  Singu  Kit,  chief  minister  to  Queen  Abha  Salamevan 
Lila^’ati,  etc. 

No,  15  is  again  a slab  inscription,  dated  from  tlie  twelfth 
year  of  a king  who  calls  himself  Abha  Salamevan,  and  has 
been  identified  by  Mr.  Bell  with  Dappula  V (991-1003). 
.Pirihela,  in  line  40,  is  a gerund  of  pirihenava, ‘'to  deprive,” 
as  I have  already  stated  witli  regard  to  the  verbal  noun 
pirihelima,  with  the  same  signification,  in  my  edition  of 
Heranasika  in  Festginisfi  cm  Rudolf  von  Roth,  p.  29. 

Nos.  16  and  17  are  pillar  inscriptions,  the  first  at 
Buddhanehala,  47  miles  from  AnurMhapura,  belonging  to 
Vajiraggii,  the  captain  whom  King  Udaya  I (952-63)  sent 
with  Prince  Mahinda  to  quell  a rebellion  raised  by 
Kittaggabodhi,  the  second  at  Moragoda,  near  the  Padaviya 
tank  belonging  to  King  Kassapa  IV,  tlie  brother  and 
successor  of  Udaya  I (963-80). 

With  regard  to  the  translation  I have  only  one  observa- 
tion to  make.  The  word  mcihavar,  0.  25,  is  trarislated 
by  ''  chief  artisans  ” on  p,  171,  and  in  the  footnote 


mmcm  of  books 


olCi 

Wiekmiijwifighe  6Kplaiim  it  by  Skt.  iiufhdkilj^n  or 

He  lulBiits  also  the  poasihilily  to  identify  it 
with  Hkt.  ‘‘ finlier/'  or  niduiH^dura,  “ biiiclier.” 

The  saifie  \v<)rd  cjeeuns  in  the  tai>]etH  of  Maliinda  IV  at 
Mihint-ale,  il  r>d  i^'p*  CniL  97,  1121,  and  in  tlie  slab 
ifiKcriptioii  of  the  nante  king  the  stone  canoe  {Ep. 

(ki/l.  IIH,  I20|,  besides  on  the  pillar  of  Ivassapa  III  in 
the  jungle  !iear  ^Hhintale  (AJXJ.,  No.  115,  A.  8,  C.  2). 
Then*  Wiekrernasinghe  translates  it  by  “ high  roads  ”, 
and  in  tliis  senwt  it  would  correspond  to  the  Skt.  Mahapdra. 
[ believe  tliat  tin’s  rneaniiig  is  the  correct  one,  and  tliat 
tile*  translation  on  p.  171  must  l.)e  corrected  in  tliis  passage. 
The  words  rad  kol  Jatampau  are  the  subject  ami  the 
words  surar  makavar  are  the  ol>ject  o£  the  sentence. 
Suiu.f.r  corresponds  to  Skt.  aupdra  just  as  inaltavar  to 
jnahnpdra.  In  this  case  the  translation  would  run  thus: 
“ That  the  serv^ints  of  the  royal  family  should  not  enter 
th(^  good  roads  and  the  liigli  roads.”  In  fact,  nobody  can 
understand  why  tlie  goldsinitlis  or  the  butchers  or  the 
cooks  or  the  fi^sinaongers  should  be  concerned  in  an  edict 
in  which  the  entrance  of  a certain  temple  property  is 
forhhlden  to  higliway  robbers,  thieves,  and  murderers. 

On  the  ]\foragoda  pillar,  B.  19,  we  find  the  word  j>as- 
laduvan,  which  Wiekrernasinghe  translates  by  “keepers  of 
record  books  In  the  note  thereto  he  compares 
in  tlie  Mihlntale  tablets,  A.  54,  rendered  there  by  “ register 
the  corresponding  Skt.  word  being  p^^-^kcikapiistaka.  In 
my  translation  of  this  passage  (A.LC.,  p.  117)  I had 
rendered  paspot  by  “five  books”,  but  I admit  that 
Wickremasinghes  is  bettor,  especially  with  reference  to 
the  passage  on  the  Moragoda  pillar,  where  my  rendering 
could  not  suit  at  all 

No.  1,8  is  a rock  inscription  of  King  Gajabahu  I (177- 
99  A.D.)  at  Palu  Maekiceaeva*  The  square  letters  belong 
to  the  southern  Brilhini  alphabet  of  the  second  century, 
and  are  similar, Kuda,  and  Sunnar. 


DIE  GESGHICHTE  DER  BAIAILAMAS 


Sir 


Wiekreiria.siiio'he  lias  found  out  that  the  tank  in  the  IJpala 
district  in  question  is  the  Vadamanaka  tank,  whieli, 
however,  cannot  be  identified,  and  that  the  coniiiiunity 
of  priests  to  wliich  this  tank  was  granted  was  that  of 
the  Tiiupriraina  at  Anuradhapura. 

Onr  best  thanks  are  due  to  Mr.  Wickreinasinghe  for  the 
great  care  he  took  in  editing  these  inscriptions.  W'e  hope 
tliat  lie  will  soon  gratify  us  with  a new  instalment  of 
his  valuable  work. 


E.  MUller. 


Berne. 

Xovemher,  1011. 


Die  Gesohickte  der  Dalailamas.  Von  G.  Scholemann. 

Heidelberg:  Carl  Winter,  1911.  pp.  262  ; 8*20  in. 

The  priest-kings  of  Tibet  are  certainly  of  sufficient 
political  and  religious  importance  and  interest  to  justify 
a special  work  devoted  to  their  liistory.  As  a contribution 
towards  such  a systematic  liistory,  Mr.  Rockliill  published 
in  1910,  ill  tlie  Toiiny  Pao,  an  important  mass  of  new 
material  under  the  title  of  “ The  Dalai  Lamas  of  Lhasa  and 
their  Relations  with  tlie  Manclm  Emperoi*s”.  Yet,  strange 
to  say,  this  essential  source  of  material  is  neither  utilized 
nor  even  mentioned  in  the  text  of  the  book  under  notice, 
which  was  issued  over  a year  later.  By  this  omission  the 
work  loses  materially  in  interest  and  completeness. 

Herr  Schulemann  has  compiled  his  volume  from  the 
miscellaneous  references  scattered  through  many  books  of 
travel  and  systematic  accounts  of  Buddhism,  the  titles  of 
whicli  are  mostly  cited  in  the  footnotes.  It  embodies, 
however,  no  new  material  and  displays  a tendency  to 
discursiveness  and  the  inclusion  of  much  irrelevant 
matter.  About  one-third  of  the  volume  is  taken  up  with 
introductory  remarks  upon  topics  having  little  or  no  direct 
bearing  upon  the  subject  of  the  book.  Tlie  first  chapter, 
extending  to  fifty-four  pages,  deals  with  Buddhism  in 


5)18 


KOTICES  or  BOOKH 


liuliix.  C^hiryi,  and  elsewhere  from  its  origin  until 
'rHoiigk!ia.pa’H  reforniaiion ; and  the  second  chapter  with 
ili#‘  general  features  of  that  reformation  itself,  from  \v}iic*]i 
issued  the  yellow'-cap  sect.  Altfiougli  the  J)a]ai  Lamas 
to'emmilly  arosf‘  within  this  sect,  vohniiinons  remarks  upon 
its  general  features  are  scarcely  called  for  in  a hi>story 
of  these  hieraxrclis,  especially  as  priest-kingship  was 
cstiihlished  in  Tibet  several  centuries  before  tlje  yellow- 
cap  sect  orig!!iatcd. 

in  tie*  account  of  tie*  Dalai  Lamas,  whieli.  begins  in  tlie 
middle*  tbii’d  of  the  book,  we  notice  a want  of  accuracy  on 
some  elementary  points,  and  even  on  tlie  origin  of  the  title 
Ddlai.  The  old  confusion  between  the  terms  Dalai 
iiuil  (iya!~!)a  in  tlie  belief  that  tliey  were  synonymous  is 
re|)eat<‘d.  As  a fact,  the  designation  Dalai  (or  properly 
Talai  as  the  pnssent  writer  lias  shown  in  tliese  pages 
from  Tifx'tan  sources)  was  a Mongolian  title  conferred  by 
th<*  dominant  prince  Altan  Klian  in  1570  A.i).  upon  the 
thir<l  of  the  series  of  yellow-ea])  hierarclis  (as  Rockhill 
long  ago  pointed  out  from  Chinese  sources) ; and  not  until 
two  generations  later  did  the  Dalais  attain  the  temporal 
HOvcr(‘ignty. 

On  tlie  other  liand,  the  epithet  Gyal-ha,  the  equivalent 
of  the  Sanskrit  Jina  or  “The  Victorious  One'’,  a common 
cognomen  of  the  liistorical  Buddha  as  well  as  tlie  mystical 
supernatural  Buddhas  of  the  Quarters,  wliicli  is  now 
applied  to  the  later  Dalai  Lamas,  has  not  been  shown 
to  have  been  applied  to  the  earlier  Dalais  or  to  their  non- 
Dalai  predecessors  amongst  the  yellow-cap  hierarchs  of 
Lliasa.  Tlie  later  official  Tibetan  lists  apply  the  term 
GyaUha  also  to  a long  series  of  Tibetan  and  Indian  monks 
and  mor(3  or  less  mythical  personages  stretching  back  to 
the  mythical  Avalokita  himself.  But  this  list,  as  the 
writer  of  the  present  notice  lias  showm,  was  presumably 
the  invention  of  the  first  sovereign  Dalai  Lama  so  late 
as  the  se\’enteenth  century,  A.D.,  and  merely  a part  of  the 


GRAMMAR  OP  THE  PERSIAN  LANGUAGE 


tictitioas  ancestry  fabricated  for  liiinself  and  liis  two 
predecessor  Dalai  Lamas* 

Amongst  minor  mistakes  it  may  be  noted  that  the 
vernacular  form  and  etymology  ascribed  to  the  word 
Baryding,  name! 3^  “ Dar-^^gjms-^/ling ’’  (IV  and  145),  is 
nndoubtedi}-"  wrong.  The  word  is  certain!}’’ 

(pronounced  Dor-jeding),  or  “The  place  of  the  ^’Do-pje 
(or  thunderbolt) It  is  thus  written  locally,  and 

a legend  of  the  thunderbolt  is  current  at  the  slirine,  the 
history  of  which  is  known  and  has  been  cited  by  the 
writer  in  his  Buddhism  of  Tibet}  The  current  English, 
form  of  the  name  owes  its  excliange  of  a for  o to  the  later 
uninformed  official  system  of  Indian  spelling — the  earlier 
official  forms  having  been  until  after  Hooker  s day  Dorjeling 
and  Dorjilmg,  in  keeping  with  tlie  actual  pronunciation 
and  true  form. 

For  the  preparation  of  a fuller  history  of  the  Dalai 
Lamas  a large  amount  of  new  material  is  now  available  in 
the  shape  of  numerous  biographies  and  collected  works 
of  the  Grand  Lamas  of  Lhasa  and  Tashilhunpo,  collected 
by  the  present  writer  in  Tibet  during  the  Younghusband 
Mission  of  1904.  These  volumes  are  now  deposited  in  the 
libraries  of  the  India  Office,  British  Museum,  Oxford  and 
Cambridge,  with  the  rest  of  his  collection,  and  await 
examination.  Waddell. 


Grammar  of  the  Persian  Language.  Part  I : Accidence, 
by  J.  T*  Platts;  revised  and  enlarged  by  G.  S. 

* Ranking.  Part  II : Syntax,  by  G.  S.  Ranking. 
8vo.  Oxford,  1911. 

There  appears  to  be  current  an  idea  that  the  Persian 
tongue  is  of  transcendent  simplicity  and  beautifully  easy 
to  acquire.  Doubtless  the  foot-rule  which  measures  the 

^ See  also  Place,  River,  aivdl  Mouvimn  Names  in  DarjUiwj  District 
and  Sikhim ; by  L.  A.  Waddell,  in  JASB.,  1891,  p.  69. 

JBAS.  1912.  34 


520 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


%^alue  of  books  by  their  thickness  ba..s  help<‘(l  in  tlie 
foniiatifin  of  this  opinion  : doubtless  a glance  within  tlie 
pages  of  Persian  grannnars  themselves  hjis  demonstrated 
siifficitmtly  its  truth.  Many  grammars  imletal  of  New 
Persian  ha,ve  bo(‘n  published  in  European  tongues,  and 
unfailingly  they  point  out  prefaiorily  or  otherwise  how 
extraordinarily  niiembarrassed  by  grammatical  roughness 
is  tlie  path,  of  the  speech,  of  tlie  Laud  <,>!  the  Lion  and  the 
Sun.  Each  grammarian  travels  rapidly  and  cheerfully  in 
the  steps  of  his  ])redecessors,  mayliap  bringing  a pebble 
that  the  microscope  has  discovered,  and  in  the  end  all  with 
mutual  congratulations  comfortably  rest  in  the  airy  palace 
of  fancy  of  the  Ashrib-i-va(|ar  va  nanius  on  the  cushions  of 
the  eas(^  of  accomplishment  incomplete. 

I * L 4.3  1 1 mi  -.4^1  wwJ 

V -/Vi-  .V  W’*  -> 

ill  short  there  has  been  really  no  Persian  grammar  of 
outstanding  merit,  no  grammar  comparable  witli  those  of 
the  first  rank  tliat  treat  of  the  classical  and  modern 
European  tongues.  The  Lecturer  in  Persian  at  Oxford  has 
issued  a revised  and  enlarged  edition  of  the  late  Professor 
Platts’  Grammar.  That  grammar,  so  far  as  it  went,  was 
undoubtedly  the  best  English-Persian  scholarship  could 
show.  Unfortunately  it  was  never  completed.  The 
syntax,  which  his  sound  knowledge  of  the  language  would 
have  given,  never  appeared,  and  students  have  liad  to  chew 
the  cud  of  patience  whilst  elaborating  a syntax  of  their 
own  from  their  own  reading.  To  this  new  edition,  however, 
Mr.  Ranking  has  added  a syntax.  He  has  proposed  to 
himself  the  construction  of  a systematic  syntax  modelled 
after  a series  of  grammars  concerning  the  quality  of  which 
ignorance  on  our  part  prevents  any  statement. 

The  object  of  a scientific  syntax  is  to  teach  and  explain 
the  correct  and  idiomatic  usage  of  a language  in  its 
entirety  if  possible.  Mr.  Ranking  has  made  a pioneer 
effort  to  do  so  (though  evidently  the  immediate  object  is  to 


GRAMMAR  OF  THB  PERSIAK  LANGUAGE 


521 


iissist  in  translating  from  English  iiito  Persian),  not 
altogether  unhappy,  yet  not  in  our  opinion  with  entire 
success.  It  might  have  been  fuller;  there  miglit  have 
been  less  repetition  ; there  should  lurve  been  more  examples 
with  the  names  of  all  the  authors  attached.  A.  student  is 
not  acquainted  with  tlie  whole  range  of  Persian  literature, 
nor  yet  is  he  able  to  recognize  at  a glance  a line  of  verse, 
and  it  is  at  least  desirable  for  him  to  know  whether 
a citation  is  prose  or  poetry,  a distich  from  P^irdausi  or  a 
sentence  from  the  Vazir-i-Khan-i-Lankuran.  Further,  for 
the  guidance  of  the  student  greater  care  should  liave  been 
taken  to  point  out  constructions  which,  though  classical, 
are  to-day  obsolete  and  those  also  which  are  most  usual. 
One  does  not  write  or  speak  Elizabethan  English.  This  is 
one  great  fault  we  find  with  the  hook,  since  there  is  no 
monition  given  as  in  the  first  edition.  It  is  a matter  of 
opinion,  of  course,  but  we  sliould  have  preferred  the 
Persian  of  Persia  to-day  considered  as  tlie  norm,  witli  the 
classical  and  pre-classical  features  subjoined  in  notes.  This 
explains  doubtless  the  reason  for  many  omissions,  and  the 
summary  way  in  which  the  prepositions  are  dismissed.  The 
treatment  of  tenses  is  unsatisfactory.  Mucli  that  is  given 
in  Part  II  of  the  Syntax  will  be  found  already  stated  in 
Part  I or  even  in  the  Accidence.  One  of  the  most 
important  subjects  omitted  is  a thorough  exposition  of  the 
collocation  of  words  in  a sentence.  Is  the  student  to 
suppose  any  order  is  permissible  ? He  may  then  con- 
gratulate himself  on  writing  such  exquisite  Persian  as  this  : 

clio  Jaj  • A curious  feature  also  is 

the  repetition  of  examples.  We  have  noted  in  the  Syntax 
at  least  twenty-two  given  twice  and  not  always  for  a 
different  purpose.  Perhaps  this  is  a peculiarity  of  the 
method  on  which  the  syntax  is  based. 

In  order  better  to  give  our  general  impression  we  shall 
consider  one  of  the  sections,  say  that  on  the  noun-clause. 
In  the  first  place  there  is  no  definition  of  what  a noun-clause 


NOTICE  OF  BOOKS 


i.H,  and  Hctmclly  the  two  <^reat  claases  are  neither 
mutually  exelonive  nor  yet  complete.  The  division  is  also 
bad.  1 o make  A depend  on  the  quality  of  tlie  sentence 
(even  tliou<i;h  that  ” is  in  Britannia  type),  and  B on  tluj 
introductory  wor<i,  Ijreaks  a common  rule  of  logical 
division.  The  tenn  *Hhat » clause  ” is  objectionable. 
A claust?  introcluecd  by  ^^tliat  ''  is  not  necessarily  a noun 
clauBe.  Examples  | 49  (ii)  and  | 50  (i),  p.  257,  are 
repeated  on  p.  258,  For  ourselves  we  should  consider 

the  elauses  in  | 50,  Ir'*  ^ 

tb  comparable  with  the  Greek  (aKoiret) 
07rct)<?  fjL7]  ipei^  on  €<m  ra  SoooeKa  Si?  as  so  bordering 
on  the  tina!  construction  as  to  warrant  tlmir  treatment 
under  that  head.  Example  in  § 51  (2)  is  rej)eated  on 
p.  267.  § 64  is  practically  a repetition  of  § 51.  The 

four  examples  in  § 53  do  not  contain  noun-clauses. 
We  should  think  that  ilAjb 

is  a simple  sentence.  Example  in  § 54  (3)  is  repeated 
from  p.  233,  and  (4)  is  found  again  at  p.  272.  It  is 
somewhat  difficult  to  understand  why  the  sentence  in 
§ 56,  p.  260,  bjJe  b*  should  be  said 

to  have  a noun-clause,  and  at  p.  247  a consecutive  clause, 
and  again  why  on  p.  261  AJj  jO  \jJj  b dyyk) 

should  contain  a noun-clause,  and  at  p.  246  b 
dcS  a final  clause,  the  result  in  each  case  being 

uncertain.  In  the  examples  in  ||  59,  60  we  wonder 
where  the  noun-clause  is.  In  § 61  the  fourth  example 
is  found  also  at  p,  236.  In  § 62  (4)  and  (5)  have  no 
noun-clauses,  and  the  clause  in  (6),  found  also  at  p.  239, 
is  final.  Again,  in  § 63  (2)  a schoolboy  would  not  dare 
<iall  ^ or  j noun-clauses 

without  danger  of  chastisement.  The  term  noun-clause 
has  a definite  fixed  connotation  in  grammatical  language, 
yet  the  author  has  used  it  not  only  wrongly  but  to  include 
what  looks  like  a miBoelltoy  of,  jottings  gathered  from 


GRAMMAR  OF  THE  PEHSIAH  LANGUAGE  523 

reading.  A scientific  grammar  demands  a precise  nse 
of  terms,  and  eitlier  the  Eastern  grammatical  terminology 
should  rule  nniforinly  throughout  or  the  Western.  § 64 
deals  with  Oratio  Recta  and  Oratio  Obliqua.  A more 
thorough  and  varied  treatment  would  have  given  greater 
satisfaction.  Surely  it  was  not  necessary  to  give  twice 
the  same  example  from  the  Baharistan  of  Oratio  Obliqua  ; 
besides,  some  texts  give  and  though  the 

Schlecta-Wssehrd  printed  edition  reads  oj  Li  and 
Phillott  in  his  edition  of  Haji  Baba  says  the  use  of  the 
indirect  is  on  the  increase.  Less  ambiguous  examples, 
then,  and  more  of  them  ought  here  to  liave  been  given. 

As  regards  the  Accidence,  Professor  Platts'  work  is  too 
well  known  to  require  any  comment.  Mr.  Ranking  has  made 
some  additions  and  some  alterations  in  arrangement.  He 
has  relegated  the  original  verb-classification  to  an  appendix, 
and  substituted  his  own  ; tlie  section  on  compound-words 
lias  been  remodelled,  and  changes  have  been  made  in 
the  part  dealing  with  the  Arabic  verbal  forms.  Platts' 
Grammar  deals  with  the  classical  language.  In  its 
revised  condition  one  would  have  liked  greater  attention 
paid  to  present-day  usage.  Forms  that  are  now  disused 
might  have  been  asterisked.  Among  the  additions  it 
might  have  been  noticed  that  in  a series  of  plural  nouns 
or  L is  very  commonly  added  to  the  last  only,  and 
that  in  an  adjectival  series  there  is  a peculiar  and  idiomatic 
use  of  tlie  as  conjunctional  connective.  Attention 

might  have  been  drawn  also  to  the  adding  of  the 
superlative  suffix  to  the  last  adjective  in  a number, 
and  to  the  fact  that  in  the  older  and  newer  language  the 
comparative  Jj  is  sometimes  added  to  nouns  (v.  Nicholson’s 
edition  of  the  Tadhkiratu  '1-Awliya,  vol.  ii,  p.  9 of  the 
Introduction).  Again,  ^ \j  as  an  adversative  particle 
with  the  signification  of  '' nevei*theless " is  not  a Persian 


524 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 

idiom  (cf.  the  Urdu  and  Hindi  use  of  in  the 

principal  daiiBC  in  a sentence  where  the  .subordinate  i.s 
concessive). 

The  section  on  Prosody,  eon sistin^^  of  a short  examination 
of  metres  and  hints  on  scansion,  is  also  th(3  work  of  tln^ 
reviser.  We  hold,  however,  with  Salemann  and  Shukovski : 

Ini  Bane  des  persisclien  Verse.s  lierscht  das  strong  proso- 
disefie  Prineip  der  altclassischen  Sprachen,  welches  von  der 
Quantitat  der  Siiben  aiisgelit/'  and  think  that  for  practical 
purposes  the  idea  of  vowels  long  and  sliort  together  with 
the  will  give  bt3st  instant  aid  in  the  scansion 

of  a Persian  verse.  The  addition  of  this  section  is  heartily 
to  he  commended.  The  book  itself  is  well  printed,  and 
wonderful !y  free  from  typographical  error.  A greater 
variety  of  type  would  certainly  not  have  been  without 
advantages.  The  usci  of  tlie  lower  case,  for  instance,  to 
differentiate  notes  and  remarks  would  have  made  for  greater 
dearness  in  the  presentation  of  the  principal  matter. 

We  liave  remarked  the  following : — 


p.  8L  instead  of  jUl  (if  at  all)  as  present  stem  of 


p.  138. 

^ for 

p.  226, 

dJj  for  JoJ. 

p.  23 f). 

* transliterated  ns  wa  and  o when  ra  and  u 

occur 

regularly. 

p.  250. 

Aisari  for 

'if  ■ V 

p.  251. 

; ■ for--  . , 

p.  262. 

p.  262. 

oojiwMjjf ^ for  JkxiXi^Mp  1 ^ b , 
for'  ab. 

“ At  last/*  we  said  when  we  saw  announced  the  publica- 
tion of  a scientific  Persian  syntax ; “ not  yet/*  we  now 
say.  Nevertheless  the  grammar  before  us  is  the  best 
and  fullest  in  English;  and  now  that  the  syntax-ground 

BEAtJTFr'A  CHINESE  DBAMA 


525 


lias  been  broken  we  shall  hope  that  Mr.  Banking  may 
be  able  to  change  our  not  yet”  into  '^'at  last”  by  giving 
ns  a separate  and  complete  treatise  on  Persian  syntax, 
not  framed  upon  any  extraneous  model  but  according 
to  the  plan  which  his  great  learning  and  experience  shall 
suggest  as  most  suitable  to  an  Eastern  language.  Too 
long,  as  he  says,  has  it  been  the  custom  to  look  on  syntax 
in  Persian  as  a quantity  to  be  neglected,  and  to  forget 
that  in  reality  Persian  is  one  of  the  most  idiomatic  of 
living  or  dead  tongues.  ^ ^ HAir 


Beauty  : A Chinese  Drama.  Translated  from  the 
Original  by  Rev.  J.  Macgowan.  London  : E,  L. 
Morice,  9 Cecil  Court,  Charing  Cross,  1911. 

The  Chinese  are  entlmsiastic  theatre-goers  and  will  sit 
for  hours  entranced,  watching  the  pliantasmagoria  of 
gorgeously  attired  actors  in  the  silks  and  satins  and 
plumes  of  bygone  days,  albeit  the  stage  is  well-nigh  bare 
of  our  modern-day  appanage  of  furnishing  and  scenic 
accessories.  The  plays  themselves  are  short,  but  they 
follow  one  after  the  other  with  scarce  any  interval.  Hence 
the  idea  in  the  West  that  Chinese  plays  last  for  days. 

In  this  brochure  we  have  one  of  these  almost  in- 
numerable printed  dramas  of  the  Chinese  put  into  English 
blank  verse.  Like  many  of  the  plays  it  is  founded  upon 
historical  facts. 

Though  women  are  not  allowed,  as  a rule,  on  the  stage 
in  China,  many  of  the  scenes  which  are  enacted  have  for 
their  motif  romance  in  which,  it  is  needless  to  say,  woman 
has  her  fair  share.  The  title  of  the  story  in  this  case  is 
tlie  name  of  the  heroine,  who  lived  some  1,800  years  ago. 
Her  tragic  tale  is  most  popular  among  the  lovers  of  the 
drama  in  China.  The  Chinese  story,  whether  told  in  the 
form  of  a novel  or  di'amati^ied,  is  generally  interesting, 
often  most  interesting ; for  we  then  get  the  intimate  life 


528 


HOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


of  the  people  pictured  by  tlione  w!io  are  taiiiiliar  with  all 
its  pluiseH.  The  prmuit  draiua  h no  exception  to  this  rule, 
as  scene  suecei^ds  scene  in  the  course  oi*  tlie  four  acts.  The 
story  bce’iuH  with  a double  dream.  The  Emperor  dreams 
of  a beauteous  maiden,  and  the  lovely'  ^drl  dreams  of  tlie 
Emperor.  Lovi‘  at  iirst  si^ht,  though  the  vision  oi  each  is 
in  a dream.  The  dreain  must  come  true,  so  wills  the  Son 
of  Heaven  and  so  Hea\'en  itself  wills;  but  the  powers  of 
ill,  personitif*d  iji  the  villain  of  the  piece,  frustrate  the 
rapid  cousummation  of  events,  and  when  at  last  all  seems 
well  -th(?  tragedy  ot  it  all — then  Beauty’s  loyal  sacrifice 
for  tilt}  weal  of  her  country. 

Mr.  Jlaegowan  is  well  fitted  for  his  task.  He  has  spent 
a long  life  in  China,  is  thorouglily  familiar  with  the  people 
and  their  language,  and  lias  the  ability  to  put  the  Cliinese 
verso  into  a good  readable  English  CHjuivalent. 

The  book  is  well  printed  and  in  its  simple  binding  looks 
dainty  and  attractive. 

J.  Dyer  Ball. 

C/mpus  IxscEiPTioNUM  Semitic.^rum  An  Acad.  Inscrip- 

TtOXUM  ET  LiTERARUM  HUMANIOKUM  CONDITUM  ATQUE 
DiOESTUM,  Pars  I : loscriptiones  phoenicias  continens 
tom.  ii,  fasciculus  quartus.  Folio;  pp.  417-579. 
Paris:  E reipublicse  typographeo,  1911. 

The  latest  instalment  of  the  C.I.S.  consists  of  a series 
of  648  inscriptions  from  Carthage,  to  which  are  added 
eight  Keo-Punic  ones,  bringing  the  total  of  Phaiiiician 
inscriptions  up  to  3,251.  At  the  first  glance  the  monotony 
of  this  class  of  inscriptions  is  somewhat  depressing,  and 
one  cannot  but  sympathize  with  the  editors’  final  sigh 
of  relief  at  the  conclusion  of  a longum  et  ingratum 
opm.  Yet  it  was  by  no  means  a thankless  task,  because 
every  student  of  Semitic  philology  must  feel  deeply 
grateful  to  them  for  the,  tmtiring  industry,  accuracy, 
and  comprehensiveness  in  their  reproduction  of 


FHCENICIAN  INSCBIWIOKS 


527 


the  inscriptions  and  their  notes  thereon.  Their  sii<(gestions 
in  the  restoration  of  missing  letters  in  the  fragmentary 
legends  are,  as  a rule,  happy,  and  even  wliere  tlie  reader 
might  differ  from  tliein  there  is  little  room  for  imx)rove- 
ment.  The  sameness  of  tlie  texts  might  be  taken  as  a sign 
of  stagnation  in  religious  matters,  and  one  miglit  ask 
whether  it  was  worth  the  trouble  to  collect,  reproduce,  and 
comment  on  every  small  fragment  of  these  inscriptions. 
Now  the  conservatism  visible  in  these  votive  tablets  is 
itself  a phenomenon  of  some  interest,  but  of  real  im- 
portance is  the  great  variety  of  persons’  names  which  would 
certainly  enrich  the  Semitic  vocabulary  if  we  knew  the 
way  to  read  them  and  how  to  determine  their  etymologies. 
This,  of  course,  offers  much  material  for  speculation  and 
reseaixh,  and  shows  the  necessity  of  preserving  every  scrap 
that  has  been  uneartlied. 

The  instalment  before  us  contains  a number  of  new 
names,  many  of  which  are  quite  obscure.  The  following 
survey  gives  these  names  in  alphabetical  order,  together 
with  some  non-committing  attempts  at  elucidating  their 
meanings. 

(3,000).  In  the  second  syllable  the  editors 
think  of  the  Latin  leptis.  Might  it  not  stand  for  elephas  ? 
We  know  of  the  extensive  use  made  by  the  Punians  of  the 
elephant  in  warfare,  and  the  image  of  the  elephant  appears 
on  the  coins  of  Juba  I,  king  of  Numidia  (see  Gesenius, 
Momvmenta  phmn.,  tab.  42).  The  name  might  tlius  mean 
elephant’s  strength  ” (?). 

K (3,189)  is  very  happily  explained  by  Dr.  Slouscliz, 
one  of  the  editors,  as  bnn  ''sailor 
‘I'lnSyn  (2.859),  “ Baal  has  blessed.” 

(2,643).  The  possible  readings  suggested  by  the 
editors,  T‘7jn  or  OalluSj  have  little  to  recommend 

themselves.  Why  not  let  it  stand,,  viz.  cf. 

J.  Dor.  235  and  L.Ar.  and  Taj  Ar. 


528  ' HOtlClS  OF  BOOKS 

1’l‘l(2,80f])  is  compared  by  the  editors  to  l)ut 

tl 

' ■ (3, §56).  . The  BiiggeBtioB.B:  of  the  editors,  are  not 

convincing,  thoiigli  at  present  nothing  better  offers.  Is  it 
perhaps  aBeX^jio^  ? 

ne^n  (3,092). 
pm  (2,877). 

m (3,179). 

3133  (3,145).  Cf.  Knn33  (Lidzbarski,  Handhuch, 

p.  298). 

D^/3  (3,138).  The  editors’  suggestion  D[3]D  i/a[9ia]ss?os 
cannot  be  accepted  off-hand,  as  one  would  expect  EJ^30.  Is 
it  not  D[3]fi  McifjUH  1 

n*7D&  (Ji.OGC)  und  (S  ,108),  to  which  perhaps  also 

belongs  (Cooke,  Text  Book,  p.  156).  All  three 

names  might  he  ethnic  forms  of  Massilia, 

ahpn  (3,049).  To  the  suggestions  given  by  the  editors 
we  miglit  add  tlie  Mishnic  H /pD  {Tcmnitk,  ii,  2 ). 

The  editors’  Metellus  is  quite  acceptable. 

KDD  0,000).'  Bonso. 

0*70  (d, 134).  8allum{^). 

1DD  (2,882)  is  scarcely  to  be  connected  with  a.s 

the  editors  suggest.  It  might  perhaps  be  connected  with 
"IDTD,  which  occurs  several  times  in  the  well-known  raai-ble 
stele,  British  Museum,  Cyprus,  Room  No.  31. 

(2,630). 

C3*'73  (3,148).  Dr.  Slouschz  suggests  PhiLif- 

pina.  With  less  violence  to  the  spelling  we  might  read  it 
no\V(j)Q)vr]. 

(2.655). 

*S3  (2,946). 

pi  (2,909). 

ibB'  (2,760)  might  stand  for  (Num.  xiii,  4).  Both 
names  occur  in  Professor  Sachau’s  Aramaische  Papyrus 
wid:0sfra/ra,etc.,8,1.8;  9,121;  17,1.  6,  and  18,  col.  iii,  1.  3. 
The  same  work  contains  a number  of  pottery  stamps  with 


THE  CHINESE  AT  HOME 


529 


PhfBiHcicin  names  found  in  Elephantine.  From  this  circum- 
stance we  may  infer  that  commercial  intercourse  existed 
between  this  place  and  Carthage  or  the  Phoenician  mother 
country.  Several  of  these  names  are  quite  new. 

I have  only  to  add  that  the  reading  (2,632)  is 
probabh^  Init  a stonemason’s  mistake  for  jiDH.  There  is 
no  evidence  tliat  tlie  Aramaic  deity  pan  (2  Kings  V,  18) 
was  worshipped  in  Carthage.  The  name  DiJnXDX  (in  the  same 
inscription)  probably  stands  for  cf.  Giddeneme 

(Fwnulus,  scene  3)  = |3  (3,153)  is  only  a misprint 

for  p. 

Appended  to  the  volume  is  a concordance  of  the  numbers 
of  the  inscriptions  in  the  Gorims  with  the  older  collections, 
and,  of  course,  very  useful.  The  editors  are  to  be  hearti^’ 
congratulated  on  the  completion  of  the  volume. 

H.  Hikschfeli). 


The  Chinese  at  Home.  By  J.  Dyer  Ball,  I.S.O.,  M.R. A.vS. 

8 VO  ; pp.  xii,  370.  R.T.S.,  London.  5cS*.  net. 

Nearly  fifty  years  residence  among  the  Chinese,  a close 
study  of  their  literature,  manners,  and  customs,  an  intimate 
acquaintance  at  first  hand  with  the  old  regime,  and 
a minute  knowledge  of  the  causes  leading  to  the  new 
order  are  no  mean  qualifications  for  a writer  on  China. 
Mr.  Ball  has  already  distinguished  himself  as  a Sinologue, 
and  his  writings  on  Chinese  subjects,  his  grammars  and 
dictionaries  of  the  Canton  dialects,  and  treatises  on  the 
Chinese  Classics  have  made  him  well  knowm  to  students 
and  residents  in  the  Far  East.  His  Things  Chinese  is 
a mine  of  information  and  one  of  the  few  indispensable 
working  tools  for  the  student  of  the  Chinese  people.  One 
naturally  turns  with  interest  to  a new  volume  from  our 
author,  for  here  we  expect  to  reap  the  fruit  of  a rich 
experience. 

The  feeling  of  an  old  China  hand  in  reading  this  book 
is  one  of  familiarity.  The  whole  atmosphere  is  as  Chinese 


580 


MOTICES  0P  BOOKS 


iW  are  the  excellent  reprodiictions  in  colour  of  Bk(3k!hes  by 
native  artint-H  wliieh  are  a feature  of  the  volume.  The 
l>ook  in  a sympatbefcie  stiicly  of  a much  deBcribed  bill- 
little  iindm-Htood  people.  The  oft-recurring  phrases  sucli 
as ‘‘tin*  author  came  ucims  a case  in  point  ” inspire  the 
reader  with  a sense  of  security  regarding  the  writer's 
interpretation  of  Chinese  life. 

The  f)ook  is  divided  into  twenty -seven  chapters.  There 
are  seven  coloured  plates,  >six  being  reproductions  of  native 
drawings,  besides  muuerous  well-selected  photos.  It  is 
only  possible  to  ujake  a selection  in  a sliort  review.  The 
chapter  on  '‘The  Life  of  a Dead  Chinaman  ” liolps  to  reveal 
the  secret  of  the  amazing  continuity  of  Chinese  life  and 
thought,  and  shows  how  tlie  dead  liand  of  the  past  has 
stifled  Cluhia  s progress.  The  chapter  on  “ Fung  Shui  " also 
explains  some  of  the  causes  at  the  bottom  of  tlie  “ arrested 
development”  of  China,  aiid  throws  a flood  of  light  upon 
the  curious  anomaly  of  a country  infinitely  ricli  in  natural 
resources  but  remaining  so  miserably  poor  as  China  is. 

The  “ ilueh  Afarried  Chi  naman  ” gives  a peep  into  the 
<{omestic  life  of  the  people.  It  will  be  surprising  as  well 
as  refreshing  to  many  in  England  to  know  that  in  China 
the  mothei*“in»law  is  held  up  to  the  higliest  respect  and 
almost  worship 

The  chapter  on  “John  Chinaman  Abroad  ” should  be 
carefully  studied  by  all  wlio  are  interested  in  the  future 
1‘elations  of  East  and  West.  The  Yellow  stream  is  set 
towards  the  Occident,  and  no  Exclusion  Treaties  will  stem 
tlie  tide.  Some  200,000  Chinese  annually  migrate  from 
the  country,  and  a perusal  of  this. chapter  proves  that  such 
emigration  is  not  necessarily  an  evil.  One  should  read  in 
connexion  with  this  chapter  that  on  “ The  Yellow  Peril 
Mr,  Ball  has  done  great  service  in  revealing  the  real  mind 
of  China  as  expressed  by  her  sages  regarding  war.  “ The 
idea  that  China  will  rouse  herself  in  her  hundreds  of 
millions  to  oveiTun  the  Fai3  is  a fevered  dream  . . . 


A HI8T0EY  OF  FINE  AllT  IN  IN0IA  AND  CEYLON  531 


not  that  (Jhinese  brains  are  not  capable  of  tlie  formation 
of  plans  of  warfare,”  but  because  by  temperament  lier 
people  arc  peaceable,  and  apart  from  external  pressure 
will  pro])ably  remain  so. 

There  is  a deligbtful  chapter  on  "‘•  John  Cliinanian’s 
Little  Ones  “ Cliina  is  a land  of  children,”  and  these 
“ quaint  mites  of  humanitjr  ” with  their  droll  mixture 
of  ba/b^dsliness  and  maturity  are  very  fascinating. 

A population  large  enough  to  fill  a kingdom  peoples 
the  rivers,  etc.,  of  China.”  “John  Chinaman  Afloat” 
is  a vivid  description  of  a little  known  part  of  the 
Celestial  Empire,  Tlie  section  on  opium,  “ The  Drug  : 
Foreign  Dirt  ” — the  Chinese  name  for  opium — should  be 
pondered  well.  The  wliole  subject  is  controversial,  and 
various  opinions  are  lield  as  to  the  regularity"  of  its 
introduction  into  China,  and  the  attitude  of  Britain 
regarding  the  trade.  There  is  even  disagreement  about 
the  effect  of  opium-smoking  on  the  individual,  and 
Mr.  Ball’s  words,  “ body-ruining,  mind-enfeebling,  and 
soul-blasting  drug,”  may  sound  strong,  but  one  must 
remember  that  his  experience  as  Eegistrar  of  Chinese 
and  his  intimate  relations  with  them  for  years  constitute 
liim  an  authority. 

The  style  is  simple  and  forcible,  and  the  book  really 
enables  the  reader  to  understand  the  Chinaman.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  Mr.  Ball  in  the  leisure  afforded  him  by 
retirement  from  the  Civil  Service  will  venture  upon  a larger 
and  more  ambitious  examination  of  the  Chinese  character. 

Hardy  Jowett. 


A History  of  Fine  Art  in  India  and  Ceylon.  By 
Vincent  A.  Smith,  M.A.,  I.O.S,  Ket.  pp.  xix,  516. 
Oxford,  1911. 

In  this  fine  volume  Mr.  Vincent  Smith  has  made  the  first 
comprehensive  survey  yet  attempted  of  the  whole  field  of 


KOtlCES  OF  HOOKS 


532 

Indian  Fine  Art  in  all  its  branches  from  its  l)e^dniuiigs  to 
fclie  pn^sent  day.  The  held  is  a vast  one,  and  it  is  dotted 
<if  one  may  be  allowed  the  expression i with  isolated  and 
fra;LCtneiitary  remains,  often  without  osiensihh^  connexion 
one  with  the  other.  A school  of  art  sprin^^s  smldenly  to 
and  then  lapses  into  obscurity,  the  next  illnniination 
of  the  setaie.  <lisclosiny  something’  apparently  entirely 
different.  To  deal  adequately  with'  such  a subject  on 
historical  principles  requires  qualitlcations  not  easily  to 
be  found  combined  in  one  individual;  historical  knowledge, 
research,  an<l  accuracy,  combined  with  critical  facultw  and 
fasthetic  pei'ception  and  tempered  by  a sane  and  balaTiced 
jixdginent,  are  part  of  the  indispensable  equipment  of  the 
writer  who  grapples  with  this  task,  and  it  may  be  fairly 
asserted  tliat  Mr.  Vincent  Smith  does  not  fail  when  judged 
by  this  severe  criterion. 

The  classification  of  subjects  alone  affords  an  index  of  the 
difficulties  of  dealing  with  sucli  a comprehensive  field. 
Should  the  art  of  each  period  be  treated  as  a whole,  or 
should  each  branch,  painting,  sculpture,  or  ai^chitectiire,  be 
dealt  with  consecutively  ? Some  cross-division  is  inevitable, 
and  the  art  inspired  by  rival  creeds,  Hinduism,  Buddhism,  or 
Muhammadanism,  demands  separate  treatment.  Mr,  Y incent 
Smith's  treatment  is  practical,  if  not  always  consistent. 
Hindu  architecture,  for  instance,  is  treated  in  chap,  ii  from 
the  earliest  period  to  the  present  day,  while  Muhammadan 
architecture  from  the  twelfth  century  till  modern  times 
is  not  dealt  with  till  chap,  xii,  where  it  is  placed  with 
other  foreign  arts  towards  the  end  of  the  volume.  Yet 
Hindu  eighteenth  century  painting,  which  is  equally  an 
offshoot  of  Persian  art,  is  dealt  with  in  chap,  ix,  in  immediate 
succession  to  the  painting  of  Ajanta.  Good  reasons  may 
be  assigned  for  this  treatment,  and  in  fact  there  is  no 
possible  arrangement  which  would  not  be  open  to  criticism 
of  some  kind.  Roughly  speaking,  the  indigenous  styles 
have  been  dealt  with  first,  but  with  them  must  be  included 


A HISTORY  OF  FIKE  ART  IN  INDIA  AND  CEYLON  53S 


early  importations  of  foreign  methods  (as  in  the  case  of 
Gandham  sculpture).  Later  foreign  intloenceH  are  dealt 
with  ill  chaps,  xi  to  xiv,  which  are  concerned  with  the 
Central  Asian  and  Persian  art,  introduced  by  su(!(iessive 
Maihauiniadau  in vasions. 

Outside  India  proper  the  art  of  Ceylon  lias  been  rightly 
included,  but  no  fixed  rule  seems  to  have  been  followed  in 
dealing  with  the  other  countries  into  wliich  Braliinaiiisin 
or  Buddhism  were  carried  by  migration.  The  sculptures 
of  Java  are  dealt  with,  but  not  its  architecture,  while  the 
great  Hindu  buildings  of  Kamboja  are  not  mentioned. 
Siam  is  omitted,  while  Tibet  is  included.  The  subject  of 
the  colonizing  of  Further  India  and  the  Archipelago  is 
a vast  one,  and  might  well  form  the  sulyect  of  a separate 
treatise,  but  a partial  inclusion  (such  as  that  of  the  Boro 
Budur  sculptures)  is  perhaps  to  be  regretted.  Javanese 
art  (like  Tibetan)  can  only  be  considered  Indian  in  its 
original  inspiration,  and  shows  signs  of  such  varying 
ethnical  elements  that  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  it  should 
be  classed  as  Indian,  although  it  finds  a proper  place  in 
a description  of  arts  illustrating  the  Brahmaiiical  and 
Buddhist  religions. 

These  are  minor  points ; the  main  substance  of 
Mr.  Vincent  Smith's  work  is  entirely  satisfactory  and 
provides  an  indispensable  survey  of  the  subject.  The 
chapters  on  architecture  are  yqvj  full  and  useful,  both 
as  regards  the  early  and  mediaeval  styles  and  the 
Muhammadan  ai^ehitecture  of  later  times.  They  may 
be  compared  with  advantage  wuth  the  latest  edition  of 
Fergusson,  especially  in  the  part  relating  to  Muhammadan 
buildings. 

Mr.  Vincent  Smith  brings  forward  a new  theory  of 
the  origin  of  the  domed  stupa  and  of  other  roofs  in  early 
or  later  Hindu  or  Buddhist  buildings  (such  as  the 
curvilinear  steeple  of  the  modern  temple),  viz.  that  these 
forms  are  derived  from  an  original  constructed  with 


NOTfCES  or  BOOKS 


5?I4 

i4ii.atic  l>am1)aoB  bent  m towards  tlie  This  theory 

(first  applied  to  curved  roofs  by  Mr.  W.  Simpson)  has 
btteii  extended  by  Mr.  Vincent  Smith,  to  the  domed  stupas, 
aiid  fi‘rtai!iily  descn-ves  careful  consideu’ntion  ; if  further 
research  <*or!tirms  it,  a truly  Indian  ori^^^in  has  been  found 
for  ihf^sc  most  interesting  biiiidiniX'*^,  and  tbis  developinc3nt 
is  eonipai'abie  to  tliat  of  litliic  from  wooden  forms  in 
many  well-known  eases.  In  sculpture,  on  tlie  other  hand, 
as  far  as  a judgment  can  be  formed  from  the  scanty 
remains  of  Asoka’s  time,  the  first  impulse  came  from 
outside  India.  No  other  deduction  can  h(t  drawn  from 
the  combination  in  the  hne  Sarnath.  capital  discovered 
in  1905  (plate  xiii)  of  tlie  lions  on  tlie  abacus  with, 
a Persepolitan  capital  (also  found  in  the  slightly  earlier 
pillar  at  Bakhira).  Mr.  Vincent  »Smith  does  not  accept 
Mr.  Marshall’s  opinion  that  this  capital  may  Iiave  been 
tlie  work  of  an  Asiatic  Greek,  but  it  is  hardly  possible 
to  resist  the  conviction  that  this  art  proceeded  from 
Persia,  at  that  period  under  Greek  rule,  and  less  than 
a hundred  years  afterwardKS  wo  find  Heliodorus,  son  of 
Antialkidas  of  Taxila,  erecting  a monument  to  Vishnu 
at  Besuagar,  which  shows  how  direct  Greek  influence 
may  have  been  exercised.  The  railing  at  Bodh-Gaya 
(about  a hundred  years  after  Asoka’s  death)  shows  many 
motives  derived  from  Asiatic  Hellenistic  art.  Tiie 
carvings  at  Barahat  (185  to  173  B.c.)  also  sliow^ 

unmistakable  signs  of  outside  influence,  but  display  as 
well  the  power,  so  often  found  afterwards,  of  assimilating 
this  influence  and  adapting  it  to  Indian  ideas.  The  same 
may  be  said  of  the  Safiehi  sculptures  and  the  work  of  the 
Gandhara  school,  of  slightly  later  date.  (It  may  be 
remarked  passim,  with  regard  to  the  date  of  the 
Gandhara  sculptured,  that  Professor  Oldenberg’s  theory 
dating  Kanishka’s  accession  in  a.d.  78  is  now  by  no 
means  generally  accepted,  and  that  this  event  may 
probably  be  placed  mere  than  a century  earlieix  If  this 


A HISTORY  OF  FINE  ART  IK  INDIA  AND  fJETLON 


be  the  case  the  cominencemeBt  of  the  Chiiiilhara  school 
of  Bcnlptiire  HUist  be  placed  in  the  iru’ddio  of  tlie  -first 
ceotiirr  P>.o.  and  not  after  that  of  Hfifichi.)  The 
o’reat  ditierence  between  the  schools  of  Gandlulra  and 
Baifilnat  and  Safielii  is,  tlmt  wliile  forei<;’n  eleinents  are 
found  in  the  latter,  the  treatment  is  purely  Indian,  while 
in  CJandliara  there  is  very  strong-  evidence  of  Hellenistic 
work,  and  in  tlie  best  specimens  the  naturalistic  treatment 
of  the  human  body  and  the  drapery  sliows  that  the 
HCulptoi\s  had  iindergone  something  I'esembling  Greek 
training.  But  liere,  too,  the  Indian  feeling  was  strongly 
shown.  This  combination  forms  one  of  the  most 
interesting  problems  in  Indian  art,  parallel  to  the  later 
treatment  of  Hindu  sulyects  by  Indian  artists  trained  in 
the  Persian  school.  In  both  cases  the  result  lias  been 
a successful  form  of  art,  the  rapid  decline  of  which  may 
be  traced  to  political  and  social  disruption  rather  tlian 
natural  decay.  The  more  purely  Indian  development  of 
sculpture  culminates  in  the  Amarawati  stupa  with 
unrestrained  luxuriance  of  form  and  ornament,  con- 
temporary wdth,  but  apparently  uninfluenced  by,  tlie  later 
Gandhara  schools  of  the  north.  The  latter,  however, 
had  an  important  ojffshoot  in  Mathura,  but  its  most 
important  result  was  in  Central  Asia,  where  tlie  remains 
recently  discovered  at  Dandto-Uiliq,  Turfan,  and  other 
places  by  Stein  and  v.  Le  Coq  show  the  derivation  of 
Chinese  and  Japanese  Buddhist  art  from  this  soimce. 
The  whole  of  this  subject  is  very  fully  dealt  with  by 
Mr.  Vincent  Smith,  and  the  latest  discoveries  of 
archaeology  are  utilized. 

In  India  proper  Buddhist  art  soon,  disappeared,  and  was 
succeeded  by  a more  debased  form,  that  of  the  Hindu 
sculpture  based  on  the  Brahmanical  revival  and  introducing 
the  violent  and  distorted  forms  with  which  w’-e  are 
familiar  in  mediaeval  and  modern  sculpture.  When  not 
extravagant  it  is  stiff  and  weak,  and  the  modelling  almost 

JRAS.  1912.  35 


'NOTICES,  OF  BOOKS 


iiiiifcjfinly  poor,  TeehnicBl  skill  in  earviog  is  not  lacking, 
and  oecasionally  life-like  figures  are  fonn<]  In  minor  parts 
of  reliefs,  but  tliese  are  few.  The  excessive  laudations 
wliieli  have  been  lavished  on  the  more  successful  specimens 
can  only  lead  to  disappointment  in  those  who  search 
througli  the  depressing  wilderness  of  mediacivai  and  modern 
sculpture  for  something  pleasing  and  natural.  The  free 
and  open-air  life  depicted  so  effectively  in  th(3  relief- 
pictures  of  Saiichi,  Barahat,  Gandhara,  and  Amarawati 
has  disappeared,  and  it  is  rare  indeed  to  Hnd  any  reflection 
of  the  life  of  the  Indian  middle  ages  in  the  enormous  mass 
of  sculpture  which  survives.  The  Jain  sculpture  does  not 
suffer  from  the  extravagances  of  Pauranic  Hinduism,  but 
is  stiff  and  lifeless. 

To  find  sculpture  with  life  in  it  we  must  go  outside  tlie 
limits  of  India  proper.  In  Java,  among  an  alien  race  with 
ethnic  c|ualities  manifestly  differing  from  tliose  of  India 
proper,  we  find  in  the  beautiful  reliefs  of  Boro  Budfa* 
a revival  of  the  glories  of  the  early  Buddhist  sculpture, 
and  in  the  smaller  bronzes  of  Ceylon  and  some  of  those 
from  Tibet  there  is  often  beauty  and  grace.  The  bronze - 
work  of  Southern  India,  as  distinguished  from  Ceylon,  is 
monotonous  and  lifeless  as  a rule.  It  may  be  doubted 
whether  the  pleasing  figure  of  Parvati  (fig.  175)  given 
by  Mr.  Vincent  Smith  is  not  really  from  Ceylon,  as  it 
reproduces  tlie  characteristic  expression  and  attitude  found 
in  many  of  the  minor  Ceylon  bronzes.  There  ai^e  few 
bronzes  of  more  than  a few  inches  in  lieiglit.  The  fine 
figure  of  Pattini  Devi  (in  the  British  Museum)  from 
Ceylon  (pi.  1)  is  an  exception,  and  but  for  the  unnatural 
Hinallness  of  the  waist  it  would  be  a very  satisfactory 
work  of  art.  Of  the  numerous  figures  of  Siva  dancing 
the  Tandava  dance  the  Polonnaruwa  figure  (tig.  188)  is 
perhaps  the  best,  although  the  extra  arm  stretched  across 
the  breast  is  more  than  usually  disfiguring.  Several  of 
these  figures  show  and  it  is  to  be  regretted 


A HLSTOliY  FINE  ART  IN  INDIA  AND  CETLON  537 

tliat  there  is  no  good  example  in  En glands  the  British 
AEiiseiini  specimen  being  heavy  and  not  among  the  best  of 
its  kind. 

The  Ceylon  art  approaches  nearer  to  tlui  Indian  tlian 
does  tluit  of  Java;  on  the  other  liand,  that  of  Tibet, 
iiispired  by  Lamaistic  Buddhism,  tliough  descended  from 
the  late  Indian  ^lahayanist  scliool,  is  yet  Moogoliam  in 
style  and  sentiment,  and  can  in  no  way  be  considered  as 
Indian.  Some  of  the  bronzes  of  tins  school  have  consider- 
able beauty ; the  small  figure  of  Saraswati  (pL  xli  c)  is 
extremely  graceful. 

Taking  Indian  sculpture  from  first  to  last  Mr.  Vincent 
Smith  has  given  a masterly  and  exhaustive  survey,  and, 
without  detracting  from  other  treatises  dealing  with  parts 
of  the  subject,  it  may  be  safely  asserted  tliat  there  is  no 
other  authority  of  an  equally  comprehensive  nature. 

Painting  in  India  does  not  admit  of  anything  approaclnng 
consecutive  ti*eatment.  We  have  the  sudden  and  early 
blossoming  (probably  under  a stimulus  from  Central  Asia) 
at  AJanta,  Bagh,  and  Sigiriya,  of  wliich  an  excellent  and 
fully  illustrated  account  is  given  in  chap,  viii,  and  then  w'a 
spring  across  the  ages  to  the  Hindu  adaptations  of  the 
Persian  or  Central  Asian  art  brought  into  India  by  tlie 
Mughal  conquest  in  the  sixteenth  century.  The  gap 
cannot  be  filled  ; in  India  there  is  practically  nothing  after 
the  middle  of  the  seventh  century,  and  it  can  only  be 
conjectured  (see  Mr.  Vincent  vSmith's  remarks  on  pp.  303 
and  828)  that  the  Indian  artists  who  so  quickly  mastered 
the  foreign  style  must  have  had  some  previous  training ; 
undoubtedly  Hindus  predominated  among  the  artists  of 
Akbar's  time,  as  is  shown  on  p,  470.  No  doubt  in 
introducing  this  ai‘t  from  the  laxer  ShPa  communities  to 
the  more  rigorous  Sunnis  of  North  India,  Akbar  was  met 
by  the  religious  difficulty  which  has  crippled  painting  and 
sculpture  in  other  Sunni  lands,  and  was  glad  to  find  a body 
of  native  craftsmen  hampered  by  no  such  prejudices. 


538 


KOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


Mr.  Viiirent  Smith  haw  perluips  exa^g^Tuiecl  iln^  .special 
HiikIii  flevelopmciiis  of  this  art  It  seems  to  be  iiiei'ely 
I liia I ft,  iiiasiiineh  as  it  deals  with  religions  .siibjt3eiH  and 
Indian  tales,  hnt  i!i  beauty  of  colouring  it  can  hardly  In* 
considered  ecpial  to  the  art  of  Bukhara  and  Persia.  Both 
arci  luinor  arts,  purtdy  illustrative  of  narrativ«‘S,  and,  In 
spite  of  aJl  praise,  tliis  pretty  form  of  painting,  destitute  of 
perspective  and  atmosphere,  can  never  take  the  highest, 
rank.  Mr.  Vincent  Smith  appears  to  consider  tliai  tin) 
principles  of  art  establishe<l  in  lilurope  by  centuries  of 
praciiee  and  criticism  are  inapplicable  to  Oriental  painting, 
and  that  its  conventions  must  be  persisted  in  ; yet  it  seems 
doubtful  whether  a false  system  based  on  disregard  of 
nature  and  its  laws  can  ever  be  revived  when  once  it  is 
dead,  and  whether  the  true  laws  of  sight  applied  with 
Indian  patience  and  colour-sense  may  not  uliiinately 
re.sult  in  a tiner  school  of  art  than  that  wliicli  is  now 
departed,  even  though  the  first  results  of  the  combination 
may  not  seem  promising,  ilr.  Vincent  Smith's  criticism 
is  on  the  whole  moderate  and  sane,  and  .supplies  a whole- 
some counterbalauce  to  some  recent  writings  on  Indian 
art  which  ignore  its  most  obvious  defects,  and  seem 
sometimes  Inspired  as  much  by  political  as  by  artistic 
enthusiasm. 

Some  mention  should  be  made  of  tlie  minor  arts — 
Hindu  and  Muhammadan — to  whicli  Mr.  Vincent  Smitli 
devotes  two  interesting  chapters  (x  and  xiii).  These  deal 
with  gems,  coins,  jewellery,  gold  and  silver  work,  work 
in  other  metals,  terra-cotta,  tiles,  and  woodcarving. 
These  chapters  are  excellent  and  far  in  advance  of 
anything  existing  on  these  subjects.  The  most  interesting 
tinds  of  modern  times  are  here  described  as  well  as  tlie 
more  familiar  specimens.  Thus  we  have  the  Kanislika 
casket,  the  Yusafzai  pendant,  and  the  Tank  patera,  as 
well  as  the  Bimaran  reliquary  and  the  Badakhslian  patera. 
As  regards  the  last  it  doubtful  how  far  it  may  be 


A HiSTOEY  OF  FINE  ART  IN  INDIA  AND  OKYLON  5:^9 


called  Indian.  Perhaps  Grieco-Persiaii  would  better  (leiiotcj 
its  origin.  Tlie  Tank  patera  is  undoubtedly  Indian,  and 
Wr.  Vincent  Smitli’s  theory  that  tlie  drinking’  h^i^nrc  and 
his  fcinale  attendant  represent  a Yaksha  iind  Yakshi,  as 
in  some  of  the  i^Iatliura  sculptures,  is  deser\i*ni;-  of  candul 
consideratioD,  and  may  very  probably  b(,^  corre*et. 

The  selection  of  ijitao'UoH  (p.  ;h52)  hardly  seems 

adequately  to  represent  this minor  pliase  of  Indo-Greek 
and  Indo-Sassanian  art,  but  the  available  specimens  are 
not  numerous.  In  coins  Mr.  Yincent  Smitli  is  an  autliority, 
and  his  description  of  such  of  them  as  luive  artistic  merit 
is  excellent. 

Among  the  iniiior  arts  of  the  Musalman  period  perhaps 
that  of  tile-making,  not  yet  extinct,  is  one  of  tlie  most 
interesting.  (Some  tine  domed  tombs  decorated  with 
modern  blue  and  white  tiles  were  erected  a few  years 
ago  by  a Baloch  chief,  Sir  Iimin  Bakhsh  Khan,  to  deceased 
members  of  bis  family  at  Ilojhaa  on  the  North-West 
Frontier.)  It  may  be  noted  here  that  the  animal  repre- 
sented in  the  tile  in  plate  cxi  c is  an  ibex,  and  that  in 
platci  cxii  A i^^au  urial  or  wild  sheep,  which  1 have  also 
seen  as  an  intaglio  on  a cornelian  ring.  In  neither  case 
are  they  antelopes. 

Taking  Mr.  Vincent  vSmith  s work  as  a whole  there  can 
be  no  doubt  tliat  it  is,  and  must  remain,  for  several  years 
to  come,  tlie  principal  authority  on  the  fascinating  and 
important  topics  with  which  it  deals.  It  is  a beautiful 
work,  very  fully  illustrated,  and  the  Clarendon  Press  as 
well  as  Mr,  Vincent  Smith  must  be  congratulated  on  its 
appearance. 


M.  Longwortii  Dames. 


ISTOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 

(Janiiaiy,  February,  March,  193*2.) 


I. — General  Meetings  of  the  Koyal  Asiatic  Society 
January  9,  191^. — Lord  Eeay,  President,  in  the  Chair. 
The  following  were  elected  members  of  the  Society  : — 

Mr.  T.  M.  Amscough. 

Mr.  Piilinkrishna  1)6. 

Miss  Mary  Foley. 

Mr.  A.  P.  Peters. 

Babu  Hira  Lai  Sood. 

Mr.  H.  A.  Thornton. 

Mr.  James  Troup. 

Mr.  M.  N.  Venketaswami. 

Six  nominations  were  approved  for  election  at  tlie  next 
General  Meeting. 

Mr.  Hogarth  gave  a lectui'e  on  ''  Carchemish 
A discussion  followed,  in  which  Mr.  Tuckwell, 
Dr.  Hagopian,  and  Dr.  Pinches  took  part. 


Fehruary  13,  1913. — Lord  Eeay,  President,  in  the 
Chair. 

The  following  were  elected  members  of  the  Society : — 

Mr.  Shambhu  Dayal  Bhatnagar. 

Mr.  H.  Gipperich. 

Eev.  Percival  Gough. 

Babu  Jogendranath  Gupta. 

Dr.  Asutosh  Eoy. 

Mr.  E.  N.  Samaddar. 

Thirteen  nominations  were  approved  for  election  at  the 
next  General  Meeting. 

Sir  Charles  Eliot,  K.C.M.G.,  read  a paper  on  the 
"‘  History  and  Monuments  of  Cambodja 


542 


NOTE.S  OF  THE  QUAirrEE 


A cliseiission  followed,  in  which  Mr.  Dyer  Ihdlj 
Mi\  Bhiedeii,  Mr,  .Dames,  and  J)r.  Thomas  took  pari. 


Minrh  /.},  I9LJ. — Lord  Ih‘a.y.  President,  in  llu‘  hhiair. 
I’he  folleaviiii;*  were  eh‘eted  meiHht.a-s  of  th«‘  So(*ie‘ty  : - 

M r.  Tali b j\hisili  Alexander. 

^Ir.  Gerard  L.  M.  Clauson. 

Bahii  '^[anoinoban  Gangool.w 
Piev,  A.  S.  Geden. 

])r.  van  Tlinloopen  Labberton. 

Pandit  Sunder  Narayan  ^rushram. 

Mr.  Joseph  Iloldsworth  Oldliain. 

]\[r.  William  Janies  Perry, 

Mr,  Jotindranath  Saiiiaddar, 

:^Ir.  G.  Taboor. 

Air.  R.  L.  Turner. 

^Ir.  Baza  Ali  Wabsbat. 

Rev.  Godfrey  Edward  Phillips,  Af.A. 

Two  nominations  were  approved  for  election  at  the  next 
G ei leral  Meeti ng. 

Mr.  R.  Grant  Brown,  I.C.S.,  read  a paper  on  “The  Use 
of  the  Roman  Character  for  Oriental  Languages”. 

A discussion  followed,  in  which  the  Rev.  J.  Knowles, 
Rev.  Dr.  Weithreeht,  Miss  Ridding,  Dr.  Pollen,  Mr.  J.  Dyer 
Ball,  and  Air.  Daniel  Jones  took  part. 


II, — Principal  Contents  of  Opjental  Journals 

I.  ZEIXSCIIHIFr  DKU  UKUTSCEriN  MORGEN U.ANDlSCnEN  GKSKI.LSCriAFT. 

3il  LXY,  Heft  iv. 

Weissbaeh  (F.  H.).  Znr  Keilinschriftlichen  Gewichtkunde. 
Littmann  (E.).  Tigre-Erzahlungen. 

Konig  (E.).  Neuere  StamttiWldungstheorien  inseniitischen 
Sprachgebiete. 

Schmidt  (R.).  Beitr&get  Flora  Sanskritica, 


CONTENTS  or  OKtEKTAL  JOURNALS 


54S 


(h'ill  (»].)•  RiaB(lscliiu*ischeii  U liorsotzntiR'  des  Tiio- 

te-kij'ig. 

Roeder  (G.).  ]3as  iigyptisehe  Ma.sfcaba-GraR. 

Pi'fU'torius  ( F.).  Beijierkiingen  zii  Takla.  llawaryat. 

1!\  Vjknxa  OniENTAL  Joulxal.  Vol.  XXV,  No.  ill, 
Rartlioloiiiae  (C.).  MitteliraiiLselie  Stndieii. 

(Trube  (W.),  Pnjbeii  dor  Moiigolischeri  Lliiio'aiigshjpraelie. 
Gliarpentier  (JV).  Rgveda,  viii,  100  (89). 

Keicli  (N.).  Aus  der  Sammliuig  cler  deinotisdieii  Papyri 
ill  der  kgk  bayriHclier  HoF  und  Staat.sbibliotkek  zii 
Miinclieii. 

III.  JoUaXAL  OF  THE  AmEKICAN  OkIKXTAL  80CIKTY. 

Vol.  XXXIT,  Pt.  i. 

Ilaiipt  (P.).  Soino  difficult  passages  in  tlie  Cniieifonn 
Account  o£  the  Deluge. 

The  five  Assyrian  Stems  Za’u. 

Vanderburgh.  {¥.  A.).  Babylonian  Legends.  B.IM.  Tablets 
87,535,  93,828,  and  87,521. 

Oliphant  (S.  G.).  Tlie  A'edic  Dual. 

(iray  (L.  H.).  The  DutMgada  oi‘  Subhata  translateTl  from 
the  Sanskrit  and  Prakrit. 

Blake  (Frank  R.).  The  Hebrew  Metlieg. 

iV.  PfOCKKDIXGS  01^  TJIK  SoCIKTY  OF  ElBLICAL  AliOIlyKOLOGr. 

Vol  xxxriT,  Pt.  vii. 

Sayce  (Prof.  A.  H.).  The  Hittite  Inscription  at  Aleppo. 

- Three  Seal  Cylinders. 

Langdon  (D.  S.).  Tablets  from  Kis. 

Ball  (Rev.  C.  J.).  A Study  in  Biblical  Philology. 

Hall  (H.  R.).  Two  Coptic  Acknowledgments  of  Loans. 

V.  Tijdscheift  vooli  Ikbische  Taal-,  Laxb-,  ,en  Yolkenkunde. 
Reel  LIII,  Ail. 

Rapport  supplementaire  concernant  le  pays  d’Asahan. 
Krom  (N.  J.).  Ldnseription  de  Nglawang. 

RinkesS  (D.  A,).  Les  Saints  de  Java. 

Erp  (T.  van).  Notices  Arch4ologiqiies.  (7  planches.) 
Juynboll  (Th.  W.).  La  date  de  P^pitaphe  de  Malik  Ibrahim. 


i44  IfOTO'  OF  THE  QTJAETEE 

¥!'.  BoLi.E'rix  DB  b’Kcolr  FEAK'CArsK  d’Exte'kmk-Okient. 

Tome  XI,  Xos,  1-2. 

Hiiher  { IM.),  Etudes  Iiidoelii noises. 

Deioiistal  (R.).  La  Justice  dans  Fancien  Annani. 

Cadiere  (L,).  Le  dialecte  du  Bas-Ainiaio. 

Vm  (X.,).  Sur  le  Drame  lyrifjue  Japonais  Au. 

Lne  Mission  arclieolo^i<|iie  Japonaise  en  C}iin(.‘. 

^laspei-o  ( II.).  Contribution  a Ft^iide  dn  systeine  phonetique 
des  lan^nies  Tluii. 

YII.  Rkvuk  dm  j/Histoirb  des  Eblioions.  Tome  lx [Y,  Xo.  ii. 

Cuiiiont  (Fr.).  L’origine  de  la  forinule  grecqne  d'abjnration 
iiaposee  aux  nuisnlinans. 

Favii  (K  de).  De  la  fonnation  dXine  doctrine  chnHienne 
de  Dieu  an  1 .D  siecle. 

Avezou  (Ch.)  et  Gh.  Picard.  Bas-relief  inithriaqiie 
clecoiivert  a Patras. 

Basset  (A.).  Bulletin  des  periodiques  de  i’Lslain,  1908-10. 

Tome  LXIY,  Xo.  iii. 

Toutain  (J.).  L’antre  de  Psychro  et  le  Atfcratov  avrpov. 

Combe  (Et.).  Bnlletin  de  la  religion  assyro-babylonienne, 
1909-1910. 

Dussand  (A.).  Les  papyrus  judeo-aranieens  d’Elephantine 
publies  par  M.  Sachau. 

YIII.  T*oum  Pao.  YoL  XII,  Xo.  v. 

Maspero  (G.).  Le  royaume  de  Champa. 

Li^tard  (A.).  Notions  de  Grammaire  Lo-lo,  dialecte  A-hi. 

Pelliot  (P.).  Deux  titres  bouddhiques  portes  par  les 
religieux  nevstoriens. 

Les  kouo-che  ou  maitres  du  royaume  dans  le 

Bouddhisme  chinois. 

Arnaiz  (G.)  et  Max  yan  Berchem.  M^moire  sur  les 
Antiquites  Musulmanes  de  Ts’iuan-tcheou. 

Simon  (E,).  Ein  alter  Plan  der  beiden  Hauptstadte  des 
ehemaligen  Konigreiches  Ohusan. 


CONTENTS  OF  ORIENTAL  JOURNALS 


545 


iX.  Jof'RXAr.  OF  TITK  XoHTH  CeINA  BrAXCE  OF  THE  lloVAL 

Asiatic  Societt.  VoL  XLIT,  1911. 

l"lic  Journal  ol  S.  Wells  Williams,  LL.I).  Edited  by  Ids 
son,  F.  Wells  Williams. 

X.  Asiatic  Quaiitkeia'  Review.  YoL  XXXI Li,  No.  Ixv. 
Waddell  (L.  A.).  Evolution  of  the  Buddliist  Cult : its 
Gods,  Images,  and  Art. 

XI.  The  Quest.  Yol.  Ill,  No.  ii. 
Javalvhishvili  (J.).  Folk-Tales  and  Ancient  Pagan  Religion 
of  the  Georgians. 

Mead  (G.  R.  S.).  The  Ideal  Life  in  Progressive  Buddhism. 


1'RiENNiA.L  Gold  Medal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 

The  Medal  for  1912  has  been  awarded  to  Mr.  J.  F.  Fleet, 
O.I.E.,  Pli.D.,  LC.S.  (ret.),  for  ins  distinguished  work  in 
Indian  Epigraphy,  History,  and  Clironology,  in  which 
subjects  he  is  the  foremost  authority  in  England  as  well 
as  in  foreign  countries. 


ADIJITIOls^H  TO  THE  rJBRAEY 


Aiyaiigar,  B.  Krislniaswarni.  Ancient  India,  8vo.  London  and 
Madras,  1911.  From  the  Author, 

Bailey,  Eev.  T.  Graiiarae.  Kanauri  Yocabiilary,  (Asiatic  Sodetifs 
21onogruphs,  xoh  xiii.)  Zyo,  Zo}idon,  I2l\ , 

From  the  Asiatic  Monograph  Ihind. 

Banabhatta.  Krularabari  (portion  for  B.  A.  Examination , 1 9 1 2-13). 
E(L  witli  introduction,  etc.,  by  B.  Y.  Kane.  6mo.  Bombay, 
1911,  From  the  Editor. 

Banerjea,  P.  Study  of  Indian  Economies.  8vo,  Jjondon,  1911. 

From  the  India  Office. 

Boersdimann,  E.  Die  Bdukunst  und  Ileligidse  Kultur  der 
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FVom  the  Publishers. 

Biutisu  AfcjSEOM.  Catalogue  of  Greek  Papyri,  witli  Texts. 
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Bronnle,  Dr.  Paul,  Alonumeiits  of  Arabic  Philology.  2 vols. 
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Davids,  Caroline  Ehys  (ed.)  and  others.  The  Yamaka.  Yh>l.  i. 
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Dinkahi).  Original  Pahlavi  Text,  etc.,  by  Darab  Dastur  Peshotan 
Banjana.  Yol.  xii.  8vo.  London,  1911. 

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D’Ollone,  Yicomte,  and  others,  Eecherches  sur  les  Musuimans 
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Formosa,  Government  of.  Eeport  on  the  Control  of  Aborigines. 
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diimnaji  V;uL  Ed.  By  K.  X.  ^Satie.  8vo.  lUtwlutj,  HH  1 . 

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JOUKNAL 


OF  thj: 


1912 

XVII 

XOTES  Oisr  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 
By  H.  F.  AMEDROZ 

|3Y  tlie  recent  iippearance  in  the  M J.  W.  Gibb 
Memorial  ” of  vol.  xvii,  the  Kash  f al-Mahjdh  of 
I)r.  R.  A.  Xicholson,  preceded,  as  it  was,  rather  closel}^ 
]>y  tlie  Treatise  on  MystiGism  of  Evelyn  Underhill,  the 
f^astern  as  well  as  the  Western  manifestations  of  the 
mystical  spirit  are  portrayed.  Dr.  Nicholson  is  concerned 
exclusively  with  the  former,  which  in  Mysticisrto  are 
but  lio'htly  touclied  on,  its  sulyect  l)eing  that  Mj^sticism 
which  is  dependent  on  a vSpecitic  religions  impulse,  and 
is  thereby  distinguishable  from  Pantheism. 

The  number  of  accredited  Western  mystics  throughout 
the  agCvS  seems  to  Imve  been  small : their  list  in  tlie 
appendix,  to  Mysticism  scarcely  reaches  three  figures. 
This  is  perhaps  not  matter  for  regret.  What  Gibbon  says 
(chapter  xxi)  of  abstruse  questions  of  metaphysical 
science,  may  be  said  too  of  the  problems  involved  in 
mysticism,  tliat  it  must  often  have  been  those  least 
qualified  to  judge  who  aspired  to  do  so,  tlieir  w-eakness 
for  the  task  being  measurable  by  their  degree  of 
obstinacy  axid  confidence.  The  mystic’s  aim  is  to  escape 
from  tlie  world  of  sense  and  perception  ; his  goal  is  to 
become  in  some  way  identified  with,  or  merged  in, 
JEAS.  1912. 


36 


^>52 


WOXES  OX  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


Ri-jilit}'  or  the  AHsohite^;  his  path  is  throiiuRont  aswiioed 
to  Ih;  upwards ; and  ilin  warrant  fur  ids  attainiii^  his 
!H  soioly  his  own  contideot  and  ecstatic;  assondion 
that  he  has  attained  it.  Mystics,  we  are  told  in 
J///s/h-’tvai  i'p.  20),  far  outdistance  '' tlie  votaries  of 
int»‘lle(d,  or  of  sense  ; and  again  (p.  43)  that  ‘*tliC3y  stand 
liead.  and  shoulders  above  ordinaxy  men  ” ; they  arc  “ tin.' 
pio]j«3ers  of  the  spiritual  world and  (p.  5)  that  “ we 
hav«‘  no  right  to  deny  validity  to  their  discoveries,  merely 
because  we  lack  the  opportunity  or  the  courage  necessary 
to  those  wlio  would  prosecute  such  explorations  for 
themselves 'h  Substituting  here  a lack  of  ‘‘the  leisure 
or  the  inclination  ”,  as  in  no  way  detracting  from  the 
roundness  of  the  sentence,  its  logic,  it  may  be  observed, 
would  have  disqualified  most  of  us  from  distrusting 
Dr.  Cook's  narrative  of  his  journey  to  the  North  Pole. 
For  we  are  warned  (ibid.)  that  “ we  must  not  begin  to 
talk  of  the  unreal  world  of  tliese  dreamex*s  until  we  have 
discovered — if  we  can — a real  world  with  which,  it  may 
be  compared  In  tlxe  case  put,  only  the  South  Pole 
would  have  fulfilled  the  requii'einent. 

In  truth  the  mystic's  unvarying  and  unhesitating 
confidence  of  success,  whatever  may  have  been  his 
intervals  of  doubt  and  despondency,  is  very  akin  to  that 


^ ** Reality’^  is  detined  (p.  40)  as  ‘*aii  independent  spiritual  world 
unconditioned  by  the  world  of  sense  the  “real  life,  spirit ’Ms  to  be 
preferred  to  the  “lower  life  of  sense”  ; not  “ existence,  the  superficial 
obvious  thing,”  but  “substance,  the  underlying  verity,”  is  to  be  our 
home  (p.  207).  The  better  antithesis  would  seem  to  be  “Annihilation 
of  our  thought  of  phenomena”,  the  Sufi’s  ultimate  goal. 

The  majority  of  the  names  in  the  Appendix  are  of  small  w^eight  in 
the  world’s  annals,  and  it  is  not  as  mystics  that  some  of  them,  sucfi  as 
Aquinas,  Daiite,  or  even  William  Law,  are  known.  The  contention 
on  |>.  mi  m staggering  When  seiance,  politics,  literature,  and  the 
arts -dhe  domination  of  nature  and  the  ordering  of  life—have  risen  to 
their  height  and  prcxlueed  their  greatest  works,  the  mystic  comes  to  the 
front,  snatches  the  torch  and  carries  it  on.  It  is  almost  as  if  he  were 
humanity’s  finest  flower,  . . . ” The  Renaissance,  then,  blossomed 
into  St.  John  of  the  Cross  Lt^ia. 


NOTES  ON  SOME  80FI  LIVES 


553 


“certainty”  insisted  on  by  Newman  in  Ins  Grantniftr  of 
and  is  open  to  the  same  objectioii,  viz.  that 
f‘Nperience  sho-ws  that  no  degree  of  certaintj",  howtiver 
strong,  can  be  conclusive  evidence  of  the  facts  ]>cliev(HL 
Such  certainty  may,  and  does,  prove  a whole-hearted 
tmthiisiasBi  and  a predisposition  to  he  convinced — bnt 
iiotliing  more.  Certainty  is  attainable,  if  at  all,  by 
another  method,  and  the  rival  processes  are  illustrated 
in  Fronde’s  criticism  of  Newman  V by  the  contrast  lie 
draws  between  the  gravely  and  cautiously  formed 
conclusion  of  the  scientific  investigator,  and  the  scliool- 
girbs  determination  that  the  weather  is  going  to  be  fine, — 
she  having  this  advantage,  that  she  is  quite  convinced  tlie 
fact  will  be  <is  she  believes.  In  too,  p.  287, 

occurs  a highly  suggestive  comparison  of  the  mystic’s 
perception  of  his  ‘‘  illumination  his  lialf-way  house  to 
his  goal — ^with  a lover’s  conviction  of  his  mistress’  perfection. 
Precisely  so  : his  wish  is  father  to  the  fact  he  believes. 

The  imperfections  of  our  sense  impressions  ai'e  also 
emphasized,  and  young  idealists  ai'e  invited  (p.  8),  as 
a useful  exercise,  to  consider  what  would  be  the  result 
were  our  senses,  at  the  bidding  of  some  mischievous 
demiurge,  to  exchange  duties,  so  that  we  came  to  hear 
colours  and  see  sounds.  But  most  of  us  in  our  youth, 
whether  idealists  or  not,  must  have  been  faced  by  the 
problem — 

“ If  all  the  trees  were  bread  and  cheese, 

And  all  the  sea  were  ink,” 

without  any  resulting  anxiety.^  A simple  method  of 

^ Short  Studies  on  Great  Subjects^  1872,  vol.  ii,  p.  124. 

- A very  similar  problem  exercised  the  mind  of  an  eminent  Sufi,  Siiakik 
al-Balkhi.  His  pupil,  Hatim  al-Asamm,  quoted  to  a Christian  monk 
a saying  of  Shakik  : If  the  skies  were  brass  and  the  earth  iron,  rain 
and  vegetation  would  cease,  and  were  all  people  from  end  to  end  of  the 
earth  dependent  on  me,  I should  remain  unconcerned.^' 

Jjj  I JKrnS*-  ^ hsifc.  ^ 

t:/— -j  I— ^ tJsjlS  The  monk 


mrEH  OK'  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


554 

foi!iii|4  the  cleiuiur^e  would  be  to  sliift  the  terms  used  to 
denote  these  troHckiiig  senses. 

Nor  is  Mjfsi le ism's  teriuhiology  of  the  clearest.  We  a,re 
told  fp.  4d)  that  the  mystic  kiiows  reality  lK»caiise  he  is 
n^aT';  ajid  ip.  4h)  Unit  he  attains  Being  because  ‘-oiily 
fhn'ng  can  know  Being’’:  and  again  (p.  14b),  that  ‘‘tlu* 
souk  according  to  mystic  principles,  can  only  perceive 
Reality  in  proportion  as  she  is  real'* — aphorisms  wldc-h 
recall  the  sentiment  that  who  drives  fat  oxen  shonhl 
himself  be  fat*’.  Some  of  the  dicta  are  more  striking 
tlmu  convincing.  Thus  (p.  87),  '‘  the  light  that  never 
was  on  hind  or  sea”  is,  to  tlie  favoured  few,  a "scientiHc 
statement”  ; the  mediaeval  mind  (p.  91)  “gave  to  music 
a cosmic  importance,  discerning  its  opeiation  in  many 
phenomena  which  we  now  attribute  to  that  dismal  figment, 
Law  ”> — law  being  used,  presumably,  rather  in  its  sense 
of  an  unvarying  rule  of  nature  than  of  {i liter  alia)  the 
protect/or  of  the  author’>s  copyright.  A luminous  saying 
of  Jalal-al-Din  (p.  88,  t‘epeated  by  the  author  in  a 
recent  article  in  the  English  Revie/w,  1912,  p.  522), 
“ Pilgrimage  to  the  place  of  tlie  wise  is  to  find  escape  from 
the  flame  of  separation,”  is  called  “ the  mystic’s  secret  in 
a nutshell  and  again  (p,  127),  certain  lines  of  Blake  of 
the  “ more  inspired  ”,  and  therefore  more  unintelligible, 
character  are  declared  to  contain  a prominent  Cliristian 
doctrine  “ in  a nutshell  ”,  In  a nutshell,  too,  it  was  that 
another,  and  not  less  inspired,  poet  set  himself  to  describe 
the  Higher  Pantheism— the  Pantheism  “ to  which  the 
mystics  always  tend”  (p.  144) — and  his  concluding 
couplet  may  well  be  cited  here — 

God,  whom  we  see  not,  is  : and  God,  who  is  not,  we  see : 
Piddle,  w’e  know,  is  diddle  : and  diddle,  we  take  it,  is  dee.”  ^ 

advised  Inm  to  qaifc  a teacher  who  indulged  in  such  baseless  fancies  ; 

wiA  J Jjj  {MirhU  al-Zmnan,  B.M.  Or,  4618, 

102b  1.  18).  " , "**  ' . ' 

^ “The  Higher  Pantheism  in  a, nutshell,”  in  The  Heptalogia,  or^  the 
against  Sense  (a  cap  with^mp^n  iftlls)  ; London,  1880. 


NOTES  ON  'SOME  SCJFI  LIVES 


SS'S; 

TJr.  Xiciiolson  may  be  held,  therefore,  to  ha.ve  been 
well  ab vised  in  subjecting  his  work  to  n scholarly  treat- 
ment ratlier  tlian,  as  vsuggested  by  tlie  reviewm*  in  the 
of  May  27,  1911,  in  see‘lviiig  to  make  it 

attractive  to  the  general  public.  Austere  scliolarsliip  " 
may,  in  tlieir  eyes,  have  its  drawbacks,  but  to  those 
wliom  Dr.  Xieholsori  is  immediatelv  axldressing  it  is 
welcome.  It  implies,  moreover,  the  exclusion  of  the 
element  of  propaganda,  whicli  in  MysticisriL  is  iindeniablt^ 
present. 

The  IiasJtf  cd-Mahjub  is  stated  to  be  the  most  ancient 
Persian  treatise  on  Sutiism.  Tiie  language  and  tlie 

subject  are  equally  outside  my  knowledge,  but  the 

a.utlie»rities  on  wliich  the  author  relied  were  Arabic,  and 
tlie  transliteration  of  the  sayings  quoted  tliroughout  the 
volume  shows  that  they  readied  him  in  that  tongiied 
This  led  me  to  searcli  for  tlieir  originals  in  the  Tabaka f 
al-Sufiyya  of  Sulami,  B.M.  Add.  18520,  where  many  of 
them  are  given.  Some  of  these  occur,  wdtli  others  added, 
in  the  copious  Sufi  obituary  notices  in  the  MivCit  al- 
Zamdn  of  Sibt  ibn  al-Jauzi,  B.M,  Or.  4618,  covering 

A.H.  219-79,  ill  his  grandfather’s  ikmitazam,  B.M.  Or. 
8004,  covering  a.h.  228-89,  and  in  the  Takrikh  al-Islcmh 
of  Dhahabi,  Leyd.  Cod.  1721  (Rev.  Cat.  No.  843),  B.M. 
MSS.  Or.  48^,  Or.  48,  Or,  49,  and  Or.  50,  covering 

A. H.  241-490.  The  yield  from  these  sources  may  be  of 
interest.  The  Suti,  if  not  a man  of  much  action,  was 
assuredly  a man  of  many  words:  their  sayings  gave  rise 
to  a copious  literature.  Sulami,  himself  a Sufi,,  composed, 
besides  the  Tabakdt,  other  works  on  Sufiism,  viz.  TcTrlkh 
al-SuJiyya  and  Mihan  al-Sujiyya,  botli  quoted  by  Dhahabi, 

^ The  oldest  extant  treatise  on  Sufiism  in  Arabic  is  said  (Preface,  xxiii) 
to  be  the  Kitclh  al-Limia^  of  Abu  Nasr  al-Sarraj  (d.  a.h.  378,  Dhahabi, 

B. AI.  Or.  48,  lo5^) ; this  text  Dr.  Nicholson  intends  publishing  in  the 
“ E.  J.  W,  Gibb  AlemoriaP’  series  from  a MS.  in  the  possession  of 
Mr.  A.  G.  Ellis.  Lately  the  British  Mxiseum  also  has  acquired 
a complete  and  legibly  written  MS.  of  the  work,  of  a.h.  548  (Or.  7710). 


556 


mWMB  OK  BUn  LIVES 


ai'id  {)tn‘li{ips  used  by  the  author  of  the  JufshjV  It  is, 
howt‘ver.  from  deeds  rather  than  from  words  that  the  truth 
should  he  sought,  and  by  this  test  it  would  appear  that  in 
two  iiHpoitaiit  respects  the  Suti  differed  from  the  Western 
!ii}'stic : lie  wa.8  not  . averse  either  frora  learning  or  from 
doiiH'stic  life.  Many  of  tlieni  lianded  down  traditions, 
wrot<*  polemical  tivatises,  and  were  intimate  with  jurists 
of  eminence.  In  the  case  of  Ibu  Khafif  (noticed  Kashf^ 
pp.  158,  247)  his  four  hundred  marriages  are  stated,  and 
very  plausibly,  to  have  been  uomiual,  and  to  have  ini2)lied 
on  the  wives’  part  the  seeking  rather  a blessing  than 
an  establishment,  but  he  is  described  to  us  as  advising 
his  litiarers  to  stick  to  study,  and  to  pay  no  heed  to  aiw 
Sufi  warnings  to  the  contrary ; he  himself  had  pursued 
learning  under  difficulties,  and  those  who  foretold  Ids 
failure,  in  the  end  found  liim  of  service  to  them.-  And 
we  find  him  in  discussion  with  his  teacher,  the  eminent 
Shafeite  jurist  Ibn  Suraij  (d.  a.h.  800,  Ibn  Klialk, 
de  SI.  Eng.  i,  40),  wdio  demonstrated  from  tlie  Ivuran  that 

^ Dr.  Nicholson  assumes  (Preface,  xxiii)  that  the  work  of  Sulami 
referred  to  by  the  author  of  the  Kaakf  is  the  Tabakdf,  but  the  Ta'nkh 
may  l:>e  equally  intended,  and  this  might  account  for  the  discrepancy 
mentioned  p.  114,  n.  L The  Mihau  is  quoted  in  Leyden,  1721,  0*',  and 
B.M.  Or.  48*,  100^',  1,  6,  the  Ta^rtkh,  ib.  47*^,  and  Or.  48,  70’*,  100'*,  etc. 

Dhahabi  says  of  Sulami,  ib.  149^;  ^)\)\ 

^ Jhj  : Jli 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


557 


the  love  oi;  (iod  is  obligatory^;  Bistauii  fp.  100)  said 
that  tlie  disagreeinent  o£  the  learned  was  essential  to  the 
observance  of  tlie  precepts  of  divine  knowledge'-;  and 
Fluwaiin  (p.  135  ) held  that  dissension  was  essential  to  Sufi 
well-being/^  When  the  Siifi  vShaikh  Abu-1-Fadl  al-Sablaki 
met  the  jurist  Abu  Isbak  abShmizi  (Ibn  Khali.,  de  SI. 
Eng.  i,  0)  at  Bisplm  on  his  retuiai  from  his  mission  from 
the  Caliph  to  Nizam  al-Mulk,  lie  was  treated  as  an  equal 
with,  much  courtesy  (Ibn  al-Athir,  x,  81 

And  the  Sufi  appears  constantly  as  a “ family  man 
The  author  of  the  Kaslif  discusses  the  question  of 
marriage,  and  leans  somewhat  in  favour  of  celibacy  (see 
pp.  360-6,  the  last  of  these  pages  putting  a case  very  similar 
to  tliat  of  Tristram  Shandy),  but  Sufi  practice  tended  in  the 
other  direction.  Junaid  (p.  128),  when  a slave-girl  was 
unexpectedly  bestowed  on  him,  gave  her  to  a brother  Sufi, 
by  whom  she  had  a fine  boy  (Ibn  Kliall.,  de  SI.  Eng.  i,  339) ; 
Ruwaim  (p.  135),  reproached  for  having  deviated  from 
vSufiism  into  the  service  of  the  State,  (for  tliat  is  the  truth 
of  the  Kashf  statement  that  he  “ hid  himself  among  ihe 
rich '’),  protested  that  he  had  been  compelled  to  this 

^ ^ 1,1^!  S..J  ; ^„„.d  c3 

All  : U.1  JUi 

\ * A1i3  . 

.(ix,  24)  tbit  ''  ^ * J 

: Jli 

^ {B.M.  Or.  48,  128^). 

jkJj  I— 

(B.M.  Add.  18^20,  14‘>}. 

' UUl  \ys^\  OU  Jp  1 Jli 

(ib.  m-), 

Dhahabi  (Or.  50,  150q  tells  how  Sufi  women  met  Abu  Isbak  and 
threw  their  rosaries  into  his  litter  in  the  hope  of  a blessing  through 
contact  with  his  person. 


mTEH  OS  SOME  HVEi  LIVES 


rjoH 


cuiir.s»‘  liy  claiiiiH  of  ii  fauiily  : ^ another  Sfifi, 

al*I\aia.iiiNi  fd.  A.H.  «7  1 ; A I Hbl)  iaeKimile,  1.  *]  a.i., 
liiMl  CIr.  4hl.S,  241  liE  when  a disciple  for  wlioia  In- 
laid  aj‘raH^i»'ed  a iiiarriaj^^e  refused  tlie  bride,  biiiiself  took 
hispliiee:  Ibii  aJ-Ilawfiri  (p.  118)  liad  his  full  iioiuber  oi 
hfur  wiv.'s,  one  of  wijoin  was  a Zrihida,  ; and  so  had 
flatihi  al-A>a,niin  1}k  115),  witii  nine  childnai,  a.nd  ho 
thaiikfiilly  declared  himstdf  free  from  any  Satan-prompted 
coneei'ii  for  their  brino-ino;  up;*"  3Iuhaninuxd  b.  Ilanulan. 
who  on  his  <1eatlE  AJL  870,  aged  00,  was  ajitieipating  the 
birth  of  a (diild,  promptl^y  devoted  it  to  Allah  and  declared 
he  had  received  ;i  i*eceipt;’^  and  of  Bishr  abllati  it  was 


J J-;.,  J Ui  . j 


1 » 


)\  : JUi  clisJj  O L 

Able  a!  (B.M.  Or.  4.S*.  •24''). 


- RilbiSi  bitit  isimi‘11,  cl.  A.ii.  2211  (Or.  30(.)4,  5'').  Abu  Xu‘ainj, 
d,  A. ft.  4.*t0,  says  uf  lier  in  the  //////e  (Lc-yd.  Cod.  1188,  24'*,  .tlev.  Cal. 
No.  1073)  r.ba.t,  aeera’ding  to  Snhinii,  sbe  sliared  name  and  patronyrnie 
witii  Hribi‘a  al-‘Adawiyya  (Ibii  Khali.,  de  Si.  Kiig.  i,  olo),  }>ut  she 
w^a.s  o.f  Basra,  and  this  one  of  Syria,  and  on  all  the  authorities  tl,K:* 
latter  should  be  written  Rax ‘a.  We  are  told  that  on  Ibn  al-Hawari 
meeting  with  a Pririeess  and  lier  eoinpanions  she  was  so  overcome  on 
hearing  him  by  love  for  Allah  that  .she  forthwith  died  (Or.  4618,  134%  1.  6). 
A similar  incident  is  recorded  of  Bistaim  (p.  106).  A young  man  invited 
to  visit  him  had  refused,  saying  that  the  sight  of  Allah  suffic^ed  him  ; on 
persuasion  he  wxmt,  and  died  on  the  .spot.  Bispami  explained  tln^ 
occurrence  as  the  result  of  his  own  superior  “state”  having  ser\xd 
as  the  medium  of  communication  between  the  young  man  and  Allah  : 

<di)  Joj  Uii  ,Ajf  <d]i 

(ib.  209%  1.  2). 

cT*  4 cJ*  t* 

(B.M.  Or.  4618,  102^  1.  12). 

Aw.3  I AmmJ  LJ^  iXJ'mS-  ^ ^ a * ^.5  *J 

Ali  <dl\  ; Jliii  . 

(B.M,  Or.  48,  149"),  on  the  authority  of  al-Hakini  al-Ntsaburi. 
Muhammad’s  father,  Abu  da%r  Ahmad  (d.  a.h.  311),  also  a Sufi,  i.s 
noticed  in  B.M.  Add.  18020,  7@%'aud  Or,  48%  77^, 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  ElVES 


550 


sjiid  by  the  Imam  Ahmad  b.  Hanbal  that  he  needed  only 
to  have  been  married  to  be  a perfect  character^ 

As  was  inevitable,  a rather  exalted  sta^’e  ol;  Snfiisni  was 
tliat  characterized  by  reiumciation,  ziihd,  i.e.  asceticism  : 
it  constituted  the  '‘state”  Adi,  next  below  UavakknL 
(p.  181),  and  its  representative  was  Noah  (p.  371).  It 
was  declared  specially  efficacious  as  a corrective  of  wealth, 
the  corrective  of  learning  being  ‘ihcldar  Its  danger, 
unnoticed  in  the  Kashf]  is  its  tendency  to  produce  the 
" hideous,  sordid,  and  emaciated  maniac  ” deplored  by 
Lecky  as  the  later  ideal  of  “ nations  which  had  known  tlie 
writings  of  Plato  and  Cicero,  and  the  lives  of  Socrates  and 
Cato”^.  In  the  East  there  was  no  such  past  to  etfacc, 
but  there  is  evidence  that  zuJtd  was  capable  of  making 
shipwreck  of  manners  and  of  intellect.  A Siili,  Tilhir  b.  al- 
Husain  al-Jassas,  d.  A.H.  418,  is  described  as  versed  in  the 
interpretation  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  the  Psalms, 
and  the  Kuran,  and  as  the  author  o£  a work  in  seven  ju.’; 
on  the  rules  of  Noviciate,  called  Ahkdrn  al-Mnrldin.  But 
his  austerities  undermined  Ins  intellect,  and  opinions  were 
divided  as  to  whether  he  was  a heretic  or  a man  of  right 
gnosis.*^  And  of  his  personal  habits  we  learn  that  he 

' Dhababi,  Bocll.  No.  659,  188%  1.  17  : _ 7 :j  . 

(A 

(B.M.  Add.  185*20,  42%. 

Hisfory  o f European  Morals,  ch.  iv. 

^ This  argument  was  advanced  in  Tahir’s  favour  by  one  present,  viz., 
that  Jesus,  admittedly  a prophet,  had  brought  on  mankind  more 
tribulation  than  Tahir,  and  that  to  neither  of  them,  personally  did  any 

mischief  enure.  The  text  runs  : lZJ  t.A  / jlb 

IaJJ 

clCljA 

jJ.4;  S,  (B.M.  Or.  49,  106»). 


KOTES  ON  SOME  HUFl  UTEH 


3CI0 

reliickwtly  allowed  hin  garment  to  be  cleaned,  wtipnlating 
that  its  inliabitants  (kaml)  were  not  to  be  injured,  and 
on  its  retimi  cleaned,  said  that  tlie  change  was  to  him 
a imiiter  of  indirterenee.  Stories  of  self-intlicied.  siifierings 
among  Hfifls  are  esmstani  The  notice  of  Bislu*  al-IIfifi 
(p.  103)  in  the  2Iir\lt  al-Za/niart  (B.M.  Oi\  4(>18, 

ff.  5} --7)  is  a !*ecord  of  exaggerated  austerity.  He 
deploretl  iiis  birth,  Wept  until  his  eyes  sufiered,  courted 
cold  to  emulate  the  poor,  and  refused  food  prepared  by 
his  sisttu*,  as  lie  could  not  be  sure  whence  it  had  come. 
Bistami  (p.  iOO)  refused  to  dry  his  clothes  on  a tree  for 
fear  ‘of  injuring  its  brandies,  and  used  his  own  back 
instead  (ib.  2()0^  L 3 a.f.).  Khair  al-Nassaj  (p.  145) 
submitted  to  being  wrongly  claimed  as  a slave,  ''  deeming 
this  to  come  from  God  ” (wliich  would  have  been  true, 
too,  of  his  resistance,  and,  moreover,  is  an  amplification 
of  the  version  in  Tahakdt,  73^^;  a,s  is  also  the  master’s 
‘‘  repentance  ”,  and  the  siglit  of  the  Angel  of  Death  ”) : 
and  the  conduct  of  Ai>u  Hamza  Khurasani  (p.  146) 
completely  traverses  the  dictum  that  God  helps  those  that 
help  themselves,  for  on  what  principle  he,  after  ignoring 
the  lielp  of  the  thoughtful  wayfarers,  made  use  of  the 
dragon’s  tail  to  escape  from  the  pit,  is  a mystery  indeed. 
Ibn  al-Jauzi,  who  was  a man  of  approved  piet}^  tells  this 
story  of  Abu  Hamza  Baghdadi,  and  adds  that  his  silence 
in  such  a case,  i.e,  wdien  in  peril  of  life  and  with  lielp 
within  call,  was  contrary  to  revealed  law.^  Of  Ibn  Khafif 
(p.  158)  Dhahabi  says  that,  wrongly  suspected  of  theft 
from  a shop,  he  decides  on  resignation  (tmllm),  and  is 
silent.  When  condemned  by  the  Amir  to  lose  his  hand 
he  recognizes  in  him  a former  slave  of  his  father,  answers 
his  Arabic  by  Persian,  and  is  answered  by  a Icunya  which 
he  had  borne  only  in  his  youth.  Emotion  on  the  Amir’s 
part  follows ; next  the  real  thieves  are  caught ; and 

^ f /JJ  (fe-M.  Or,  3004,  203^). 


NOTES  ON  SOx^E  StJFI  LIVES 


561 


iinally,  the  Amir,  ii3  lofty,  if  undeserved  self-reproacli, 
undergoes  a self -inilicted  penanced  Akta'  (mentioned 
p.  30d,  Ibii  al-Athir,  viii,  397)  is  also  noticed  hy  Dhahabi 
(Oi*.  48''^,  47’’).  He  actually  did  lose  his  hand  for  wrongly 
imputed  tlieft,  and  refused  to  have  the  stiiinp  treated.  In 
a night  vision  he  saw  the  Prophet  lay  hold  of  his  hand, 
and  in  the  morning  he  found  it  healed. 

Throughout  these  stories  the  element  of  legend  is,  of 
course,  prominent.  The  marvellous  is,  indeed,  ever  liable  to 
accretion,  and  to  this  the  pages  of  the  Kashf  bear  witness. 
Ibn  Adham  (p.  103)  is  reproved  there  by  an  antelope  “ in 
elegant  language”;  in  the  Tahahat  his  game  is  a hare, 
or  fox,  and  the  voice  proceeds  from  the  pommel  of  liis 
saddle.^  The  additions  to  the  story  of  Nassaj  have  been 
mentioned.  And  in  tlie  case  of  Shibli  (p.  155),  according 
to  both  Ansdh,  329^  1.  14,  and  Dhahabi,  Or.  48^,  227%  it 
was  not  he,  but  Ids  father,  wlio  wa>s  chamberlain,  and  not 
to  the  Caliph,  but  to  Muwadak,  on  whose  deposition  from 
the  succession  lie  lost  his  place — an  unexpectedly  tangible 
result  of  that  proceeding. 

On  the  other  liand,  the  Kashf  narrative  discloses  like- 
wise omissions,  due  conceivably  to  the  author’s  inability 
at  times  to  put  a Persian  sense  on  his  Arabic  original. 

d,Z.3jX3  <^11  CIJ fhA 

j 

: Sj^SJ  j ^ (♦V.^ 

1 jli 

jj  ^ 4-3*^  ^ ^ ^ 

jAiit  bl  128’^). 

^ (B.M.  Add.  18520,  an. 


Koms  ON  -SOMK  SUFI  LIVES 


5112 

of  Makki  (p.  l^^H)  in  taken  up  mainly  by 
a hf.nry  of  hin  enrin_i^  a youth  by  eaiisiu^i;*  via-ses  to  1)0 
rbauteil  to  him.  Hit*  first  couplet  was  n hackneyed  one: 
it,  uceiirs  J///o  KK,  182,  and  in  the  "Uvidnf  of  Ibn  Ibisliik, 
kaire*,  i:i*25,  i,  23,  .‘ual  it.  is  applied  ly  the  poet  Ibn 
jiidjajja/i  (o  his  own  case  in  Hdal  (fl-Sdhi,  431  ; an<l  in 
all  tie*  versions  it  is  not  a slave,  'ffhd,  lait  a doy’,  hdJj, 
whii  is  supposed  visited  in  illness.  TJie  next  couplet  cures 
tlie  yotiilnand  in  Ttdxdidi  we  are  ,i»‘iven  Makki  s explanation 
why  this  was  so,  and  it  may  well  he  tliat  the  author  of 
the  /imv/#/’ found  the  tjxplanatiou  a dark  one.^ 

Anotlior  omission  seems  to  occur  on  p.  153.  The  Persian 
equivalent  of  tlie  transliterated  Arabic  words,  '' speakiny* 
tongues  are  the  destruction  of  silent  hearts/'  imports 
a contrast  not  present  in  tlui  Arabic.  But  the  T(djahJi 
version  has  ad<Ied  words-  whicli  do  introduce  the  soul, 
%af^,  ami  it  may  Ijc  that  the  Ptjrsian  was  a free  rendering 
of  both  the  sentences. 

Ilamdun  al-Kassar,  in  expounding  the  doctrine  of  Blame, 
itwldma,  says  (p.  OG)  that  it  is  a compound  of  the  Hope 
whicli  characterized  the  Alicrjiyya  sect  and  tlie  Fear 

: JliL*  CSlS  jXli 

(B.M.  Add,  18520,  45'').  I ain  indebted  to 
Professor  Goldziher  for  a meaning,  which  he  declares  to  be  only  tentative. 

If  the  illnmination  precedes  the  Sima/  it  is  of  a higher  sort,  and  a little 
music  suffices  to  cure;  if,  however,  the  Nf/wrU  be  applied  to  an  un- 
enlightened  person  whose  enlightenment  comes  only  later,  then  it  is  of 
a lower  order,  and  the  Smd\  being  profane  in  character,  may  be  injurious. 
The  Professor  concludes ; aJ/Ij  . 

(B.M.  Add.  18520,  7oq. 

Professor  I).  S.  Margoliouth  has  solved  this  saying  tlius  : “ The  tongue 
when  made  to  spea'k  is  made  to  perish  thereby  ; and  the  soul,  when 
made  subservient  to  some  worldly  purpose,  meets  the  like  fate.’’ 

■'  Mamun  hedd  the  tenets  of  this  Sect  to  be  proper  for  kings  : 

CS^\  Jli,  (Ibn  abi  'Tahir  TaifQr,  B.M.  Add. 

2.9318, 34>').  . . . , 


NOTES  ON  SOME  S0FI  LIVES 


5(53 


wliicli  was  incident  to  Kadari  tenets.  Dhahalii  makes 
him  go  on  to  say  that  the  combination  of  the  two  was 
needudj  iaasinuch  as  uiimixed  fear  induced  despair  and 
unalloyed  hope  led  to  a lack  of  humility,^  wddch  is  a \’ery 
intelligible  position.  The  author  of  the  Kashf  detects  in 
the  opening  words  a hidden  meaning  ”,  and  he  is  but 
moderately  successful  in  unearthing  one. 

To  represent  Sufi  dicta  by  words  is  difficult — in  their 
\i.ew  wellnigli  impossible — but  the  profane  should  be 
aided  in  the  attempt  by  having  before  them  the  dicta,  as 
uttered.  In  some  cases  the  author  of  the  Kashf  quotes 
them  inaccurately.  On  pp.  245-6  we  are  given  “ subtle 
indications”  on  the  subject  oi  fanci  and  hakd,  terms  which 
Dr.  Nicholson  has  elsewhere  rendered  by  aimihilation  of 
our  thought  of  phenomena”  and  ''perpetuation  of  our 
thought  of  God”.  On  this  subject  sayings  by  Nahrajfiri 
and  by  vSliaibani  are  quoted,  which  appear  also  in  Tahakdt 
and  in  Dlialiabi,  and  more  correctljc^  Tlie  former  makes 
the  perfect  state  to  consist  in  the  passing  away  of  the 
aspect  of  man  s worship,  and  its  replacement  by  an  abiding 
perception  of  the  deity’s  presence  in  all  his  acts  here  below. 
The  latter  holds  perfection  to  hinge  on  man’s  true  attain- 
ment of  the  higher  state,  working  in  conjunction  with  his 
true  mystic  development  here  below,  i.e.  not  " and  ”, 

(Leyden,  1721,  123>y 

o <xi31  * t 

^ ^ ^ ^ \ ^ J/  ^ • 

(B.M.  Add.  18520,  87%  92^ ; and  Or.  48%  193%  233%. 


564  NOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


hut  “ol*"’  irahflitmyija,  tliin  applying  to  the  higher  state 
towards  which  man  is  to  strive,  whereas tic/ iyi/rr,.  refers 
to  man’s  lower  attitude  of  worship.  Such  is  the  (ixplaiiatioir 
if  I ha,vt‘.  rightly  grasped  it,  for  which  I am  indebted  to 
ih-olVs-f'jr  Snouck  Hurgi’onje.  Tlie  autlior  of  the  Kafihf 
proiMM'ds  to  give  tlm  ‘‘real  gist”  of  tlie  sayings,  and  in 
a cheiid  of  words. 

Again,  certain  experiences  of  Bistami  on  his  pilgrimages 
(Kashf,  107,  and  again  327)  are  described  by  the  author 
as  a “sulitle  tale”,  wdiich  indeed  is  true  of  his  version, 
but  tlie  sulitlety  seems  in  part  due  to  his  blundering. 
A different  and  fuller  version  is  given  in  the  notice  of 
Phstami  in  Or.  4618.^  In  the  Kashf  version  his  tliird 
pilgrimage  is  a success,  and  is  not  calculated  to  awake 
his  repentance.  But  in  the  text  belo\A%  on  that  occasion 
he  sees  neither  tlie  house  nor  its  master  nor  the  people. 


J1  j^li  1*113 


\i»5^  l-X-l  4^  Ip--  ] 

. 4J2Al£>..4X^  . CI-'^AA  : iJL-'lUi  . 4^  yibLl: 

I LmmJjXS  Cw.-' Ai^-sl  ^ iX»X}  j,S 


U-Cl  J 


Ip--Ip-  ii  f *^UA  tA  jjyfiST  : L.,  .,4V  1,41 


Hi  ^ oAj  ^ . 


Ijjii  iXxj  L-*  : 


sj  ijrAi  c:.A4:>.uU  . jbjJl 

c;l  |»3y  1.^  ^j\  : j 

jQl  U u5^Jj  yi  ^ 

iAiy-ft  jIjcj  (B.M.  Or.  4618, 209«).  ^ 


NOTEH  ON  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


565 


He  is  surprised  tliat  this  should  befall  one  who  had 
attained  to  his  state  ”,  and  his  pride  rises.  Tliereiipon 
an  unseen  speaker  bid  him  begone,  rejected.  He  wanders 
disconsolate  to  a monastery  in  the  desert,  and  finds  there 
worshippers  of  tlie  Cros>s,  whom  he  rebukes  for  thus 
wasting  tlieir  efforts.  Again  the  voice  warns  him  that 
his  advice  is  unsought,  and  that  he  is  rejected.  In  despair 
he  asks  to  be  given  a monk’s  cord,  ziimidr,  which  he 
sets  about  putting  on,  and  has  nearty  done  so  wlien 
tlm  voice  resumes,  and  tells  him  to  desist,  saying  that 
things  have  not  come  to  this  pass,  but  that  whilst  his 
love  was  recognized  so  was  his  pride.  The  Sufi,  in  his 
scorn  of  those  professing  another  creed,  was  probably 
unconscious  how  very  much  he  and  they  liad  in  common, 
and  how  largely,  indeed,  his  own  system  was  derived 
from  those  he  presumed  to  admonish.  The  story  affords, 
too,  an  instance  of  the  “spiritual  pride”  at  times  incidental 
to  the  Sufi  state,  as  will  be  noticed  later. 

Ahmad  b.  Yahya  al-Jalla  (p.  134)  is  made  to  explain  his 
patronymic  Jalld,  both  in  the  notice  of  Yahya  (d.  A.H.  258) 
in  Or.  4618,  201“  and  in  the  son’s  notice  by  Dhahabi,^ 
as  due,  not  to  his  having  ever  wandered  from  his  home, 
but  to  the  power  of  his  exhortation  in  attracting  hearts. 
Both,  the  notices  tell  how  Ahmad,  having  persuaded  his 
parents*  to  devote  him  to  Allah,  returned  in  after  years, 
and  knocking  at  their  door  received  the  reply,  “We  had 
once  a son,  but  gave  him  to  Allah,”  and  the  door  was 
not  opened.  Anyone  who,  remembering  Mrs.  Humphry 
Ward’s  heroine  in  Helbeek  of  Bannisdale,  and  her  wish  for 
“ Ivan  with  his  axe  ” to  drop  on  the  neck  of  St.  Francis 
Borgia,  should  be  led  to  applaud  the  parents’  act,  will  have 
missed  the  true  inwardness  of  the  incident.  For  it  is 
as  a Zahid  that  Yahya  is  noticed  in  two  MSS.,  and  in 


rm 


NOTEt^  OX  HOME  HUFI  LIVES 


lipiifc 

lifti 


boili  liis  jwi  is  to  the  Amb  rule  of  Jiot  recalling 

a oifl.’ 


The  Milniti  sntlered  by  the  Satis  at  tJie  of 

ibfiilmii  Khalil  fpp.  Vi7  aud  lhO|  is  mentioned  in 
DhaliidTs  notice  of  him,"  bnt  iK>t  the  woiiians  necusnt ion 


♦ 


' CJ  * 


(B. ,\L  Or.  4ias,  200, 1.  ult.,  ati<l  Or.  3004,  370',  1.  14).  MaOiiFaiKarklii 
«p.  beoi  aCiii'istiaii  uad  converted  to  Is laru,  returned  {iLso,  knocked. 


:aid  ainiminced  himself.  Asked  his  religion,  he  replied,  “ Islam and  ids 
piiroit-i  tht,‘reiif)on  heeame  Moslems  also  (Ibn  Khali,  de  SI.  'Eng.  iii,  aS4l. 


l; 


wax)  tU  J 


J'J 

vy  ■ • • • w •■ 


u 


c; 

A-' 


: . . ,2sr^  ,;.  \ 


V.  t 


i >- 


‘Uaastr  1 Xl.'  . 4u.lsr^  LXxJ  iaiL.4  Ji  L-asT 


tv.*. 


b J5',  J.ii' 


Wl  : Jl-b  <UAj  tUJI 

Jj  : 

i • WiWww'Xli^  1 L J.*  .-J-va  fs  ( X'*  •■V'^  1 


■■  ' y ■ -**  ■:  ■ W..  ‘*  / ■ ■■  ..  .iCT 


U5’ 


C^Lwiw)  li|jbii  ^ 


r* 


\dS»  <IX*  J-s>-5»-  ^IXil  : . i'X'i 


• <J  X>>-  ijXj» 


,,;il,liw’w**Aj».  ..'^pbs*)  I ;'  'iwwiAjpSc);  ^ J 

(Leyden,  1721,  1,19^. 

UJl  ^X-s.  iiwA'-sMkw^  : ijlbi  : o I'sa.jJ 

U.-.WA  J-iiX  dxs:'*  UL^IS*  U1  : JsssT 

■>  j . y ^ . , I u? 

V'."  ' • ''"!iip.)3' ''''^AwiS^ -bw).  ■■  i^^j>aiL*J»iwl.  b itLSLiAiSSI!.  I ' ■ ' ■ twS  At<<^p.l'.V 

KtS^  1 ^Ali<w3  iLiiXLiiiCS!!!  i aCi%^ 

\ : JlJLi  lIXU  d X J.:JLi  uJllJl 

^ Iiiwi3iifti3 1 k»«5^  ^ ihult  Sji  UjLbA5 

iZ3\j\^\  iS  Jtwui  ^ 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  LIVES  567 

against  Siimnim,  which  is  probably  a fiction.  We  find 
Ghulam  Khalil  sharing  the  objection  of  the  orthodox  in 
general  to  the  Sufi  views  on  AliwaX,  Fanct,  and  Mahahha, 
holding  that  the  proper  objects  of  the  last  were  fellow- 
creatures,  and  that  the  Deity  was  an  object  of  fear.  His 
exhortations  roused  the  people,  and  the  Caliph  had  some 
Pufis  imprisoned.  In  the  view  of  Ibn  al-A‘rabi  (Abu  Said 
Ahmad  b.  Muh.  b!  Ziyad,  d.  340)  love  and  fear  are  equally 
admissible ; Dhahabi  discourages  excess  of  the  former  as 
prejudicial  to  the  latter : and,  regarding  religion  as  an 
auxiliary  of  the  civil  power,  Ghulam  Khalil  was  in  the 
right.  Nuri’s  self-sacrifice  (p.  190)  is  told  by  Dhahabi  on 
the  authority  of  Abu  Nu'aim  (d.  430),  and  he  is  made  to 
say  only  that  he  prefers  his  comrades'  lives  to  his  own. 
To  the  Chief  .Kadi,  who  reports  favourably  on  them,  (he 
was  not  al-' Abbas  b.  'Ali,  but  Ismail  b.  Ishak,  d.  a.h.  282), 
Niiri  says  that  Allah  has  servants  who  hear,  speak,  and 
eat  through  him  (but  not  who  sit  ”,  etc.,  as  in  tlie 
Kashf).  And  the  Sufis  are  released  by  the  Calipli 
without  being  given  the  refusal  of  a boon. 

The  story  that  Abu  Bakr  al-Wanfik  (p.  142)  caused 
some  of  his  writings  to  be  committed  to  the  river  by  an 
agent  (whose  beliaviour  resembled  that  of  Sir  Bedivere 
to  King  Arthur)  describes  an  apparently  not  unfrequent 
Sufi  act,  for  Abu  Hayyan  al-Tauhidi  (Irshad  al-Arih, 
V,  386,  389),  when  repimched  for  having  burnt  his  works 
to  prevent  their  falling  into  unworthy  hands,  defended  his 

<d!b 

1 iOZ-As::)!  L5^  . aUU 

1 o (ib.  159**). 

Ibn  al-A‘rabi  is  probably  quoted  from  his  Tahakdt  al-KussdJc,  which 
Dhahabi  mentions  by  name  in  the  notices  of  Muhasibi  (ib.  3^),  of  Abu 
Hamza  Baghdadi  (ib.  103^),  and  of  another  Sufi,  Abu  ‘Ali  al-Hasan  b.  'Ali 
al-Masuln,  d.  a.h.  256  (ib.  90^).  Ibn  al-A*rabi  is  noticed  by  Dhahabi, 
Or.  48^,  *24 D’,  and  Brock,  i,  521.  In  the  Kitdh  of  al-Sarraj 

(B.M.  Or.  7710)  he  is  said  to  have  written  a w’ork,  the  Kitdh  al-Wajd, 
which  does  not  appear  to  be  elsewhere  recorded. 

JRAS.  1912. 


37 


568 


KOTES  OH  SOME  SUF!  LIVES 


conduct  by  the  examples  of  Baud  al-Tal  (p.  109),  Dfiniiii 
(p.  112),  and  Siifyan  al-Thauri  (Ibu  Kha'il,  de  81.  Eng. 
i,  oflO),  all  Sfifis,  and  of  Yilsiif  b.  Asbafc  (Ibn  Ilajar, 
xi,  No.  792.  where  the  aet  is  inimtioiied ),  A bn 
‘Ann*  b.  al-‘Ata  (ib.  xii,  No.  84fr),  and  Abu  8aAd  al-Sirafi 
i Frslifhl,  iii.  84*). 

(t ‘1*1?! in  differences  between  SQii  sects  are  (‘uuiaerate-d 
in  the  Jutshf  (pp.  170  tl‘),  but  all  of  them  excepting  two 
are  declared  comiuendable,  and  tin?  difference  between 
tlieni  lay,  not  in  tlie  sum-total  of  the  tenets,  but  in  the 
emphasis  laid  oti  tlie  items.  A leading  Siiti  preaclied  on 
some  special  tenet,  and  it  became  identified  with  him  and 
witli  Ids  followers.  Muhasibi’s  section  heads  the  list,  and 
we  are  told  (p.  182)  that  his  theory  did  not  influence  his 
practice.  This  was  to  distribute  Idame  evenly — indeed, 
freely : witness  his  angry  denunciation  of  his  pupil  Abu 
Hamza's  veiy  innocent  greeting  of  a bird,  for  sucli 
Dhahabi,  in  his  notice  of  the  pupil,  declares  the  act  to  be, 
and  he  declares  it  on  what  loolcs  very  like  another  version 
of  the  previous  story,  which  lie  had  just  given,  but  more 
briefly  than  in  the  Kashf,  In  the  two  it  is  only  the  bird 
that  differs.  The  second  story  is  laid  by  Abu  Nu'aim  at 
Tai\sus,  and  it  led  to  Abu  Hamza  being  mobbed.^  But 
a mob  could  plead  excuses  which  were  not  open  to 
Muhasibi,  and  his  attitude  was  not  warranted,  for  his  own 

3\  jJXxJ  yjj 

• «ulx 

Sxi  LAS1\  ijlS'  ]3\  : 

lioJjJU  Jl^ 

jjl  j£.  Aw  jt,aA i 

cl 

*L4lx  cJ^  ll^eydeHj  1721,  104®), 


569 


NOTES  ON  SOME  StJiT  LIVES 


doetmie  was  hdd  unsound  by  so  high  an  authority  as 
Ibn  Hanbal  Professor  D.  S.  Margolioutlx  refers  to^this 
disapproval  m his  notice  of  the  writings  of  Jluhasibi  at 
the  ihiid  International  Congress  for  the  History  of 
hehgions  (IranmcHons,  i,  292,  1908),  as  J.aving  been 
.-ittributed  to  professional  jealousy  of  Ids  fame'  as  a 
preae  ler.  Here  also  Dhahabi  goes  on  to  quote  Alunad  b. 
Ishak  al-Sibghi  (d.  a.h.342,  B.M.Or.48*,  255^)  for  a story  ^ 


i -'1  J'J 


j Jlj  . t 

, - p lAi 

V~Y 

J' ^ Uaxj  J. 

Jt*A  Ijcql  J jJl!! 

'r  ip  oW-=t. 

. .L<!1  d - , . - . , - ‘ 

i . .t  ^ . ..  i 


P '■^  ‘i-'Airy  AJl  JU- 


J^J 


■ '■  ■■-''  ...  ' . ^ — ' -"T"—  ' 4^, 

C^ij  dp  li  ,_<A—  ^ .~ 

^Aj  U : JUi  aJJl  ^ 

'■^  try  d^  o^Ua^i  |*u  J 1 Ahl 

. W,^  ^/h 

■ ■ ■ ^ c:->l.._.^,'o  d ,_ji:i=LU 

.Ap\  U kLld  : aUI  1 ,^1  Ju 

O!  : All  , Jt£j 

S->yl  U1  : JUj  J1 

.Jar  uj-H-Aj  ly  : JUj  . At  _jA  p^Jj\  U 

A^_.  A.A  Uli  pjX£.\  ^ hyd\  Ull  dsasT,  S ^ 

. ^.U  in  All  u e.^,u)i  ^ : JU  J . JIa 

^ A-  : C^d  jUj 

1 (Leydeijj  1721,  23^). 


570 


NOTEB  ON  80ME  BUIl  LIVES 


how  Ibii  fbiiibal  induced  a friend  to  conceal  liiin  witlnii 
earnliia  ot  a jueeting  of  Mul.iasibi  and  his  followers.  And 
«j!i  the  itfriniiiatiou  of  the  proceedings,  whicli  are  described, 
lit*  ttiid  his  host  that,  whilst  highly  admiring  Miil.ia.sibrs 
powers,  hr*  advised  him  not  to  attend  his  teaching. 
Xasrabadhi  {150)  relates,  too,  liow  Ibii  Haiil)ars  dis- 
approval drove  Miihasibi  into  retirement  at  Ki'ifa,  where 
he  took  up  traditions.  This  act  of  his,  coupled  with  the 
fact  that  he  had  recanted  liis  errors,  was  urged  in  his 
favour,  hut  the  Imam  replied  that  recantation  without 
admission  of  guilt  was  unavailing,  and  he  stigmatized  him 
as  “ pernicious 

Again,  the  statement  (p.  214)  that  IsfaraTni  held  a saint 
to  be  ignorant  of  his  saintship  whilst  Iba  Furak  held  that 
he  was  conscious  of  it,  is  not  born  out  by  what  Dhahabi  says 
in  his  notices  of  them  (Or.  48,  55'’,  and  104^),  for  lie  says 
of  the  former  that  according  to  Kushairi  (p,  167)  lie 
denied  the  validity  of  Imxlmdt,  “ a grievous  error,”  a.dl(X 
kahira,  and  of  the  latter  that  it  was  Sa‘id  al-Maghribi 
(p.  158)  who,  in  controversy  with  him,  afiinned  the 
consciousness,  whilst  Ibn  Furak  denied  it.  Lsfara’ini’s 
view  has  the  support  of  Abu-I-'Abbas  al-Kankaslii 
(d.  A,H.  449),  who  quoted  his  master,  Ahmad  al-Aswad, 
for  tiie  dictum  that  “ to  rely  on  miracles  is  deception 

Ilallaj  (p.  150)  was  somewhat  of  a stumbling-block 
to  the  Sufis,  and  the  case  made  for  him  in  the  KasJif 
amounts  to  this,  that  his  feelings  carried  him  away  over- 
much. The  authox',  on  p.  153,  somewhat  strangely 
considers  the  fact  that  he  had  himself  found  it  necessary 
to  compose  a work  to  demonstrate  the  sublimity  of 
Hallaj's  sayings  as  evidence  that  those  sayings  should 
not  command  confidence.  But,  as  Dr.  Nicholson  says  in 
the  Preface,  p.  xxiv,  'Hhe  logic  of  a Persian  Sufi  must 
sometimes  appear  to  European  readers  curiously  illogical.” 

^ (B.M.  Or,  49,  223”,  penulfc.). 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI,  LIVES 


571 


Tliat  many  leading  Sufis  accepted  Hallfy  is  certain,  and 
one  of  them,  Ahmad  b.  Sahl  b.  'Ata  al-Aranli  (p.  149 
and  Ibn  al-Ath!i’,  viii,  95),  on  being  interrogated  by 
the  vizier  Hamid  b.  al-'Abbaa  on  Hallaj's  views,  retorted 
that  they  were  iiothing  beside  his  acts  of  peculation  and 
ei'uelty.  He  was  then  tortured,  and  expressed  the  hope 
that  Hamid  too  might  lose  hands  and  feet.  And  Hamid, 
we  are  told,  was  eventually  so  treated,^  but  this  is  the 
sole  authority  for  the  fact,  for  history  states  that  he 
died  at  Basra,  perhaps  poisoned,  and  was  buried  there 
(cf.  Hilal  al-Sabi,  preface,  18-19).  An  estimate  of  Hallaj  is 
given  in  the  lately  appeai'ed  jFar^'  hain  al-Fimk,  a work 
half  a century  earlier  than  the  A'as'A/r  Hallaj  is  dealt 
with  in  a chapter  on  the  deification,  Ilulfdi,  heresy, 
pp.  246-9,  and  in  connexion  with  the  Htdmdni  sect 
(from  whom  he  is  distinguished  in  the  Kashf,  p.  260),  and 
the  author  of  the  Fark  sets  out  the  line  of  reasoning  by 
which  he  himself  refuted  IFdondni  dinj^ntant.  Of  Hallaj 
he  says  that  his  form  of  Sufiism  was  that  termed  ecstasy, 
shxdh,  a state  which  may  be  laudable,  or  the  reverse,  and 

^ • • • W S-X  : 

Ll/U\b  U : Jliii  . ^lA\  U : Jl-A— i 

. y ' ■ ' y ' ■ * ■ 

v;>-  j L i V vW.  '.. 

■ ^ . , . . .■  ,,.V«  y*  . , V ,,  ...■■V  ; 

^ J-U\  (B.M.  Or.  48%  46%.  Here  is 

another  instance  of  the  working  of  zxdid  on  the  intellect. 

- The  author  of  the  Fark^  Abu  Mansur  ‘Abd  al-Kahir  b.  Tahir,  is 
noticed  by  Dhahabi  under  a.h.  426  and  429  (B.M.  Or.  49,  189“,  and 
152“),  where  the  Fm-k  is  not  mentioned,  only  his  Tahnila  fil-Hudb  (Haji 
Kh.,  No.  3523).  By  Ibn  Khali,  (de  SI.  Eng,  iii,  149)  his  death  is  dated 
A.H.  429,  followed  Brock,  i,  385). 


that  |i<*op|i*  iiecordin<j^ly  diftererl  about  Tlio.  Hclirdastic 

iliooloi»*iaiss.  MnUibiHiiniru.  der*!are(l  hiui  an  tnibrlisn’or. 
wliMvas  tlio  Boet  iKunltf,  J3I  iioto)  hidd  him  in 

bt‘  n iria*  Shii.  ABlh'ari.  again,  in  his  rufutation  oi*  ilm 
denoimeod  him  an  a trickster  (a  \ih‘W  oi*  him 
whieh  T'aniikhi  enforces  by  anecdote  in  the  Xlshif'iir 
as  will  hi?  ^upparent  in  the  forlhconiing 
editif)!!  of  this  work  ipy  Professor  1).  S.  i\fargo]ioiitli  K 
By  the  ortlsidox  jurists  he  was  declared  worthy  of  death, 
hut  tlie*  hailing  differed  in  opinion,  both  Akta'  am] 

.Makki  holding  him  blameless/  whilst  otiiers  puinted  to 
his  vi(OV,  as  shown  hy  Ids  writings,  tliat  the  Sntis  putting 
off  all  eartlily  weaknesses  led  to  Ids  putting  on  sometldng 
heav(U]]y,  wliieh  was  tlie  case  with  Iiimself  (lialiaj);  that 
it  was  the  num!)er  and  rank  of  liis  adherents  tluit  led 
to  liis  hs*ing  put  to  death  and  tlie  passage  concludes  by 
saying  that  *■  his?;;^uti  partisans  allege  that  ndraeulous  states, 
itlnnd  )tnn  ifbkardiiKf,  were  disclosed  to  him,  and  that  lie 
revealed  tiiese  to  the  public,^  and  his  punisliment  was  being 


■Cfll  « Ax 


i J^]\  « i 

hi  J i*  ^ y • y M 

Jl-  ^lA\  : (B.M.  Or.  48^  47^*). 

® Dhaliabi  says,  mb  a.h.  344,  on  the  subject  of  IlallaJ’s  detection  : 

aAji  >7^1  ^}a\  , Xz 

^ 26fr). 

•'  In  tlie  Sufi  view  concealment  was  meritorious  ; the  arcana  of  Siitiism 
are  mentioned,  Kashj\  p.  U>7,  and  are  born  out  by  the  following  sayings 
of  MurtaUsh  (p.  39,  etc.)  and  Abu  ‘Amr  (qy,  ‘Umar)  al-Dimashki  (p.  38)  ; 
compare  also  the  Shiite  conception  of  Taffiyya  (Goldziher,  Yorhm’iujtii 
u.  d,  Iddm,  p.  21o) : — 

h iX4Jsz^  j^A  4JI— J! 

(B.M.  Add.  18520,  BOg. 


^jUj  4IJI  tX4>^  fj[ 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


given  over  to  disbelievers  in  these  miracles,  in  oixler  that 
his  own  state,  //a/,  slionld  continue  to  be  obscure  ^ for  the 
Hfiti  attitude  was  one  of  outward  uncertainty  but  of  inward 
purity,  some  holding  the  latter  to  he  the  ease  of  Hallaj, 
on  the  strength  of  an  utterance  by  him  at  the  time  of  his 
eX(.;ciitioii  wliicli  was  deemed  to  show  liis  belief  in  the  Unity. 

The  above-mentioned  Sctlimi  sect  are  described  by 
Haaibriicker  (trams.  vShahrastani,  ii,  417,  but,  in  fact, 
from  a passage  in  the  Berlin  MS.  of  tlie  Farh  lain  al- 
Ftvak)  as  a number  of  scholastic  theologians  of  Basra 
(Kashf,  131  note).  In  the  of  SaniTini  (Gibb 

Facsimile,  280%  1.  6 a.f.)  the  oiisha  Salirni  is  attributed 
to  three  named  persons  each  of  whom  Ijad  a following, 
but  all  of  them  w’-ere  to  be  reckoned  as  holding  by  (Abu-1-) 
Hasan  b.  Muhammad  b.  Ahmad  b.  Salim  in  respect  of  uauI, 
and  to  be  followers  of  his  son  Abu  'Abd  Allali  in  respect 
of  Sufi  practice,  their  number  including  most  of  the  jurists 
and  traditionists  of  Basra  and  its  neighbourhood.  By 
Bhahabi  tlie  k tony  a of  father  and  son  are  inverted,  and 
correctly,  for  Ibn  al-Athir  records  the  death  of  Abu 
‘Abd  Allah  Muhammad  b.  Salim  in  aj-l  297  (viii,  45), 
saying  that  he  was  Sahib  of  Tustari,  and  Dhahabi,  in  his 
notice  of  Abu-l-llasan  Ahmad  b.  Muhammad  h.  Salim 
(d.  A.H.  350-60),  son  of  the  founder  of  the  sect,  says  the 
same  of  the  father,  who  is  called  Abu  ‘Abd  Allah  Muhammad 
b.  Ahmad  b.  Salim,  quoting  the  Hilya  of  Abu  Nuhiim 
(d.  A.H.  430,  Brock,  i,  362)  and  Sulamis  Ta'rikh  al-Sufiyyca 
And  he  concludes  by  admitting  that  he  bad  been  unable  to 
get  any  precise  information  on  the  sect.- 

In-1  CuUmi  (B.M.  Add.  18520,  (ilS 

and  Or.  48*,  125''),  ^ > 

^ This  passage  is  translated,  not  quite  correctly,  by  Haarbriicker, 
trans.  Shahrasttini,  ii,  417-18. 


(B.M.  Add.  18520,  (ill- 


^ X b-i  J , 


cr: 

U 


574 


NOTES  OK  SOME  SUFI  LIVES  . 


Professor  (joldziher  has  been  more  fortnimte.  In  his 
article  “Die  dogmatische  Partei  der  Salimijja (ZDMG. 
Ixi,  p.  73)  he  fnlly  describes  their  tenets,  saying  tliat  they 
were  not  to  lie  supposed  followers  of  Hisharn  b.  Saliiip 
jinnithmed  iShukrusfani,  41,  ].  nit,  wlio  was  a Shiite 
hinatie.  And  after  quoting  Mnkaddasi’s  exjierience  of 
them  (IHhL  Gmp\  Ar*.,  iii,  1 26),  he  gives  their  tenets  from 
the  Gh  miya  of  Abd  al-Kadir  al-Ghiltoi,  i,  83.  In  a note 
he  qnoteB  Dliahabi’s  Hnffdz  for  the  story  how  'Abd 
al-Rabman  h.  Manda  (d.  A.H.  470,  Wust.  Gesclt.  214)  had 
occasion  to  complain  that  dogmatic  discussion,  which  in 
all  ages  and  climes  seems  to  have  proceeded  on  much 
the  same  lines,  had  exposed  him,  whenever  he  hesitated  to 
accept  a proposition,  to  being  dubbed  by  some  sectarian 
name  which  he  in  no  way  deserved,  e.g.,  tlmt  if  he  quoted 
any  tradition  on  the  sight,  Rn'ya,  of  Allah  he  was  promptly 
called  a Sdlinti}  And,  indeed,  in  a later  passage  in  the 

tmj  i ^ I G*  1 jj  \ 

. -Ue  jOj  eL^;,  A-iU  ; Ui'j! 

!1  J,_  J : l::— Ijj 

iXAss:"*  ^uLsll  <A  jA 

dCiflvS*  j¥A^\  1^1  l«c  faLi.r>" I 

^ is  ^ o Ajj 

4x11  ^ 1 ^ xX^^jisr^  : ^ 

hijlJ  J <LXGU<JI  dh  ^iil 

L^iil-A*5>* \ ^ GAissd  s * » i 

(B.M.  Or,  48,  70^';  Al-Nakkash,  Mak..  b.  ‘Ali  b.  *Amr  b.  Mahdi 
al-I^bahani,  ob.  A.H.  414,  B.M..Or.  49,  d)'’*). ' 

1 The  storj  occurs  also  in  Bbababi’^  notice  of  Ibn  Manda  in  the 
Ta^rfkh  al’IMm  (B.M.  Or.  50-,  ' ' A ,'d  ■ 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


575 


Park,  p.  324,  this  sect  is  accused  of  holding  the  erroneous 
view  that  infidels  might  behold  Allah,  the  tenet  which 
lieads  Professor  Goldziher  s list.  The  Professor  reverts 
also  to  tin's  sect  in  a note  to  his  recent  review  of  tlie 
Fitrk  (ZDilG.  Ixv,  856),  where  he  refers  to  their  mention 
by  Ibn  Taimiy^^a  (Brock,  ii,  100),  Mcj/imiiUlt-al-Rasa  il, 
Cairo,  1323,  i,  102,  11.  9,  121  n.,  and  ib.  36,  1.  10,  under  the 
name  of  “Sabiliyya”,  and  to  Su^^uths  Bughyat-tiPWii'dt, 
Cairo,  1326,  p.  113,  for  further  particulars  of  their  tenets. 

It  may  be  assumed  that  the  qualities  creditable  to  Sufis 
were  adequately  set  forth  in  the  Kashf,  for  its  author  was 
one  of  them,  and  his  work  is  wholly  sympatlietic  in  tone. 
It  may,  however,  be  surmised  that  a very  probable  result 
of  the  Sutrs  real,  or  fancied,  superiority  over  his  fellow- 
men  would  be  to  produce  in  him  what  in  theological 
circles  is  termed  “spiritual  pride’'.  Some  of  them  came 
to  think  that  the  rules  of  religion  existed  rather  for  the 
vulgar  than  for  themselves.  This  view  the  Kashf 
combats  (p.  218),  where  Bistami  (p.  106)  is  made  to  say 
that  a saint  (i.e.  one  wdio  has  succeeded  in  annihilating 
self,  which  is  the  Eastern  equivalent  of  the  Western 
mystic’s  union  with  the  absolute  life)  must  keep  the 
religious  law,  in  order  that  God  may  keep  him  in  his 
spiritual  state.  A short  way  of  dealing  with  an  offender 
in  this  respect  was  to  deny  that  he  had  attained  saintship, 
for  the  denial  was  as  conclusive  as  the  assertion.  And 
this  was,  in  fact,  Bistami's  method  in  the  case  of  the 
Sufi  whose  conduct  in  the  mosque  he  disapproved  (p.  218), 
for  in  the  notice  of  him  in  Oi\  4618  he  is  made  to  say: 
‘'This  man’s  behaviour  is  unsound,  for  he  has  outraged 
religion : his  saintship  must  be  no  better.”  ^ Another  Sufi, 
Abu-l-Hasan  ('Ali  b.  Ahmad  b.  Sahl)  al-Bushanji  (p.  44) 
neglected  to  attend  the  mosque,  on  the  plea  that  retirement, 


(B.M.  Or*  48^‘\  279‘’). 

L5*  ■ \^~ 

: JUi . JU^-Sl  uJiis-l  ^ 1 h>rj^  J'  *1-1-:.  Jji  J^  J 1=- 

jk^  ^jA^l  iS^3  (B.M.  Add.  18520,  8B\ 

md  Or.  48"^,  157“}.  ■ 

^ A,*.4sJSI.'^  J ,.  a1  i 4J  ^■ 

: \.%,J  ^A  A.^f\ 

^Ukn  Ji\j.  JA 

\3\  ^Ajti  li  4J'  U : Jliii  . 1 j^jj. 

Al\  ^ (B.M.  Or.  48,  ^ ' 


NOTES  ON  SOME  S'C^Fl  Li^'ES 


was  more  profitable  to  him.  For  this  he  was 
biaiaefl,  dial  THiahabi  fleehires  that  he  was  c-laiiiiiu^^*  an 
imifliiiissiye  i 1 id  ill  g’eiiee,  rnhlmf}  And  Kfidhbari  (p.  157), 
lif'ariji_t(  of  a Sufi  assertiiij;^  that  in  Ins  case  music  for  the 
purpose  of  divm'sioii,  nialijhi,  was  allowable  as  he  hati 
attaim'd  a ii*j*ade  in  which  diflereiices  in  states,  iilnraj^ 
W(‘rt‘  of  no  moment,  said  that  wlait  lie  had  altaim^d  was 
hell  lire.- 

Simplicity  in  dress  was  a badoe  of  tlie  Sufi,  bein^Ci 
lndet*d  implied  in  the  name,  and  when  Jbn  SamTin  (p.  21), 
wlio  was  wont  tf)  inculcate  znlul,  was  bamd  to  be  well 
dressed  and  living  in  luxury,  it  excited  comment.  liis 
explanation  \vas,  tliat  once  your  state  n^as  a sound  (jne 
you  should  do  whatever  fitted  you  for  (hxl '' — tlie  sound- 
ness being  necessarily  a point  on  wliicb  tlie  speaker  was 
the  sole  judge.  An  instance  of  a well-kept  wardrobe  is 
fouml,  too,  in  the  account  given  by  Dukki  (p.  40S,  n.  2) 
of  his  Srdi  tutor  Fargliaiii  (d.  a.h.  3d  I,  Ibu  al-AthJr,  viii, 
303)  a,nd  how  ho  managed  to  jn'oserve  a neat  a}>poaranee 


iu«luu!i 


it*?  L4>.SSii  A 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SCTFl  LIVES 


577 


donnw  his  religious  wanderings,  siyaliai^  He  likewise 
took  pride  in  liis  saintliness,  for  he  relates  a ^•i.sit  he  paid 
to  a \-eiy  austere  monastery,  wliose  inmates  hoast(-d  oi: 
their  powers  of  lasting.  Having  learned  that  their  utmost 
ettort  covered  thirty  days,  he  accomplished  forty,  and  was 
lirepared  to  e.Ktend  them  to  sixty,  when  he  was  asked  to 
depart  as  his  presence  was  not  beneficial  to  the  inmates. 
It  may  be  that  his  powens  impressed  them  overmuch,  for 
failing  any  means  of  appraising  the  real  value  of  such  like 
feats,  it  seems  to  be  assumed  that  the  power  of  evading 
physical  restrictions  lends  some  sort  of  colour  to  dogmatic 
assertions  on  subjects  which  lie  beyond  the  range  of  the 
physical.  It  may  be,  therefore,  that  to  outlast ”member.s 
of  another  faith  in  fasting  is  evidence  of  the  superior 
truth  of  one’s  own. 

But  polemical  matters  are  out  of  place  in  these  impartial 
pages,  and  the  foregoing  string  of  stories  must  hiid  their 


it;  iS.j  d,  iLli,  i*;,. 

. > . ' ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ^ " ■■ 


AO 


i-r'*  tin' 


! JU.  . dljl 


A-j1  4.1X1  _bi.. 

L*,.. ,_caJ1_^jSJ1  : J^.ib 

ibl  ^ j._ii>A.i^i  Jiti 

U^.:  bJb  . u.ib  . cKlxj 

|V  Ujj  UJU-  Jjl  jJj^aI!  h^j  d IacIj  . U^' 

o.-a.*.j1  xiii  J.J  Ixab  : JU'  *J. 

• ^g.  : uLUj"  . xoJlJ  J< 

{B.M.  Or.  48*,  215'y  ' 


57H 


KOTE8  ON  SOm  $UFI  LIVES 


jiisiitii'atifm,  if  at  all,  in  a dictum  I have  foiind  attiibiited 
tci  0!ii‘  fjf  the  highest  of  the  Sufis,  Jnuaid  (p.  128),  that 
aia^edntes  should  bo  numbered  in  Allali  s hosts,  for  they 
vivify  tlie  irihids  of  those  who  have  attained  to  knowledge, 
and  oh‘ansj‘the  minds  of  those  on  tlie  way  to  attainmontd 
A woi'd  in  e<mcliision  on  mysticism  as  an  ideal.  Its 
lito*ratnro  tlu'oughout  assumes  that,  Imwever  groat  the 
obstacles,  the  end  outweighs  them  all,  and  that  to  attain 
is  to  be  happy.  But  is  tliis  inevitably  the  case  ? The 
‘‘dullness  of  entire  felicity”  has  formed  a poets  tlieme.- 
May  it  not  be  that  the  mystic's  aloofness  from  all  that 
makes  up  a life  which,  on  the  current  acceptance  of 
values,  is  to  be  held  worth  living,  is  calculated  to  induce 
dullness  likewise,  or  something  worse  than  dullness  ? Let 
tlie  poet  again  answer,  for,  if  we  are  to  leave  the  world  of 
visible  and  tangible  reality  for  one  wliich,  to  all  appearance, 
is  much  akin  to  dreamland,  then  as  against  the  mystic’s 
legend  may  fairly  he  set  the  poet’s  dream — 

“ To  the  eye  and  the  ear  of  the  dreamer 
This  dream  out  of  darkness  hew,” 

a dream  that  man,  by  persistent  effort,  had  shaken  off 
every  earthly  shackle,  even  to  death  itself,  and  the  result 
to  him  was  misery — 

The  torment  of  all-things-compassed, 

The  plague  of  nought- to-desire  ” 

— until,  in  very  pity,  he  was  remitted  to  his  earlier  and  less 
exalted  lot.  The  mystic’s  progress  is  indeed  accompanied 
by  doubt  and  despondency,  but  they  hover  around  the 

; Jliii 

The  passage  occurs  in  the  introduction  to  a MS., 

KhnJdm  Ta'rlkh  ahBahdy  in  my  possession  and  destined  by  its  owner, 
Mr.  (t.  L.  M.  Clauson,  for  the  Library  of  the  British  Museum. 

- The  Elopiag  AngeU^  a CapHee  by  William  Watson,  1893. 

^ The  IJrmm  0/ J/ati,  by  Willm  Watson,  1892. 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SDFI  LIVES 


579 


quest  only,  the}'  never  settle  at  the  goal.  That  to  no 
.single  mystic  should  any  glimpse  of  di.siliu.sion  ha\-e  ever 
been  TOueh.safed  may,  in  some  minds,  induce  a suspicion 
that,  m fact  and  in  truth,  their  quest  has  been  unavailim-- 
and  their  goal  unattained. 


l.vBLE  OF  Dates  and  Lives  of  Sufis  mentioned  in 
THE  “ KaSHF  AL-MaHJUB  ” 

List  op  Eefeeences 

ism  =“  al-Sufiyya.  B..M.  Add. 

Ibn  al-Athir,  ed.  Tornberg.  =A. 

Ibn  lOialliktin,  teaiis.  de  Slane.  ==  Khali. 

Ibn  al-Jauzi,  Mxmtamm  (a.h.  228-89).  B.M.  Or.  3004.  =Ibi,  T 

anJl  46"9.  B.M.  Or.boiS 

Bhahabi,  al-Islam  (a.h.  241-490)  Levdfn  n ^ 

No.  843}.  B.aM.  Or.  48^  Or.  ^ Or.  49,  Ind  Or  ^ ’ 

Samtini,  Ansab,  facsimile.  “ E.  J.  W.  Gibb  ” Memorial. 

List  of  Sufis 

b.  Adham,  Ibrahim  (Kashf,  108),  d.  a.h.  161.  S.  8^;  A.  vi,  38 
Alda , Abu-l-Khair  al-Tinati  (804),  d.  849.  A.  ’viii  897  ■ 
Or.  48  , 298^ ; Yakut,  Biilddn,  i,  910. 

Alawi,  Ibrahim  b.  Sa‘d  al-fl^asani  (374),  d.  250-60.  Leyden 
1721,  54^  ^ ’ 

b.  Ainmar  Abu-l-Sari  Mansur  (126),  d.  225.  Sibt  J.  46“. 
Amuli,  b.  Sahl  b.  ‘Ata  (149,  and  21,  8,  etc.),  d.  809.  S.  59“ ; 
A.  viii,  95 ; Leyden,  1721,  194-5  ; Or.  48*  46''. 

Antalji,  Ahmad  b.  'Asim  (127).  S.  29“. 

A?amm,  Hatim  (115),  d.  287.  S.  18“ ; Ibn  J.  54'' ; Sibt  J.  102“. 

Askar,  Abu  Turab  = Nakhshabi. 

b.  'Ata  = Amuli. 

Azdi  = Shakilv. 

BaghdMi,  Abu  Hamza  b.  Muh.  b.  Ibrahim  al-Bazzaz  (154) 

d.  269  or  289.  S.  66“ ; A.  vii,  891;  Ibn  J.  208“;  Leyden’ 
1721,  103“.  ^ ’ 

Balkbi,  Mub.  b.  al-Fadl  (140),  d.  817.  S.  47“ ; Or.  48*  110“ 

„ A.  vi,  377;  Khali,  i. 

257j  Sibt  J.  51“ ; Dbababi,  Bodl.  No.  659,  188*;  Ansab. 
151  , 9 a.f. 


NOTES  OX  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


Birttfimi,  Tiiifur  (lOfi),  d.  261.  S.  14» ; Ilm  J.  IT?** ; Sibt  J. 
-O' : Lcj  doii,  1721,  9H“. 

Iluiidrir,  ii.  iil-JIiisain  al-f?aimfi  (249),  d.  HoS.  S.  107*’ ; 

, (K, 

‘Ali  b.  (IG),  d.  87)7  or  859.  A.  viii,  485  ; Or.  48,  55^  62“. 
15fishaiiji  (Ffishanjii),  Abu-l-Hn.sain  ‘Ali  b.  Ahmad  b.  Sahl 
200),  .1.  847.  S.  105'’ ; A.  viii,  802;  Or.  48*,  279’’. 
kitlj  (102),  d.  106  or  412.  A.  ix,  280  ; Khali,  ii,  155  ; 
49,  ,54". 

i (112),  d.  205  or  215.  Leyden,  1721,  ISO";  Ansab, 
6’’,  3 ii.f. 

Larraj,  Said  b.  al-PIiisain  (408),  d.  810-20.  Or.  48*,  198'’ ; 
Ansab,  224*,  18. 

Dhu-l-Xun  (100),  d.  245-6.  S.  6’’ ; A.  vii,  59 ; Khali,  i,  291 ; 

,J.  94’’ ; Sibt  J.  lOSMl" ; Leyden,  1721,  28“. 

Dimashlji,  Abu  ‘Umar  (88),  d.  820.  B.  61*’ ; Or.  48*,  125*. 
Dttlshi,  ^tulji.  b.  Da’ud  (408),  d.  860.  S.  108* ; A.  viii,  451 
(called  Eah^i,  siih  859) ; Or.  48,  68*;  Ansab,  227^  8 a.f. 
Farmadhi,  Fadl  (169),  d.  457-  Ansab,  410*,  4 a.f. 

Pn.hiil  b.  ‘lyad  (97),  d.  187.  S.  2";  A.  vi,  129;  Ibn -T. 
B.M.  Add.  7820,  142’'. 

Piiralj  (214),  d.  406.  Khali,  ii,  678 ; Or.  49,  55*’. 

Ghulam  Khalil  (137),  d.  275.  Leyden,  1721, 119’’. 

Haddfidi  Abu  Hafs  (123),  d.  265  or  271.  8.  23" ; Ibn  J.  193* ; 
240*’;  Leyden,  1721,  96*;  Ansab,  158*,  8. 

• Abu  Ja‘far  (249),  d.  290-800.  Leyden,  1721, 178*’. 

50),  d.  809.  S.  69*’;  ‘Arib  (Tab.  cont.),  86-108  ; 
Or.  48*,  47*’ ; Ansab,  18l\  3. 

d.  271.  S.  25*’ ; Leyden,  1721, 

Abu  Hamza  = Baghdadi  and  Khurasani. 

Hanbal,  Almiad  (117),  d.  241.  A.  vii,  58 ; KhaU.  i,  44  ; 
i.  68*;  Sibt  .1.  113*’ ; Leyden,  1721,  7*-19*;  Ansab, 
178",  2 a.f. 

Harawi  = Shaikh  al'Islftm. 

Harb,  Ahmad  (365),  d.  234.  Ibn  J.  35*’ ; Sibt  ,J.  90*’. 
b.  abi-l-Hawiki  (118),  d.  246.  8. 19*’;  Sibt  J.  183'’-5*’. 

— — his  wife,  Ba.bi‘a,  a ZlWda,  d.  229.  Ibn  d.  S". 

Hiri,  Sa‘id  (132),  d.  298.  S.  36*;  Sibt  J.  Or.  4619,  60"; 
Leyden,  1721,  166* ; An^b,  182",  4 a.f. 


581 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SEfFI  LIVES 

Hid,  Sa‘ld,  his  son  Mult.,  d.  325.  Or.  48*,  170’’. 

— — - his  grandson  Ahmad,  d.  353.  Or.  48,  84“. 

Husri  (160),  d.  871.  S.  llsV;  A.  ix,  12;  Or.  48,  126^; 
Ansab,  109",  21. 

Isfahani  ‘Ali  b.  Sahl  (148).  S.  52“. 

Isfara’ini  Abn  Isliah  (214),  d.  418.  Khali,  i,  8;  Or.  49,  104", 
.Jalla,  Ahmad  b.  Yahya  (134),  d.  306.  S.  37" ; Or.  48*,  85“. 

his  father,  Yahj-a,  d.  268.  Ibn  J.  170“;  Sibt  J.  201“. 

Jaiiri  [sic]  Aljniad  (148),  d.  311  or  313.  A.  viii,  106  (called 
.Turairi) ; Leyden,  1721,  194-5  ; Or.  48*,  78“,  87". 

.Junaid  (128),  d.  298.  S.  82“ ; A.  viii,  47 ; Khali,  i,  338; 
Sibt  J.  Or.  4619,  48"-6" ; Leyden,  1721,  168“;  Ansab,  464",  8. 
.Jtizajani  (147).  S.  65“. 
lyassar  = Hamdnn  and  Eakki. 

Kattrini,  Muh.  b.  ‘Ali  b.  Ja‘far  (825),  d.  322,  828.  S.  85"; 
A.  viii,  222  (called  Kinani).  Or.  48*,  156“ ; Ansab,  475“,  16. 

Kazwini  Abu  ‘Amr  (166),  ?Abu-l-Hasan  ‘Ali  b.  ‘Umar,  d.  442. 
A.  ix,  891 ; Or.  49,  198“ ; Ansab,  451",  17. 
b.  Khadruya  (119),  d.  240.  S.  21“ ; Ibn  J.  68";  Sibt  J.  108“. 
b.  Khafif  b.  Isfakshiidh,  Muh.  al-ShIrazi(l58),  d.  371.  S.  106"; 
A.ix,12;  Or.  48,  127"  ; Ansab,  844“,  15. 

Kharkani  [sic]  ‘Ali  b.  Ahmad  (168),  d.  425.  Or.  49,  185“; 
Ansab,  194",  9. 

Kharraz,  Aljmad  (148),  d.  277.  S.  51“ ; A.  vii,  800  ; Ibn  J. 
224“;  Leyden,  1721,  187“;  Ansab,  191“,  2 a.f. 

Khawwa? Ibrahim  (l68),d.291.  S.68";  Sibt  J. Or. 4619, 27"-32“. 
Khayr  al-Nassaj  (144),  d.  822.  S.  78“ ; A.  viii,  222; 
Khali,  i,  513,  n' ; Or.  48*,  153“. 

b.  Khubailj;  b.  Sabih  Abd  Allah  al-Antaki  (128),  d.  200. 
S.  80“ ; Leyden,  1721,  60". 

Khuldi,  Ja‘far  b.  Nu^air  (156),  d.  848.  S.  100“  ; A.  viii,  893  ; 
Or.  48*,  282“  ; Ansab,  205“,  13. 

Khurasani,  Abu  Hamza  (146),  d.  295.  S.  74“ ; Sibt  ,T. 
Or.  4619,  41“. 

Khiittali  Muh.  b.  al-Hasan  (166),  ? son  of  al-Hasan  b.  Abi 
Tahir,'*pupil  of  Mlhani  (Or.  49,  188“),  d.  460.  Or.  50,  72“. 
Kirmani  = Shah  Shuja*. 

Kirmlslni,  Abu  Ishalj;  Ibrahim  b.  Shaiban,  Shaikh  al-Jabal 
(147,  246),  d.  887.  S.  92" ; Leyden,  1721,  282-8 ; Or.  48*  283“ ; 
Ansab,  448",  16. 


5S-2 


NO'i'ES  OX  SOME  SUFI  UVE8 


Knshtih'i  {lf>7),  <1.  465.  Kh^ll.  ii,  152  ; Or.  50,  100* ; Aiisab, 
453“,  11  a.f. 

Il»n  itl-Kuli  (404),  ? Kurti  (as  iu  ii‘j  Mnl.t.  b.  Kasiui  b.  Sba'bftu, 
(1.  »(>5.  Or.  4H,  45'*:  Ansfib,  447^  2. 

Maj-bribi  (147),  <1.  270  or  209.  S.  54“ ; Sibt  J.  Or.  4019,  54 
Miikki,  ‘Aiar  1).  ‘rtbuirm  (138),  d.  297  or  301.  S.  44“  ; Sibt 
.1.  Or.  4619,  40  ; Or.  48*,  14“. 

Malik  b.  Diiiftr  (h9),  (1.  123-31.  Tabari,  iii,  2501  ; Khali, 
ii,  549  ; Ibii  .J.  B.M.  Add.  7320,  90”;  \Sibt  J.  B.M.  Add.  23277, 
2.30'’-241“. 

Ma'riif  al-Karkhi  (113),  d.  200-4.  A.  vi,  225  ; Khali,  iii,  884. 
b.  Masrftl.v  Alimad  b.  Muh.  (140),  d.  298.  S.  53“ ; Sibt  .J. 
Or.  4019,  48”:  Leyden,  1721,  lOO”. 

Mihani,  Fadl  b.  Ahmad  (164),  d.  440.  Or.  49,  183“ ; Ansab, 
550“,  14  (for  Avicenna's  Wamua  to  him.  Or.  49,  145”). 

b.  Mn'adh  al-Rfizi,  Yahya  (122),  d.  258.  S.  22“  ; A.  vii,  178  : 
Sibt  J-  200“  ; Leyden,  1721,  79“. 
b.  Mnbiirak  al-Marwazi  (95),  d.  181.  A.  vi,  109. 

Muhfeibi  (108),  d.  243.  S.  11” ; A.  vii,  55  ; Khali,  i,  305  ; 
Ibn  J.  78“ ; Sibt  .J.  121“;  Leyden,  1721,  22”;  Ansab, 
509”,  9 a.f. 

Alultaddasi  (260),  ? Tahir,  contemp.  of  Shibli.  S.  0l“. 

Mukri,  Muh.  b.  Ahmad  (41),  d.  365.  S.  117”;  Or.  48,  91”. 

.Ja'far,  his  brother,  d.  878.  Or.  48,  154”. 

Murta'ish,  Ahmad  b.  Muli.  b.  Ja'far  (39),  d.  828.  A.  viii,  278  ; 
Leyden,  1721,  217” ; Or.  48*,  187”. 

Muzaffar  b.  Ahmad  b.  Hamdan  (170),  his  father  Ahmad, 
d.  811.  Or.  48*.  77”. 

Mnzayyin  Kablr,  Abu  Ja'far  (257).  S.  87” ; Ansab,  527”, 
2 a.f. ; is  in  the  company  of  Nahkshabi,  d.  246,  Ibn  J.  90”,  8. 

Saghir,  Abu-l-Hasan  'Ali  b.  Muh.,  d.  828.  Leyden, 

1721,  217”  ; Or.  48*,  187“. 

Nahrajtiri,  Isliah  b.  Muh.  (246),  d.  880.  S.  86” ; Or.  48*, 
193”. 

Nakbshabi,  ‘Askar  (I2l),  d.  246.  S.  31“ ; A.  vii,  59  ; Ibn  J.  90“ ; 
Sibt  J.  180” ; Leyden,  1721,  84”;  Ansab,  556”,  5 a.f. 

Nasrabadhi  b.  Mabmawaih  [«c]  Ibrahim  h.  Muh.  (159),  d.  367. 
S.  112”  ; Or.  48,  97“ ; Ansab,  561“,  8. 

Nlsabftri  = Haddadi.  . , . ' ■ , 

b.  Nujaid  Isina'll  (298),  d.  8&S.,  S.  104”  ; Or.  48,  89“. 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


583 


Niiri  Abii-l-Hiisain  (180),  d.  295.  S.  84^;  Bibt  J.  Or.  4619, 
Bt;  Leyden,  1721,  159^ 
b.  Niisair  = Khiildi  and  Ta’i. 

Eakki  Ibraliim  ai-Kassar  (288),  d.  826.  S.  72^ ; Or.  48'^,  172^ 
Eazi,  Yusuf  (186),  d.  804.  S.  40^  ; A.  viii,  79  ; Or.  48*,  29L 
Efizi  = 1).  Mu‘adh. 

Eiidlibriri  Abu  ‘Ali  (157),  d.  822.  S.  81^^ ; A.  viii,  222 ; 
Khali,  i,  86,  n.  4 ; Leyden,  1721,  212^ ; Or.  48*,  156L 

Ahmad  b.  'Ata  (818),  d.  869.  S.  115^  A.  viii,  522 
Or.  48,  108L 

Euwaim(l85),  d.  808.  S.88^;  Khali.  ii,172,n.3  ; Or.  48*,  24 

Sahlaki,  Abu-1-Fadl  Muh.  b.  ‘Ali  (164),  d.  477.  Or.  50, 158^’. 
Sairafi  = Bundar.. 

Sakati,  Sari  (llO),  d.  258.  S.  10^  A.  vii.  111 ; Khali,  i,  555  ; 
Ibn  J.  135^  Sibt  J.  178^-7^  ; Leyden,  1721,  58L 

b.  Sam'iin  Muh.  b.  Ahmad  b.  Isma'il  (Sam'un)  (21),  d.  887. 
Khali,  iii,  21  ; Or.  48,  208L 

Sarraj  'Abd  Allah  b.  'Ali,  author  of  Kitdb  ahLuma  (828), 
d.  878.  Or.  48,  155^ 

Sayyari  (157), d.  842.  S.  101^  Or.  48*,  257^  Ansab,  320^  8 a'.f. 
Shah  b.  Shuja  Abu-l-Fawaris  al-Kirmani  (l88),  d.  c.  290. 
S.  42^  Leyden,  1721,  166^ 

Shaibani  = Kirmislni. 

Shaikh  al-Islam  ‘Abd  Allah  b.  Muh.  al-Ansari  al-Harawi  (26), 
d.  481.  A.  X,  111 ; Or.  50,  176\ 

Shakik  al-Azdi  al-Balkhi  (ill),  d.  194.  S- 12^  ; A.  vi,  164. 
Shakkani  Abu-l-‘Abbas  Ahmad  (168),  d.  479.  Or.  50,  166^ 

his  son  Abu-1-Fadl  al-' Abbas,  d.  506.  Ansab,  886^,  16. 

Shibii  (155),  d.  884.  S.  76^  Khali,  i,  511  ; Or.  48*  227‘\ 
Ansab,  829%  11. 

Bulami,  author  of  Tab,  Stlfiyya  (81),  d.  412.  A.  ix,  280  ; 
Or.  49,  79^ ; Ansab,  808%  2 a.f. 

Suluki,  Mull.  b.  Sulaiman  (272),  d.  869.  Khali,  ii,  609  ; 
Or.' 48,  111. 

Sumnun  b.  Hamza  Abu-l-Kasim  al-Khawwas  (186),  d.  298. 
S.  42^ ; Bibt  J.  Or.  4619,  5l"  ;*  Leyden,  1721,  166^ 

Ta’i,  Da’ud  b.  Nusair  (109),  d.  160  or  165.  A.  vi,  88 ; 
Khali,  i,  855,  n.  18  ; Ansab,  864%  6 a.f. 

Thakafi,  Muh.  b.  'Abd  al-Wahhab  (16),  d.  828.  S.  82^; 
Khali,  ii,  610,  n.  6;  Leyden,  1721,  215^;  Or.  48*,  188% 

.TBAS.  1912. 


KOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  MVES 


SH4. 

Tinnidhi,  Muli.  h.  "Ali  b.  al-Hasan  al-Hakim  (l4l),  cl.  285.’ 
S.  4H":  Lc-yilfn,  1721,  147”. 

^ C'f.  ljuji  KhiiUfii,  Index,  Xo.  313;  in  the  enti’ie,s  his  death  is  dated 
\.\L  ‘itVi.  ih'urkehuanii  mentions  two  writers  of  this  name,  vol.  i. 
|ip.  hU  and  : one  died  2rw  ; the  other,  whom  lie  ea.Hs  al-Hakmn  died 
M'Jo,  anil  to  him  h«^  attributes  the  Kitah  fd''Fi(rfft  (U.  Kh.  Xo.  0(MO), 
iH*-.ide'<  .‘-ome  of  the  works  mentioned  in  the  K((diJ\  p.  141,  and  whicli 
jpipear  in  H.  Kh.  under  rather  different  titles;  cf.  Xo.s.  7ff,  860S,  0(I4(», 
lopsd,  and  132.Vi.  The  confusion  lietweeii  tlie  two  writers  is  indicated 
in  Berlin  Cat.  AhhvanU*,,  Xo.  8504,  5"^  (vol.  viii,  4S0) ; and  that  there  is 
something  to  justify  it  appears  from  Dhahabi’s  statement  that  Ibn 
ahXhijjar  (d.  a.h.  1)43,  Brock,  i,  300),  in  his  notice  of  Tirmidhi,  omits  his 
date  of  death,  but  says  that  someone  was  studying  under  him  in 
A.H.  3i>S,  which  was  impossible.  Bhahabi  quotes  Sulami  for  his  having 
to  <piit  his  native  city  for  Balkh  owing  to  the  di.sapproval  aroused  b^^ 
two  of  his  works  (mentioned  H.  Kh.  Xo.  7G),  and  by  his  regarding  saints 
as  su|>erior  to  prophets  {see  pp.  235-9).  Sulami  holds  that  he  was 
wronged,  and  that  his  critics’  intelligence  was  at  fault,  but  Dhahabi 
deplores  the  works;  heretics  and  philosophers  had  imposed  on  the 
vulgar  with  Sufic  explanations,  And  he  deplores  also  a work  Sulami 
had  written,  Jfakaik  a/-Tafmr,  as  Karmathian  in  spirit.*  The  path  he 
preferred  was  no  doulit  that  he  had  indicated  in  a saying  he  had  quoted 
from  X as  rahad  hi  •— 

“ Prophets  begin,  know  this,  where  Saintship  ends.”  t 
Ibn  Sam‘un,  above  mentioned,  had.  a narrow  escape  at  the  hands  of 
h-^dud  al-Baula.  When  that  monarch  reached  Baghdad  and  found  it 
distracted  by  conflicts  of  rival  sects  he  considered  the  mischief  to  arise 

, ■ L, — L 

tlJ  J^ib  <1)1  JU^ 

. li  ^ ^ ^ 

AXCV"  L^\jx^  jS3^\  o Jlj 

: CwJsJiX  Ut 

l)-^ 

^ <XxJ  As  CIaAjjj'J  \ 

tLcsll  ^ 4Jb  (Leyden,  1721,  148“). 

CAjGaj  ‘U.i!'  (B.M.  Or.  48, 

97\  I 2a.f.}.  ■ ■ , 


KOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


585 


Tustari,  Sabi  b.  ‘Abrl  Allah  fa.  Yunus  (189),  d.  273  or  283. 
B.  45’' ; A.  vii,  334  (called  “ Surri  ”) ; Khali,  i,  602  ; Ibn  J. 
262%  Sibt  J.  Or.  4619,  6*-8'’;  Leyden,  1721,  142’’. 

irom  lije  preacher’s  exhortations  : let  all  such  not  touch  on  the  Prophet's 
Companions,  Imt  stick  to  the  lyuran,  or  else  they  shouhl  sutler  for  it. 
Soon  came  :i  report  that  Ilni  Sain'iiu  was  preaching  ; lie  was  smit  for, 
and  the  messenger,  impressed  by  his  dignity  and  eontideiice,  advised 
caution  on  him  when  before  the  monarch.  But  he  entered  imperturbedj 
made  apposite  Kurfin  cpiotatioiis  on  his  predece.ssor  "Izz  al-Daiila,  and 
went  on  to  exhort  him  with  such  eloquence  as  to  draw  tears  from  him, 
which  was  not  C4.dud  al-Daula’s  habit.  But  in  his  view  Sirfiism  wa,s  to 
be  judged,  and  strictly,  by  its  fruits,  and  he  sent  a .slave  after  Ibn 
Sanrtui  with  an  ofler  of  money  and  clothes,  either  to  keef)  or  to  give 
to  friends,  and  he  instructed  him  that,  if  they  were  retained,  he  was  to 
return  to  him  with  Ibn  Sam  din’s  head.  Ibn  Sam‘un,  however,  told  the 
envoy  that  his  clothes  had  lasted  him,  with  care,  for  forty  years,  and 
would  outlast  him  ; that  he  had  the  rent  of  a house,  left  by  iiis  father, 
for  his  support ; and  that  none  of  his  friends  were  destitute.  On  hearing 
tins  ‘Adud  al-Bauia  gave  thanks  that  each  of  them  had  escaped  the 
other,  This  way  of  stating  his  own  share  in  the  matter  is  akin  to  the 

AiLs  0^A5I!J  AciC'  Uii  i 


r. 

I * 


: l::— lii 


1*T  : jUi 

V , *♦  J ■ . ■ 

/ ■ . ,y' 


tUJ  J[j\  JJii 

c * ^ 


L5  V 


5 .^’*■1 


lIX]  Uj  Xl 


’ cJ^  • ^ u-ikbj 


•*  ^ 

■ji'  , 

1 ^ d ^ ^ ^ kmS>-  i\J  ^ ^ 1 t)  1.5  A 


^ i 1/*J?  ^ • l)^  104) 

^ (x,  lo)  L— ^A-xJ  ^ L-jr-51r>- 

l:^  tA-v^Ai  ^*U 


586 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  UVES 


Uwais  al-Karani  fH8),  d.  82.  Tabari,  iii,  2175  ; Ansfii),  449'*,  1. 
Warnlk  siul.i.  1>.  ‘Umar  b.  Muli.  b.  HaU  al-Balkhi  (142), 

d.  290.  8.  49'*;  Hibt  -T.  Or.  4019,  2G^  ‘Umar,  a son,  d.  818. 

Or.  IH*,  90". 

b.  Wiisi‘,  :\rub.  (91),  d.  127.  A.  V,  259,  d.  120 ; Ibn  J. 
B.M.  Add.  7820,  82" ; Sibt  J.  B.M.  Add.  28277,  189'*-190'‘. 

Frojieli  ijiur^luirs  telling  liis  visitor  how  higlily  he  valued  a picture,  as 
it  IkuI  heen  the  means  of  saving  a man’s  life,  which  his  aide-de-carnp 

e. vplainctl  to  mean  that  its  owner  had  surreiidered  it  on  threat  of  being 
shot  if  he  refused.  But  the  story  depicts  ‘Adiid  al-Danla  as  statesman- 
like and  re.solute,  and  his  action,  may  nob  have  been  without  effect  on 
Ibn  Sam ”1111  and  the  Sufi  brotherhood, 

la? 

jjjiU  xijU.i^.1  .s-3^1  tw’lbj  twl  . 

o a!  J.iii 

Ln  tsXXrKI 

r«««?  • , 1 i— J,— 

Au*,5;ll  : LZJSxJ  •jr^  o U»  : Jliii  . lI^Ls^V 

^4JL  dU  (B.M.  Or.  48,  204^). 

Note 

AI.  L.  Alassignon,  now  engaged  on  a work  on  Hallaj,  has  furnished  me 
from  the  Berlin  AIS.  of  the  Tabakdt  al~BuJiyya  (Cab.  Ahlwardt  ATo.  9972) 
with  a material  emendation  of  the  passage  given  ante,  p.  562,  n.  2.  The 

la.st  word  appears  there  as  CaU  and  AI.  Alassignon  interprets 

the  passage  thus  : Tongues,  by  being  induced  to  utterance,  are  led  to 
their  destruction,  whereas  souls,  by  being  induced  to  action,  are  led  to 
salvation,”  the  inducement  proceeding  in  each  case  from  above,  and 
a contrast  being  implied  between  the  Zdhir  of  the  tongue  and  the  Batin 
of  the  houL 

AI.  Alassignon  points  out,  too,  that  the  mentioned  in  connexion 

with  Hallaj,  arUe,  p.  572,  L 4,  is  not  the  celebrated  Abu-l-Hasan,  d.  824 
(Khali  ii,  227),  but  the  Kadi  Abu  Bakr  al-Bakilani,  d.  403  (ib.  671), 
often  called  Ash^ari  as  being  an  adherent  of  Abud-Hasan— cf.  Aiisdb, 
62%  L And  he  inclines  to  hold  the  passage  to  be  in  praise  of  Hallaj. 


XVIII 


CATALOGUE  OE  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF  SANSKRIT 
MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 

Compiled  by  (tERABI)  L.  M.  CLAUSON,  Scholak  op  Cokpl'-s 
Chktsti  College,  Oxford,  and  Bodes  SANSiiKiT  Scholar. 

With  Introductory  Note  by  Professor  A.  A.  MACDONELL, 
Keeper  OF  THE  Indian  Institute. 

the  subjoined  catalogue  describ^^^  a collection  com- 
prising 368  separate  texts  mainly  in  Sanskrit, 
which  were  collected  by  Dr.  M.  A.  Stein  and  acquired 
at  his  expense  chiefly  at  f^rinagar  during  his  visits  to 
Kashmir  between  1888  and  1905.  Apart  from  texts 
needed  by  Dr.  Stein  for  his  labours,  during  1888-99,  on 
his  critical  edition  and  annotated  translation  of  Kalhana’s 
Rajatarangim,  numerous  MSS.  were  purchased  by  him 
either  to  assist  the  work  of  fellow-scholars  in  Europe 
or  on  account  of  their  philological  or  palaeogx'aphical 
interest.^ 

In  May,  1911,  this  collection  was  formally  handed 
over  by  Dr.  Stein  to  the  Curators  of  the  Indian  Institute, 
Oxford,  as  a deposit  during  his  lifetime.  The  Curatoi’S 
had  gratefully  accepted  Dr.  Stein’s  benefaction  under  the 
following  conditions : — 

(1)  The  MSS.  are  to  be  kept  as  a separate  collection  in 
B,  suitable  place  in  the  Indian  Institute  Library,  on  the 
understanding  that  they  remain  Dr.  Stein’s  personal 
property  during  his  lifetime,  and  that  they  are  bequeathed 
to  the  Indian  Institute  under  his  will. 

^ Selections  from  his  collection  of  Sanskrit  MSS.  were  handed  over  by 
Dr.  Stein  in  1894-5  to  the  late  Professors  Biihler  and  Roth  for  the 
Vienna  Imperial  Library  and  the  Tubingen  University  Library  respec- 
tively. A smaller  selection  subsequently  passed,  through  M.  Emile 
Senart,  Membra  de  ITnstitut,  to  the  Biblioth^que  Rationale,  Paris. 


588 


f’ATALOaUE  or  THE  STEIN  COLLECTITON  ()¥ 


ii)  The  ^LSS.  are  to  be  held  availablt‘  for  Dr.  SteiiiT 
use  during  las  lifetiiae  wherever  and  whenever  Ih‘  may 
riM|iiire  any  of  them,  arrangeiiientH  for  their  tninsmissifai 
made  by  the  Librarian. 

{Ml  No  3I.S.  is  to  be  allowed  to  pass  outside  the  Liljrary 
exet  pi  with  \h\  Steins  written  eonsimt. 

(4o  iJr.  Stein’s  permission  for  the  use  of  MSS.  of 
liitlan‘to  unpublished  texts  must  be  obtained  by  intending 
students  In  each  ease  as  long  as  the  MSS.  remain  Ids 
property. 

(5)  A brief  but  exact  catalogue  of  the  •\JSS.  is  to  l)e 
prepared  for  tlie  Curators  Vw  a competent  Sanskrit  scholai* 
seliKtted  with  Dr.  Steins  approval,  and  to  be  pmblisljef] 
within  three  years  of  tlie  date  on  which  the  MSS.  have 
been  deposited  at  tlie  Institute ; the  publication  to  be 
made,  if  possible,  in  the  Journal  of  some  Oriental  Society. 

Tlie  last  condition  has  already  been  fullilled  by  the 
compilation  of  tlie  catalogue,  wdtli  Dr,  Stein’s  approval, 
by  Mr.  Clauson,  and  its  publication  in  this  Journal.  The 
catalogue  is  based  on  one  which  was  prepared  in  slips  and 
written  in  Sanskrit  by  the  late  Pandit  Govind  KauiJ  and 
which  was  revised  and  copied,  with  reference  to  the 
original  MSS.,  in  December,  1905,  and  January,  190G,  by 
Pandit  Sahajabhat4a  “ under  Dr.  Stein’s  supervision. 

The  MSS.  are  classified  according  to  subjects  in  tlie 
usual  \vay.  The  original  manuscript  numbers  are  given  in 
the  first  column  printed  as  Arabic  numerals  in  thick  type, 
while  the  serial  numbers  appear  in  the  last  coiinnn  as 
Eoman  figures.  This  distinction  is  made  in  order  to 
prevent  confusion  in  identifying  the  MS.  wxinted  when 
application  is  made  to  the  Librarian  to  transmit  it  to 
a distance. 

^ See  regarding  this  eminent  Kashmir  scholar  (died  1899),  Stein, 
Eajntaraiiginl  edition,  p.  xvii ; Translation,  voL  i,  p.  xxii. 

Compare  for  Pandit  Sahajabhatta’s  scholarly  experience  and  valuable 
assistance,  Stein,  Catalogue  of  Jammu  Bamhrit  MS8..  p.  xi.  This  highly 
deserving  scholar  died  In  i$ll. 


589 


SAXSKHIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 

Records  made  by  Dr.  Stein  on  the  fly-Iea\-es  of  JfSS. 
have  as  far  as  possible  been  reproduced  in  tliu  column 

oi*  Kotes. . ■■■  ■ 

Where  not  otherwise  noted,  the  MSS.  are  written  in 
.'^arada  cliaractors  and  on  Kashmii-  paper.  The  note  “ old 
paper  is  intended  to  convey  that  in  ])r.  Steints  opinion 
the  MS.  cannot  date  later  than  from  the  eighteenth 
century,  but  may  be  earlier.^ 

i?iie  following'  abbreviations  are  used  in  the  Catalofnie  ■ >Sar  ™ 
Sarada ; Dev.  = Devanagan  ; Raj.  = Rajanaka ; Ma=  ==  Mriliatmva  ; Sahi’^ .. 
Suridiitayrim.  The  size  of  the  ,MSS.  is  given  in  inches. 


590 


CATALOGUE  OF  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


MS. 

No. 

Title. 

1 . Author. 

j Folios. 

Lines. 

Aksar 

I. 

VEDA, 

VEDANOA,  I 

208 

i Rgvedasya  As^valayanasakha 

j/‘  ■ 

1 

176 

16 

1 

1 

i ........ 

22 

224 

Asyavamasukta  (H.V.  I,  164) 
satika 

12 

12 

15 

29 

Kathakasuktani 

■■ 

196 

W 

16 

222 

? 5 

60 

12 

17 

228 

3 } 

18 

12 

16 

228^2 

. ■ 







30 

Some  Kathakasuktani  with 
Brahman  a 

117 

12 

40 

243 

Mantras  from  the  Kathaka 
Recension  with  Karma- 
kandakrama 

310 

■1 

24 

1.  ' ■ ' 

25 

287 

1 KAthaka  Rcaka  Ekacakra- 
! grahestibrahmanarupa 

' ..  , , v. 

11 

14 

r 20 

280 

Kaivalyopanisaddipika 

Sahkaracarya 

11 

17 

. ■ 1 

19 

00 

!>. 

Oopalatapanyupanisattika 

Visvesvaracary  a 

43 

..'  i. 

14 

15 

279 

Narayanopani§addipika 

Sankaracai'ya 

8 

15 

15 

282 

Mandukyopanisad 

— 

3 

17 

22 

281 

Mandukyopanisaddipika 

Sahkaracarya 

4 

16  i 

22 

* For  RajanakiJ  Ratnakantha.and  kis  pupil  or  fellow-scholar,  Bhatta  Haraka  (A-), 
work,  pp.  45~9. 

t Probably  from  Rajanaka  Eatriak^ntha’s  library. 


SANSKRIT  M8a  FROM  KAvSHMIR 


591 


AIaterial. 

Script. 

Size. 

Notes. 

i 

Serial 

No. 



■ - ■ 



Old  paper 

■ Sar. 

7Sxo4 

Fols.  114,  133-7,  146-52,  and  all 

1- 

i 

i :■ 

Birch-bark 

5 J 

6ix5i 

after  186  are  missing.  Contains 
RV.  I,  i - III,  lx ; RV.  I,  i-cxii, 
accented.  The  introduction  to 
the  Sarvanukramarii  is  inserted 
at  the  beginning,  and  the  ap- 
propriate section  before  each 
adhyaya.  Bought  in  1896. 

Fols.  5-16  only,  bought  in  1896. 

1 

i 

1 

ii  1 

Old  paper 

J 5 

10x7 

Fols.  1-199  except  28,  39,  and  131. 

iii 

“ Bought  from  Pt.  Devakaka  in 
1894”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

Fols.  1-44,  139-150,  20-2,  and 

iv  t 

3 3 

one  other.  Four  or  five  hands 
can  be  distinguished.  Some 
annotations  by  Bhathr  Haraka.  * 
“ Bought  from  Pt.  Devakaka  in 
1894-5”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

Fols.  1-18  (?).  Some  annotations 

vt 

Birch-bark 

9 9 

by  Bhat^  Haraka. 

1 Mere  fragments. 

vi 

19th  century  , 

Dev. 

Sxl4 

Complete;  copied  in  1894  from 

vii 

paper  | 

Old  paper  1 

Sar, 

12x84 

i payaram  Jotsi’s  MSS.  at 
Srinagar. 

1 In  a contemporary  leather  binding. 

\'iii  ‘ 

i9th  century 

Dev. 

10ix9i 

Fols.  2,  8 blank,  1-10,  1-21, 

! 1-19,  1-32,  1-8,  1-10,  1-10, 

1 1-32,  1-43,  1-16,  1-72,  1-3, 

3 blank,  1-25,  1-9,  1 blank, 
1-18,  7 blank.  Also  known 

as  Rcaka  and  Iva^mirakakar- 
makandapaddhati. 

“Copied  by  Pt.  Sahajabhatta  in 

ix 

paper 

l7th  century 

....Sar,  .' 

74x6 

1892”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

Complete.  Written  by  Raj. 

X i' 

paper 

3 3 

Ratnakantha.  v.  cxxxv. 

Fols.  1-6,  12-21,  23-49.  Written 

xi  f 

? 9 

” f 

by  Raj,  Ratnakantha.  v.  cxxxv. 
Complete.  Written  by  Raj.  ! 

\ xii  t 

' ? 3 

Ratnakantha.  v,  cxxxv. 

1 

1 [ xiii  t . ' i 

? 5 

■ ■'3'5 

„ i 

/ xiv  t 

cf.  Stein’s  edition  of  the  Bdjataraiigini,  pp.  vii-xi,  and  his  Translation  of  the  same  | 


592 


CATALOGUE  OF  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


— 

“ “■  - — 

MS, 

No. 

j Title. 

Author. 

Folios.  'Lines 

1 Aksaras. 

— 



— 

— 

- 

■ 

248 

; A lurtruHlabrub inuiui 

■ . 

3 

11 

20 

225 

U clyapanavidhn  yah 

— 

88 

Jo 

20 

62 

: CaifL^aiiuyasiksa 

08 

S 

12 

141 

i Laiigaksisiksa, 

- 

47 

8 

II. 

12 

gra:mmar 

. 4 

Anvayakalika 

4 

20 

I 31 

5 

Abhidhana  vi  veka 

Batnadhara 

7 

■ 17 

i , 27 

198 

Astadhy  aylsutra  ti  i 

Panini 

30 

10 

1 18 

227 

K alapavyfika  rai  i a 

Sarvavarman 

244 

25 

i ' 22 

! 

1 

32 

1 Katantrapaficika 

Trilocanadasa 

( 

i 

14 

i ' 55'  ■ 

297 

A Ka taut rapat  h a varti  nl 
Comm,  on  Pauiiii 

! ■ 

1 

25 

20 

33 

Kataiitravivaraiiapahcika 

Trilocanadasa 

67 

lo 

f57 

74 

Dhritiimlmaiiisasarasaiigraha 

: 7 

16 

■ 22 

202 

Dhatvavatara 

— 

18 

15 

20 

232 

Nipatasutrani 

— 

4 

13 

19 

26L 

A Commentary  on  Panini 

— 

? 

22 

30 

295 

Prakriyakaum  udi 

9 

17 

20 

^ , III.  LEXICOGRAPHY 

6 1 AmarakosatlkaPancikaPada-i  Ravamiikuta  i 219  i 16  I 45 


SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


593 


Matekial. 

SCBIX^T. 

Size. 

■■/■■Hgtes.  ■ ■ 

^ ■■  ■ : ^ ■■■  , ■ .A 

Sekta  r. 

No.  1 

Old  paper 

, 

Sar. 

4 X 54  ■ 

Fols.  3-5  (end).  Bought  in  i.898. 

XV 

Birch-bark 

M . 

X 

00 

Much  injured. 

xvi 

lOtli  century 

94  X fig 

Complete.  Copied  in  ] S04. 

xvii 

paper 

■■  ■5.5  ■ 

xviii 

jSTew  paper 

Sar. 

91:  X 74 

Complete.  ! 

xix 

Birch- bark 

5 5 

6ix6S 

Fols.  4-10  (end).  Bought  in  1894.  ! 

XX, 

j > ■ 

7i  X 6i : 

Fols.  24-37  (?)  and 63-78  mutilated.  ! 

xxi 

? . 

8x8 

Boughtin  1894 from  Derapandit,  ' 
With  annotations.  I 

pp.  1-254  with  some  mi ssi  ng.  Bad 

xxii  f 

17th  century 

' ■ ? 5' 

eh  X i2h 
" 

condition.  Some  annotations  hy 
Bhate  Haraka.  ; 

Fols.  1,  2,  66-9,  and  another 
in  Raj.  Ratnakantha's  hand,  i 
“Bought  from  Ft.  Devakaka  in 
Srinagar  in  1892  ” [M.  A.  S.]. 

Written  by  Raj.  Ratnakantha. 

xxiii.t' 

paper 

94x04 

■'  xxiv  f,  . ■ 

6|  X 12| 

Fragment  only.  xxxvii.  | 

Fols.  1-65,  Sand  another.  Written  ' 

XXV  f ■ 

Birch-bark 

64x6f 

by  Raj.  Ratnakantha  ‘ ‘ Sake  ' 
1595”.  Boughbat Srinagar,  1891.  ( 
Fols.  11  (beginning)-!  7.  Same 

xxvi  t;  '"'A A'', ' , 

Old  paper 

9x64 

codex  as  No.  xx.  Annotated  : 
by  Raj.  Ratnakantha.  | 

Fols,  3-20  (end).  Bought  at 

XXV  ii 

..  3 1 

6x4 

Srinagar,  1891. 

Fols.  61-4.  Bought  in  1896  from  ■ 

xxviii 

Birch-bark 

: . ■ ■ ■■  , ■! 

5x64 

Rajya  Kaul. 

Much  injured. 

xxix 

17th  century 

11 

9x6 

A few  leaves  only,  with  many  ; 

XXX  t 

paper  i 

1 

17th  century 

Sar.  1 

i 64x124 

annotations.  Written  Ixy  Raj.  I 
Ratnakantha.  v.  xxxvii.  ; 

, Fols.  2-55  1st  kanda  [end  part 

xxxi  t 

paper 

.! 

only  (?)]  ; fols.  1-58  2nd  kanda, 
5th  and  6th  vargas ; fols.  i-60 
2nd  kanda,  vargas  7-10,  and 
i 47  other  leaves,  some  mrmit 

! 5eczmc?ci5,  which  I cannot  identify. 

1 “ One  has  a backing  containing 

apparently  part  of  Raj.  Ratna- 
1 kantha’s  Comm,  on  the  Stuti- 
kusumanjali.  Written  by  Raj. 
i Ratnakantha  ‘Sake  1599’  in 

! the  Kastavata  country.  Bought 

in  1891  at  Srinagar”  [M.A.vS.]. 

■ 

594 


CATALOGUE  OF  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OP 


MS. 

No. 

Title, 

Author. 

Folios. 

Lines. 

Aksaras. 

9 

Amaravidyji 

4 

13 

46 

226 

Ekaksai’akosa 

■ ■ — . 

4 

11 

13 

264 

Maiikliakosa  with  a Vyakhya 

Mankha 

85 

26 

27 

102 

: ■ /■  ■ ■ 

5)  ■ ■ ,5}  . 

127 

16 

22 

103 

Maukhakosa 

92 

12 

18 

289 

Viavakosa 

Mahe^vara  sou  , 

58 

20 

23 

of  Sribrahma  , 

157 

» j 

. ) j 

58 

25 

23 

290 

Sa4vatakoaa 

Sasvata 

31 

18 

19 

164 

it 

. - 

25 

24 

19 

11 

IV,  I 

RHETORIC 

Arthalaiikarah 

— 

14 

19 

21 

197 

Alafikarasarvasva  with  Comm. 

Jayadratha 

107 

24 

26 

called  Alahkaravimar.4ini 

Eajanaka 

12 

Alahkarodaharaiia 

Jayadratha 

41 

13 

16 

13 

Alahkarodaharananibandha 

— 

12 

18 

28 

SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


595 


Material*-;/ 

SCRIX^T. 

■-  Notes. 

Serial 
:NO.  , : 

l7bV.i  century 

■'  Sar. , 

6 X 12 

Fols.  1-4,  Written  by  Kaj. 

xxxii  t 

paper 

Old  paper 

8x6 

Katnakantha,  t 

Gompiete.  Purchased  from  Rajva 

xxxiii 

.5)  . 

10x6i 

Kaul  in  1896. 

Fols.  4-11,  16-64,  66-93  onlv. 

xxxiv  t 

19th  century 

5} 

9x74 

“This  MS.  was  purchased  in 
Oct.  1892  at  Srinagar  from 
Prasada  Panclit,  son  of  Xarayana 
Paiiclit  and  grandson  of  Sahib 
Pandit,  through  Yisnubhatta 
Kachari,  Karkun,  his  Yajamana. 
The  same  Cod.  contained  also  the 
Visvakoi^a  and  Silsvatakosa,  of 
which  portions  'were  purchased 
at  the  same  time  ” [M,  A,  S.  ]. 

Copy  of  No.  xxxiv  made  in  1892. 

XXXV 

paper 

Dev. 

10  X 8 

“Copy  made  under  Pt.  Mukund 

xxxvi 

Birch-bark 

Sar. 

lOi  X 74 

Ram’s  supervision  in  1892  of 
a Sarada  paper  MS.  of  the 
17  th  cent.,  brought  from 
Srinagar.  Only  28  of  its 
original  49  fols.  were  extant” 
[M.  A.  S.]. 

Bound  in  an  old  cloth  cover  with 

xxxvii  t 

Old  paper 

10x6| 

Nos.  xxiv,  XXX,  xxxix,  xcviii, 
cxviii,  cxxx,  cxxxiv,  cxl,  which 
are  in  Raj.  Ratnakantha’s 
handwriting.  “ It  was  secured 
from  Bhadrawah  in  1899,  where 
Raj.  Ratnak,  prob.  left  it  on  his 
visit  there,  c.  1660  a.d.” 

[M,  A.  S.].  Fols.  4-59  only, 
fols.  1-3  supplied  in  paper. 

Fols.  2-15,  17-60  only,  v.  xxxiv. 

xxxviii  i 

17th  century 

9-|x6.i 

Some  annotations  by  Bhatta 
Haraka. 

? Copy  of  unfinished  MS.  Written 

xxxix  •{■ 

paper 

Old  paper 

10x6S 

by  Raj.  Ratnakantha.  xxxvii. 
Complete,  v.  xxxiv.  Annotations 

xlf 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

74x5i 

by  Bhatta  Haraka. 

Fols.  1-14  only. 

xli 

19th  century 

10x6S 

Fols.  38-144.  “In  Pt.  Sahibram’s 

xlii 

paper 

3 7 

7ix5f 

handwriting.  Purchased  in 
1894  from  Sankara  Rajanaka  ” 
[M.  A.  S,]. 

Fols.  1-41  only. 

xliii 

7 J 

94x74 

Complete. 

xliv 

59G  C.iT.VLOOUE  OF  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


MS. 

No. 

i Title. 

Author. 

■Folios. 

LlN-ES. 

Aksaras. 

244 

Krivyapi’iiluisa 

Mammata  and 
Alata 

■ ■'12,  ■'■'■■ 

■.'19'^'';^  ■; 

K fi  V yapra  ka  sat  Ik  usa  rasa  muc- 
cayo  Jayantmiukhyatt- 

koclcllirtah 

Ratiiakaiitha 

16 

2Ud  ■ 

' Kavyaprakilsa  sank  eta 

' ? 

? 

,V'., 

■ '■'0 

‘ Kn  valayiinanda 

Appayya  Diksita 

79 

i' ' 21 

IIT  ^ 

Easataraiigiiu 

Bhanudatta 

16 

25 

26 

118 

Rasamanjari 

■■  5J 

9 

18 

35 

145 

Vagi  )hatalaii  ka  ra 

VagVjhata 

3 

17 

61 

12.^ 

Ha  bdalaii  kfiraprakaraiia 

■ : ■ ~ ' . , ' 

10 

13 

16 

T.  KAVYA 


10 

Amarukasa  taka  sati ka 

Amaruka  : 
Arjnnavarmaii 

49 

16 

■■  ■"  22 

46 

Kum  arasa  mb  h avatika 

Kalidasa : 
Vallabhadeva 

116 

12 

, 24 

51 

Khadgasataka 

49 

12 

15 

52 

Khadgasatakatika 

101 

12 

15 

59 

Ghatakarparavivrti 

Ghatakarpara 

4 

16 

31 

63 

J ahaoglrakavya 



19 

5 

16 

276 

Dlnakranclana 

— 

6 

14 

17 

71 

Drstantasataka 

Kusumadeva 

6 

10 

38 

231 

Nidhanacarita 

Sundarabhatta 

bidala 

14 

23 

24 

263  1 

Nitipaddhati 

Ksemendra 

37 

15 

23 

81 

n 

j>  ■ 

19 

27 

23 

305 

Comm,  on  Naisadhacarita 
called  Tattvavivrti 

Bajanaka 

Ananda  | 

11 

20 

16 

S ASSKMi  ;:;MSsr®R<5M: 


:"'MATEEIAL.."'  ' 

■■  ■ 

Script. 

Notes. 

Serial 
:■  No.. 

Bircli'bai’k 

Sar. 

8Jx7 

Fols.  1-119  except  2-3,  22,  40, 

xlv 

60-1,  78,  80-2,  100,  and  103, 
and  some  fragments.  Bought 
in  1898. 

17 th  century 

? 3,  , 

64x9 

Incomplete  (?)- 

xivi 

paper 

Birch-bark 

3 J 

5 X 64 

Much  injured.  1 

xivil 

19th  century 

^33''  . 

74x54 

Complete. 

xlviii 

paper 

Old  paper  i 

5 3 

94x64 

Fols.  1-16  only. 

xHx 

Dev. 

44  x 9| 

Fols.l~9;  slokasl~130.  Pothi«shape. 

■ i 

3 5 

35 

1st  pariccheda  complete ; slokas 
1-25  of  2nd  ; 126-end  of  4th  ; 

li 

5th  complete.  Same  codex  as  1. 

19th  century  ^ 

■ Sar. 

.74x54 

Complete.  Same  codex  as  xliii. 

lii 

paper  ! 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

as 

X 

: 

Fols.  1-16,  18-31,  49-62,  79-83 
injured  in  parts. 

liii 

Birch-bark 
and  old  paper 

.5  3 

8x8 

Fols.  3-108  (2  pp.  missing)  birch - 
bark  and  4-15  paper.  Bought 
from  Ft.  Sahajabhatta.  Okl 
leather  binding. 

liv 

19th  century 
paper 

Dev. 

9ix6i 

Copied  from  the  incomplete 
Jammu  MS.  Cf.  Stein's  Cata- 
logue, pp.  67  and  279. 

Iv 

35 

;',33'' 

S’ 

ivu 

Birch-bark 

Sar. 

8x8 

Complete.  Fols.  158-61  of  same 
codex  as  liv. 

Ivi 

Old  paper 

3 3 

, .,  ■3x4.4,b 

Fols.  2-9,  11-21 ; sL  2-18,  20-41. 

Ivii 

17th  century 
paper 

, 53. 

^ :74  x'6:'. 

Fols.  1-6  written  by  Kaj.  Ratna- 
kantha.  v,  cxxxv. 

Iviii 

;".5'3' ' ' , 

6x104 

Complete. 

lix 

7.4,  X 5^ 

Complete,  v,  ccxxv.  Purchased 
from  Pt.  Bevakaka,  1894. 

lx 

16/ 17  th  century 

' ' .53.".. 

■./7x;54  ■ 

Fols.  65-103  of  ccxxiv.  Complete. 

paper 

19bh  century 

11x64 

A copy  of  Ixi, 

Ixii 

paper 

Dev.; 

I'"',  ■'■b;'';'  b.?; 

:;;:;.:;:':8x'.'6'" 

An  extract  containing  the  author's 
prasasti.  Copy  by  Dr.  Stein 
from  *‘a  paper  MS.  (6''  x 3") 
of  Pt.  Sunakaka  Razdan,  Haba 
Kadal,  fenagar  ” [M.A.S.]. 

Ixiii 

598  CATALOGUE  OP  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


MS. 

'.m.  ■: 

Title. 

I AuTHOPw 

Polios. 

Bines. 

306 

Comm,  on  Naisadhacarita 
ealled  Tatfcvavm'fci 

^ Rajanaka 
Aiianda 

13 

';''13  ' 

258 

Prabandhacarita 

: ,259 

/■'14,:" 

245 

Bhartrsarasvatasuktavali 

Bhartrsarasvata 

' 97,: 

205 

Y udhi  sth  iravi  jayakav  ja 
»SisyaiiitaHkasahita 

Yasudeva : Raj. 
Ratnakantlia 

244 

24 

114 

Raghuvanisatika 

Ktilidasa : 
Vallabhadeva 

33 

19 

266 

Raghavapan  da vlya  .sati ka 

Kaviraja : 

- Sasidhara 

134 

24 

120 

ss  ■ 

’ 

51 

41 

121 

Rajatarangini 

• 

Jonaraja 

64 

16  ‘ 

1 

1 

122-8 

r':/'.  ' 

•V',' 

Srn'ara  | 

67 

20 

■i 

124 

^ t'r'  ' 

10 

^ . ■ 1 

19  , 

i,  /■  ■■■'.'  ^ '■;'■■■  ■ ■ ■ ■■  ■■  I 

1 xi  ■ 

Kalhana 

6 

. 21' 

':::126-f: 

Rajatarangini  Rancami 

gadyapadyamayi  | 

Pfc.  Baiuodar 

60 

12 

127 

49 

16  ' 

128 

Raj  atarangi  niprade«a  vyakby  a 

Pfc.  Govind  Kaul 

V2oi„';:: 

19  ’ 

129 

Rajatarauginisangraba 

1 gadyarupa 

1 Pfc.  Sahibram 

130 

14 

'vi 

180 

14  . 

SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


IMaterial.  Script.  Size. 


Serial 

No. 


■i  !;':t 


'v  \i 


: 


19th  century 

I)ev. 

10i-x8i 

Similar  copy  bv  Pt.  Govind  Kaul. 

Ixiv 

paper 

, ; j 5 

9x9 

Modern  copy  of  an  original  con- 
taining small  lacunae 

Ixv 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

4 X 6| 

Fols.  2-58,  61-96,  2,  7,  and  two 
others  (colophon  on  last  page 
but  one). 

Ixvi 

]9th  century 
paper 

"5  5 

9ix6i: 

“Modern  copy  of  the  author’s 
original  MS.  ^ Bought  from 
Pt.  Devakaka,  Srinagar,  1892  ” 
[M.  A.  S.].^  Complete.  Comm, 
composed  vSake  1598.  Cf.  Stein’s 
JRajataraiighn,  Preface,  p.  viii. 

Ixvii 

Birch- bark 

” 

8x8 

Fols.  125-57  (end). 

Ixviii 

19th  century 

55 

9|  X 6| 

Complete. 

Ixix 

-paper 

?5  ' 

55 

Complete;  “written  by  Pt. 
Damodar  and  bought  from  him 
in  1889”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

Ixx 

Dev. 

10x6| 

“ Apparently  a modern  transcript 
of  the  printed  edition  ” [M.  A..S.  ]. 

Ixxi 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

m X u 

Pols.  1, 20-4,  and  74  (the  last  one) 
missing.  Also  called  Jainaraj. 
Some  annotations  by  Bhatto 
Haraka.  “ Bought  in  1888  and 
1891  from  a pandit,  to  whom 
books  had  been  pawned  by 
Pt.  Ke4avaram’s  father  Sahkaro-  , 
padhyaya”  [M.  A.  S.].  • 

Ixxii 

>5'  ■ 

10|  X 

Fols.  2-5,  7,  10,  12-15  only. 

Ixxiii 

5 5 

8|x5i 

Pols,  2-7  only.  j 

Ixxiv 

19bh  century 
paper 

Dev. 

9ix8 

Copy  of  author’s  original  un-  ; 
finished  MS.  j 

Ixxv 

Sar.  9|  X 7| 

Ber.  9i  X 6 


Complete.  Notes  regarding  some 
places  mentioned  in  the  Rdja- 
tarariginl,  in  various  hands. 

I “ Copies  of  a Bombay  Govt.  MS. 

! beginning  at  Sarga  iv  and  Poona 

I MS.  1875/6,  No.  178  (?),  which 
lacks  the  end  ” [M.  A.  S.]. 

‘‘Copy  of  Pt.  Sahibram’s  original 
notes  for  his  continuation  of  the 
Rajatarahgini,  containing  an 
account  of  Ka.4niir,  under  Sikh 
rule,  and  a narrative  of  events  in 
Eanbxr  Singh’s  time  ” [M.  A.  S.  ]. 


JRAS.  1912. 


600 


CATALOGUE  OF  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


MS. 

No. 

Title. 

Authok.. 

Folios. 

Lines. 

Aksakas. 

268 

Rajataniiiginlsaiigraba 

gaciyarupa 

Pt.  Sahibram 

100 

24 

25  , 

267 

Rajataninginisara 

79 

21 

18 

2,71,' ' 

Rajataraiigiiii  Notes 

M.  A.  Stein  and 
Pt.GovindKaul 

— 

— 

131 

Rajavali 

■ 

2 

15 

23 

137 

Lekhasiksa 

Pt.  Sahibram 

61 

12 

17 

138 

„ 

Pt.  Bamodar 

27 

17 

18 

246 

V airagyasataka 

Bhartrhari 

16 

13 

18 

303 

Srrigaratilaka 

Rudrabhat^ 

16 

18 

21 

301 

Snigaramanjari. 

Bhanubhatta 

22 

16 

20 

166 

SrikantJiacaritatika 

Jonaraja 

16 

12 

42 

171 

Samayamatrka 

Ivsemendra 

31 

12 

13 

255 

Samayaraatrkavyakhya 

I ' 

95 

14 

24 

266 

■ ' ■■  ■ .1 

25 

36 

36 

178 

Suvrttatilaka 

Ksemendra 

15 

15 

26 

187 

Haravijaya 

Raj.  Ratnakara 

159 

27 

30 

244/. 

s> 

— 

12 

12 

19 

188 

Haravijayatika  Laghupancika 

Raj.  Ratna- 
kaiitlia 

13 

14 

48 

189 

Haravijayatika  viaamapa- 

dodd3''otabhidha 

Raj.  Alaka 

96 

27 

26 

294 

Haravijayasaravivarana 

Utpala , 

14 

22 

30 

2 

Anargharaghavana^ka 

Murari 

102 

Vj 

16 

[.  DRAMA 
21 

105 

? 5 

33 

15 

62 

SAXSKKIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


(iOl 


M ATKRIAL. 

SCTJl^T. 

Size. 

Notes. 

>SKKrAL 

No. 

llltii  eenfcury 

Bar. 

10  X 7 

First  100  fols.  Script  changes  at 

Ixxx 

paper 

fol.  32. 

''i)'  " 

9x6 

Fols.  1-64,  60-80  (error  in 

Ixxxi 

numeration  onl^O*  ''  Received 
from  Dr.  Hultzsch,  1898. 
Author’s  autograi.)li  MS.” 
[M.  A.  S.]. 

" ' ' ■ 

. 

“Miscellaneous  notes  written 

Ixxxii 

1890-92”  [M,  A.  S.]. 

Okl  paper 

Bar 

7'^x6 

Fols.  121-2  with  a modern  trail- 

Ixxxi  ii 

script  in  Dev. 

I9th  century 

Dev. 

9.i  X 7i 

“Copy  made  in  1892  of  author’s 

Ixxxiv 

paper 

original  incomplete  MS. 

15 

12x7 

“Author’s original  MS.  Specimens 
of  letters,  adapted  from  a Persian 
text”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

Ixxxv 

>Sar. 

7x4^ 

cxxxvi. 

Ixxxvi 

Old  paper 

■,  55  , ■ 

6:^  x r>i 

Fols.  18-31  (end)  and  two  folios 

Ixxxvii  t 

Dev. 

of  notes.  V.  ceclix. 

Complete.  Annotations  by  Bhatta 

Ixxxviiif 

Haraka.  v.  ccclix. 

I7th  century 

Sar. 

5|  x 10.^ 

Fols.  15-24  end  of  2nd  sarga ; 

Ixxxix  t 

paper  i 

fols.  25-30  beginning  of  3rd, 
Written  by  Raj.  Ratnakantha.  j 

19th  century  i 

Dev. 

7x  11 

Complete  copy  of  damaged  iMS.  i 

xc 

paper 

' 

? 5 

13  X 8 

Complete,  “Written  by  Pt. 

xci 

Govind  Kaul  for  me  in  1898  ” ^ 
[M.  A.  S.]. 

Foolscap 

10x9 

■ - . ..  ..  . 

5 5 55 

xcii 

Birch-bark 

' ^5ar.  . 

8x7 

Fols.  30-44  (end).  A ehandah- 

1 xciii 

^astra.  i 

Old  paper 

5 5 

x 61 

Complete. 

xciv 

Birch- bark 

5. 5'-  .j 

8|x7 

Fols.  8 (beginning)-19,  preceded 

xcv 

by  two  leaves  of  Lokaprakawa. 
Part  of  same  (?)  codex  as  xlv. 

17th  century 

6x  12i 

Author’s  own  MS.  dated  Sake 

xcvi  t 

paper 

1603.  Incomplete. 

Old  paper 

55 

94x6i 

Fols.  1-96  only.  Same  codex  as 

xcvii 

xciv. 

17th  century 

,5 

9ix6i 

Written  by  Raj.  Ratnakantha. 

xcviii  t 

paper 

Fols.  1-14  only,  tx  xxxvii. 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

8ix6 

Fols.  2-99, 101-4 with  annotations. 

xeix 

Dev. 

4ix9i 

Pothi-form.  Leaves  much  muti- 

.  c 

lated  at  the  edge.  Fols.  1-33  ; 
ends  in  middle  of  7 th  act. 

30-2 


CATALOGUE  OF  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


MS. 

No, 

Title. 

i Authotl 

Folios, 

Lines. 

AFvSARAS. 

3 

Anargharagliavasaiiketa 

^ Murari 

17 

22 

23 

90 

Pracaa  da  j)ri  ii  da  va 

Rajasekhara 

21 

14 

23 

91 

12 

27 

25 

93 

1 ^rabod  hacand  i*odayatika 

Raj.  Ratna- 

7 

18 

50 

kantha 

116 

Rtitiiavaii 

Harsadeva 

22 

20 

23 

135 

Latakainelauapraliasana 

Sankhadhara 

51 

12 

13 

284 

Vidagdhainad  hava 

Rupa  Gosvamin 

104 

17 

17 

159 

Sale  u n t ala  i latak  a 

Kalidasa 

■ 

■■ 

52 

14 

23 

VII.  B 

.OMA]N 

ICES,  Etc. 

34 

Kadambari 

Banabhatpi 

13 

21 

28 

35 

.if  ■ ' 

j j 

31 

23 

1 

, 18 

171i 

Kadambarik  athasaiiksepa 

Ksemendra 

■ 2 

18  , 

! 28 

171« 

KadambarikatUasara 

Abhinanda 

, 17 

18 

28 

264 

Tan  trakh  yay  i ka 

Visnusarman 

112 

' ■ .15 

21 

298 

! ■ ■ 

19 

22 

27 

299 

I 

i 

146 

6 

41 

804 

1 ' » s 

81 

17 

22 

87 

j) 

99 

53 

27 

23 

SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


603 


Material. 

Script. 

: , Size,:-. 

Notes. 

SKKtAL 

No. 



Bii’ch-bark 

Sar. 

9 X 6i- 

Fols.  2-18,  2nd  act  ends  on  fol.  17. 

ci 

Old  paper 

„ 

X 6f 

Fols.  4-16,  18-2.5  (end). 

cii 

> > 

Complete,  Many  annotations. 

ciii 

I7th  century 
paper 

9 9 

Various 

Fols,  1~7  (?)  only.  Rough  copy 
of  the  author.  Bought  from 

Pt.  Devakaka,  Srinagar,  1892” 
[M.  A.  S.]. 

civ  t 

} 

X 

Complete.  Annotations  by  Bhatta 
Haraka.  Dated  Laukika  (47) 
69(?). 

ev  t 

19th  century 
paper 

Dev. 

9|x6| 

“Copied  in  1890  from  a Jammu 
MS.  with  lacunae”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

' cvi  ■■ 

Birch-bark 

Sar. 

7Sx6i 

Fols.  1-54,  57"106.  v.  cxxxv. 

cvii  t 

Old  paper 

? j 

9ix6S 

Same  codex  as  cii.  Fols.  26 
(beginning)~29  (27  appears 
twice),  31-63,  65-78  (middle  of 
the  6th  act). 

cviii 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

9|x6i 

Fols,  1 12-23  and  144.  Annotations 
by  Bhatta  Haraka. 

cixf 

■ ? » 

9x6 

1 . 

: Fols.  82-110,  the  Nos.  93  and  97  | 
both  used  twice.  Annotations  | 
by  Bhatta  Haraka.  | 

cxf 

. 19th  century 
paper 

” 

i ^x^ 

Complete,  Fols,  23-4  of  next  MS.  ! 

cxi 

5 •> 

■ ! 

>> 

Fols.  1-3,  21,  22  (end)  missing. 

exii 

.16/ 17  th  century 
paper 

7x54 

Some  codex  as  ccxxv,  q.v.  Fols. 
1-1 12,  the  last  6 worn.  Hertel’s 
“codex  z”.  Annotations  by 
Bhatto  Haraka. 

cxiii  t 

Old  paper 

1 

. ■ : J'1  ■ ■ 

1 

i 

94x6| 

Pols.  54  (beginning)-72,  pp,  1-49, 

3 of  Hertel’s  text.  Hertel’s 
‘ * MS.  q.  ” On  first  page  last  5 or 

6 lines  of  the  Bhojaprabandha. 

“ Acquired  through  Pt.  Sahaja- 
bhatta  Feb.  1905”*  [M.  A.  S.]. 

cxiv 

JJ  ^ 

3ix8| 

Fols.  1-14  missing.  “ Bought 
through  Pt.  Sahajabhatta  in 
Srinagar,  1904”  [M,  A.'  S.]. 
Hertel’s  “MS.  p”. 

cxv 

1 6/17  th  century 
paper 

6f  x5i 

Fols.  1-81.  Contains  first  3 books 
and  3 fols.  of  thefourth.  v.  ccclix.  ] 
Hertel’s  “ codex  B 

cxvi  t 

19th  century 
paper 

> J 

Ux64  j 

A copy  of  No.  cxiii.  1 

• 

cxvii 

604 


CA'l'AL(,>GUE  01<'  THE  STEIN  COI.LECTTON  OF 


MS. 

No, 

1 

; Title.' 

Authok. 

Polios. 

Li.nes. 

! 

1 Aksakas. 

■ 291 

Dainayaiitikatha 

TriYikrama- 

bhatta 

IT 

23 

24 

99  i 

Bhoj<i[)rabandha. 

Ballala 

40 

20 

21 

100  , 

5 5 

45 

. ■ 

25 

28 

M ■ 1 

Madb  avanal  akamakandala  - 
katlia 

■ ■ 

14  1 

18 

'.25 

147 

Vasavadatta 

! 

Subandhti 

i . ■ 

19 

25' 

32 

148 

” 

."55 

15 

10 

19 

149 

' . j) 

49 

13 

19 

150 

5 5 

55 

i 

40  i 

17 

20''"..' 

236 

V etMapancavimsika 

Somabhattadeva 

75  1 

15 

21 

273 

Sanksiptahari^candrakatha 

Bhattasriipaka  (?) 

1 . 

6 

16  1 

■ 17  . 

178 

Simhasanadvatririisika 

1-  __ 

84 

19 

16 

260 

Harsaearita 

Banabhatta 

135 

15 

20 

296 

■ .t.}.  . -I 

. . ..5,5 

2 

24 

30 

191 

157 

15 

21 

193 

55 

5.5  . 

' '■  ■■  ■■ "'! 

65 

18 

22 

vm.  : 

PHILOSOPHY  . 

AND  I 

mAm 

4ASASTRA 

80 

Nirnaytorta 

Aladanatha,  son 
of  Siddhalaks" 
mana 

337 

17 

16 

SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


605 


Material.  Script,  j 

Size. 

Notes. 

Serial 

No. 

17 til  century 
paper 

Bar. 

10x7 

Copy  by  Raj.  Ratnakantha  of  an  j 
unfinisVied  MS.  Same  codex  as  1 
xxxvii. 

cxviii  t 

Old  paper 

3 J 

9|x6| 

Fols.  14-53  (end). 

cxix 

19th  century 

3 3.. 

7ix5^^ 

Complete.  Bated  Laukika  (49)  20. 

cxx 

paper 

Old  paper 

6^  X 5 

Last  14  fols.  (?).  Annotations  by 
Bhatta  Haraka.  ‘ ‘ Bought  from 
Bt.  Visnujiva,  1892  ” [M.  A.  S.  ]. 

cxxi  t 

■7?. 

9ix6i 

Complete.  Dated(47)47(?).  Anno- 
tations by  Bhatto  Haraka. 

cxxii  t 

Birch-bark 

' ■ 33 

6^x6 

Fols.  47-61.  Annotations  by  Bhatta 
Haraka.  ‘ ‘ Bought  from  Pt. 
Mahanandajiva,1^^92”  [^^PA.S.]. 

cxxiii  i 

Old  paper 

. ■ 33 

7|x6 

Complete.  Some  pages  injured. 
Annotations  by  Bhatta  Haraka. 

“ Bought  from  Pt.  Gopala  Ko- 
kila’s  library,  1892”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

cxxiv  i 

■ 1 5 

5 3 

9|x6| 

Complete.  Annotations  by  Bhatta 
Haraka. 

cxxv  i' 

Birch-bark 

5 3 

7ix7 

Much  damaged. 

cxxvi 

17th  century 
paper 

3 3 

7^x6 

Damaged.  Written  by  Raj. 
Ratnakantha.  ?:.  cxxxv. 

cxxvii  t 

19th  century 

33 

8x5i 

Complete.  Dated  (49)  43.  I 

cxxviii 

paper 

17th  century 
paper 

10x7 

Fols.  267-401.  The  5th  ucchvasa 
ends  on  fol.  400.  Written  by 
Raj.  Ratnakantha.  “Obtained 
from  Bhadrawah  in  1899  ” 
[M.  A.  S.]. 

■ cxxix.  + 

3 3 

9^x61 

Fragment  only.  Written  by  Raj. 
Ratnakantha,  i\  xxxvii. 

cxxx  t 

Old  paper 

33 

6x6 

Fols.  1-150,  152-8.  Bought 

through  Pt.  Devakaka,  Srinagar, 
1891”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

cxxxi 

. 33  ■ 

10x7 

Fols.  18-32,  35-51.  Annotations 
Bhatta  Haraka.  Begins  with 
2nd  ucchvasa ; also  in  other 
hands  49-64,  63-73,  and  75-80. 
Bought  at  Srinagar,  1891. 

cxxxii  i 

Birch-bark 

Bar. 

7x5 

Nearly  complete.  First  and  last 
few  leaves  injured.  Old  leather 
binding.  “Laukika 4300”  men- 
tioned in  colophon.  “Bought 
from  Pt,  Damodar,  1889  ” 
[M.  A.  S.].  Annotations  by 
Bhatta  Haraka. 

cxxxiii  t 

606 


CATALOGUE  OF  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


MS. 

No. 

Title. 

Author. 

Polios. 

Lines. 

Aksaras. 

29S 

Hyayasara ; 

j . ■ , . — 

i 

8 

17 

23 

272 

Bhagavadgitasara 

8 

14 

20 

246 

Bhavanibhujangastotra 

Sankara 

■ 2 

18 

20 

199 

Yogavasi  sthasara 

49 

6 

21 

234 

■■■■}? 

Kadindracarya- 

sarasvatl 

7 

6 

24 

246 

3} 

18 

12 

17 

293 

Sarhkhyasaptatitika 

Vigraraja  Bhatta 

24 

■ , 22 

21 

246 

Hasfcamalakastotra 

Sankaraicarya 

. 

3 

1 

18 

IX. 

(a) 

20 

SCIENCE 

Astronomy 

26V  i 

Adhiraascxiaharana 

Batnakawtha 

5 

10 

23 

286 

Kalakalana 

■ ’ i 

2 

■ 24  : 

30 

261^ 

Ganakaprakasa 

Ekanatha  ! 

21 

9 

21 

261/ 

Candragatisai-ani 

■ ' ■ ' 1 

c.  12 

..  _ 

76 

Dhruvabhramanayantra- 
dhikara  Yantraratnavalyam 

Padmanabha, 

sonofHarmada 

32 

7 

19 

307 

Naksatrapattrika  Kymirikl 

Pt.  Narayana 
Bhatta 

14 

■ — 

98 

i 1 

Bhasvatitika  Bhasvatidyota 

Satananda,  son 
of  Sankara 

26 

15 

(?>)  Ae 

23 

ICHITECTURE 

151  1 

Vastuvidya  I 

Maya  ' j 

83  1 

18  1 

16 

■ 


■ 


SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


607 


Matkkial. 

Script. 

:"SizE.'v ' 

■ ■■■Notes.;,, 

Serial 

No. 

1 7th  century 
pax)er 

Sar, 

10x7 

Fols.  1-8.  Written  Raj. 

Ratnakantha.  v,  xxxvii. 

' '.cxxxiv^'t 

Bircli-bark 

X 6 

Vedanta.  Much  injured.  “This 
codex,  bound  in  old  leather, 
was  procured  from  Bhadrawah 
, in  1899'”  [M.  A.  S.].  It  also 
contains  x,  xi,  xii,  xiii,  xiv, 
Iviii,  cvii,  cxxvii,  cxliii,  eliv, 
cccxxxvi,  ccclxvi,  ccclxviii. 

■,' CXXX'V,,;';; 

lOtli  century 
paper 

5> 

7 X 4| 

Complete.  Vedanta.  This  codex 
(159  fols.  in  all)  contains  also 
lx.xxvi,  cxxxix,  cxli,  cccxxvi, 
cccxxix,  cecxx  xii , cccivii  i , cccl  xx. 

cxxxvi 

Dev, 

♦1 J X 0^ 

Fols.  2-45,  116-18,  145,  148. 

cxxxvii 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

3x7 

Fols.  1-.3,  6-9.  In  Kasmlri. 
Bought  in  1896. 

cxxxvi  ii 

19th  century 
paper 

7x41 

Complete.  Vedanta.  With  anno- 
tations. V,  cxxxvi. 

cxxxix 

17th  century 
paper 

>> 

10  X 7 

Complete.  Sahkhya.  Written 
by  Riij.  Ratnakantha.  ?a  xxxvii. 

cxl  t 

19th  century 

j j 

7x4| 

Complete.  Vedanta,  r.  cxxxvi. 

cxli 

paper 

19th  century  : 

Sar. 

6x7  ■■■ 

Fols.  4-8  (end). 

cxlii 

paper 

17th  century 

J5 

7|  x6 

Incomplete,  v.  cxxxv. 

cxliii  t 

paper 

Birch-bark 

? J 

6x7 

Fols.  46,  5,  6. 

cxliv 

,, 

■ 5,'J 

6|x5i 

Tables  of  calculations,  mutilated. 

cxlv 

19th  century 
paper 

Dev. 

, 5 X 74  ■ 

Complete.  ‘ ‘ R ecei ved  from  Si  rdar 
Sir  Attar  Singh  Bhadaur walla 
1890”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

exlvi 

» ? 

■ Sar. 

6|x114 

“A  calendar  for  the  Laukika  year 
4969  (a.d.  1S9:|).  The  author 
was  a brother  of  Pt.  Sahaja- 
bhatta”  [M.  A.  S,]. 

cxlvii 

1 

5 » 

4|x5| 

Complete.  “Copied  from  a Sri- 
nagar MS.  by  Pt.  Deva  Bhatta 
and  Nai^ayana  Bhatta  ” [M.  A.  S.  ]. 
(Cf,  cxlvii.) 

1 cxlviii 

Birch-bark 

Sar. 

6x8| 

Pols.  1-118,  some  missing,  all 
defective. 

cxlix 

19th  century 
paper  j 

Dev. 

10x9 

“Copy  of  cxlix  by  Pt.  Govind 
Kaul  ” [M.  A.  S.]. 

c 

608 

CATALOGUE ' OF; 

■THE  STEIN  COLLECTION 

OF 

MS. 

Title. 

1 Author. 

Folios. 

Lines. 

Aksabas. 

209 

' Vaidyakalpatar'u 

1 Malliiiatha,  son 
ofSenganatha 

186 

(c)  Medicine 
35  17 

X.  EPIC 


247 

.Mahabharata 

A'^^asa 

79 

27 

CO 

Ramayanakathasara  ' 

Ksemeiidra 

187 

17 

283 

fSanatsujatiyapka 

33 

16 

XI.  PUEANA,  MAHATMXA,  Em;. 


7 

Amaranathamahatmya 

— 

9 

12 

27 

8 

■-  ■ 

...  ;■ 

21 

19 

15 

269 

. „ ' 

■ 

214 

Amaresvarakalpa  Vathula- 

S 

15 

24 

251 

tantranirgata 

Ardhanarisvarama®  Adipurane 

1 

159 

15 

269 

Asvatarama® 

■ 

— 



269 

A^vavarama'^ 

. ■ 





269 

Akulagramama® 

■ — 

— 

269 

Angagramama'^ 

— 

■ — 

— 

269 

Indramunima*^ 

■■ 

_ 

— 1 



212 

Indrasramama® 

■ 

' 

253 

Isalayagramama®  Bhrngisa- 

6 

8 

43 

43 

samhitayain 

212 

' ' ■■  ■ ..  . 

: ■■■ 



269 

Kanyalavanama®  ' 

— 

43 

Kapatamuiiima° 



— 

43 

Kapatesvarama®  Haracarita- 

Jayadratha 

— 





19 

cintamaiiau 

Kapalamocanama® 

8 

10 

26 

20 

5 y ‘ 

— 

10 

10 

22 

SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


G09 


Material. 

■■ScRirT..; 

' , Size." 

'Notes.-  , / ■ 

SElilAJ. 

No.;',::; 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

6|x5 

“ Bouj^ht  from  Barvananda  Kaul 
in  1895  ^^  [M.  A.  S.]. 

eli 

16/1 7 th  century 
paper 

"'Bar.  '■ 

14x10 

Fols.  60-4,  end  of  Gadaparvaii ; 
fols.  64-78,  beginning  of  Saup- 
tikaparvan  ; fobs.  74-84,  end 
of  Striparvan ; fols.  1-50  (exc. 
11),  A.4vamedhikaparvan.  For 
some  account  of  this  MS.  v. 
Dr.  Stein’s  article  in  JRAS., 
1900,  pp.  187-94. 

cliift? 

Old  paper 

5 5 

7 X 5| 

Fols.  1,2, 19(?),  and  19111  missing. 

cliii 

Birch-baric 

9 ? 

. 7ix'6  ' 

Mahabharata  Udyogaparvan,  ch. 
40-5,  with  Gomm.  fols.  1-20, 
24,26-37.  Part  written  by  Raj. 
Ratnakantha.  cxxxv. 

clivt 

Old  paper  ■ 

Bar. 

7Jx4i 

The  end  wanting  in  archetype. 

civ 

19fch  century 
paper 

5 > 

8ix6| 

Complete. 

clvi 

; ' __  ■ 

— , 

— 

i\  No.  cLxxxi. 

civil 

19th  century 
paper. 

Dev. 

9|x8J 

‘‘Copied  in  1895  bv  KasI  Ram 
from  Poona  MS.  49‘'”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

clviii 

„{?) 

Bar. 

61x6| 

Complete,  a roll. 

clix 

— 

_ 

— ■■ 

tK  No.  clxxxi. 

clx 

— 

— 

, — 

■ clxi 

— 

■ . — ^ 

— 

clxii 

— 

— 

— ■ 

clxiii 

— 

— 

clxiv 

— 

— 

— 

Fols.  17-18.  V,  ccxl. 

clxv 

Old  paper 

Bar. 

4ix  11 

Complete. 

clxvi 

; 

— 

Fols.  49-50.  V.  clxxxv. 

clxvii 

— 

— 

— 

Fols.  1-3.  V.  ccxl. 

clxviii 

■ — . 

V.  clxxxi. 

clxix 

— 

— 

Fols.  11-14.  i\  clxxxv. 

clxx 

— 

-- 

— 

Fols.  53-5.  V.  clxxxv. 

clxxi 

Old  paper 

Bar. 

4 X 6J 

Complete. 

clxxii 

19th  century 
paper 

5 5'.  ■ i 

5x7i 

clxxiii 

610 


CATALOGIIE  OF  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


MS. 

No. 

TiTLTi. 

Author. 

Folios. 

Lines. 

Aksaras 

21 

K apriliini  oca  n am  a® 

■ — 

5. 

25 

18 

22 

. __  . 

6 

15 

16 

43 

S J 



269 

Karaiulagramama® 

. , ™ 

_ 

242 

K al|  )i tairia°  Anan tanagagra » 
maiiani 

— 

17 

13 

32 

39 

K a«Ima°  Brah  ma vai  varta- 
piirane 

68 

12 

46 

40 

Kasmiratl  r tL  a sangrali  a 

Pt.  Damodar 

33 

20 

18 

269 

Sahibram 

38 

33 

28 

25 

Kaf5miradesatu-t}iasangraha 

91  : ■ 

54 

A 7 

18 

41 

Kasmirikapuragaiianarii  gra- 
manilm  ca  vyakhya 

Pt.  Kasi  Ram 

:'17.- 

15 

18 

42 

Kasmirikapradesanam 
mathanam  Ghattadinam  ea 
sangraha 

43 

18 

10 

43 

Kasmirikamahatmyani 

nanavidhani 

— 

108 

54 

42 

269 

Kedaratuiigama® 

48,49 

Kedaratirtharaa® 

— 

4 

11 

26 

215 

Kedarapxirana 

— 

17 

15 

24 

SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


611 


Material. 

Script.' 

; ' Size.'  ',-' 

' Notes. 

Serial 

y,,:No. 

OM  paper 

Sar. 

9f  x6 

Complete. 

clxxi  V 

V ''5  ■'  ■ 

9x6 

clxxv 

Fols.  ;55-6.  r,  clxxxv. 

clxxvi 

V.  clxxxi. 

clxxvii 

lObli  century 

,Sar. 

4|  X 7i 

“ Compiled  by  order  of  Sri  Maha- 

cixxviii 

paper 

raja  Ranavirasiriiha.  Bou£>-ht 
in  1898”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

17th  century 

5 , 

6x12 

Fols.  1-36,  38-69 only.  Written 

clxxixt 

paper 

by  Raj,  Ratnakantha  and  bough  t 
from  Pt.  Devakaka,  son  of  Pt. 
Dayaram,  and  said  to  come 
from  same  source  as  other  MSS. 

of  Riitnakantlm  in  the  col- 
lection ” [M.  A.  S.]. 

9x6 

In  author  s handwriting.  Many  i 

cl  XXX 

blank  pages ; ? unlinished. 

‘‘  List  of  tirtlias  arranged 
according  to  Parganas,  with 
legendary  accounts  of  some 

sites.  Received  from  author 
1890”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

” 

” 

10  X 7 

Contents  are  catalogued  alpha- 
betically. “ Received  from 

clxxxi 

Dr,  Hultzsch  1898”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

ti 

J J 

X 81 

Complete.  ‘ ‘ Copy  of  Poona  MS. , 
1875-6,  No.  61,  made  bv  Sant 
Ram  ” [M.  A.  S.]. 

clxxxii 

19bh  century 

Dev. 

8|  X 24 

“Topographical  and  Archieo- 

clxxxxii 

paper 

logical  Notes  collected  on  pre- 
liminary tour  in  K ram” raj  and 

Maravaraj,  1891  ” [M,  A.  S.]. 

10|  X 7i 

“ Topographical  Notes  collected 
during  my  tours  in  Kram”raj, 
Kasmir,  and  at  Srinagar,  1892. 
Also  transliterated  list  of  Ma- 
hallas  of  Srinagar  ” [M.  A.  S.  ]. 

clxxxi  V 

' 7 3 

Sar. 

14x9 

Contents  catalogued  in  alpha- 

elxxxv 

betical  order.  Many  blank 
leaves,  but  complete.  ‘ ‘ W ritten 

by  Pt.  Damodar  and  his  copyist 
for  his  father  Sahibram,  who 

was  collecting  materials  for  his 

Txrthasahgraha  about  1866” 
[M,  A.  S.]. 

V,  No.  clxxxi. 

elxxxvi 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

6ix4i 

Complete.  Written  in  two  hands. 

clxxxvii 

19th  century 

Dev. 

OJxSJ 

“Copied  in  1895  from  Poona  MS. 

clxxxviii 

paper 

54,  by  Kari  Ram  ” [M.  A.  S.]. 

(>12  CATALCX^rUE  OF  THE  STEIN  (JOLLECTION  OF 


- 

™ - 

..  ...  „ 

MS. 

No. 

Titj.e. 

Adthob. 

Folios. 

Lines. 

— 

— — 

1 

50 

Kofcitlrthanui'^ 

•_  , 

. 15 

12 

269 

K HU*agaiigunia“ 

■ ■ ■ . ■ — ■ 

__ 

— 

212 

Ksemai’ajasaiiijnakagriimamri^^ 

; . . 

; 

269 

Khilya3^ariama° 

: ^ 

: ■ 

— j 

216 

G angodbhecl  ania*^  Adipuraiie 

— 

7 

15 

•',64 

GajTipancasthalima® 

2 

,27 

53 

Ga^'apaddhati 

6 

13 

55 

Gayama'^  paurfinika  i 

— 

12 

12 

58 

Godavarima®  | 

— 

12 

12 

43 

, ^ 1 

— 

— 

269 

Gomutragaiiga  Prayonadvale  | 

— ■ •■  • 

— 

212 

Golabhopavana  i 

, ..  — 

— 

— 

269 

G hantlialipurama® 

— 

— 

— 

269 

Ghantipurarna® 

— 

212 

Carcfipurama*’ 

— 

_ 

43 

Citrakutacalama*^  Adipuraiie 
Haracaritacintamanau 

• ■ — , 

__ 

— , ■■ 

212 

ChabresaBrainama® 

__ 

43 

Jatagangama^ 

— 

64 

Jalandharapithadipika  or 
Jalandharama® 

Prahladanand- 

acarya 

Kulavadhiita 

155 

12 

65 

Jalandharama® 

— ' ■ . „ , 

208 

12 

207 

5 , Brahman  (Japuran  e 

. •' 

77 

9 

43 

J y esthadevima®  Bhrhglsasaiii- 
hitayam 

— 

— 

212 

Tilaprasthagramama® 

— 

44 

Tirthasaiigraha 

Sahibram 

19 

12 

43 

Tripnrapradurbhava 





68 

Daksinainanasayatra,  Panca- 
krof^iyabra,  Nit^^ayatra,  and 
A n bargrhy  aj'atra 

3 

13 

269 

Dandakaran^^ama'^ 

_ 

212 

Broiulsramama® 

— 

Aksakas. 

Id 


24 

15 

16 

15 

16 


13 

17 

24 

16 

17 


SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


613 


:MaT.EKIAL. 

Script. 

Size. 

Notes. 

. ■ 1 

Sekiaj.. 

’ No. 

1 9th  century  | 
paper 

Dev. 

.'i 
■ ! 

1 

10  X f)|- 

Complete.  “Copy  of  MS.  be-  | 
longing  to  Pt.  Janardhan,  i 
Srinagar,  1892”  [M.  A.  S.].  I 

clxxxix 

— 1 

r.  clxxxi.  ■ 

cxc 

— 

— 

Fobs.  16-17.  -v.  ccxl.  j 

exci 

^ j 

■ 

— 

??.  clxxxi. 

excii 

19th  century  | 
paper  I 

Dev. 

9-*  X SI 

“ Copy  made  by  Kasi  Ram  in  1895 
of  Poona  MS.  56”  [M.  A.  S.]. 
With  notes  by  Dr.  Stein. 

cxciii 

Old  paper  | 

Sar. 

9Sx6 

Complete.  Same  codex  as  cixxiv. 

cxciv 

j ) 

9 ? 

6|x5 

End  of  archetype  missing.  Bought 
1892. 

cxcv 

19th  century 
paper 

■Dev. 

10x6^ 

Complete.  With  notes  by  Dr. 

. Stein.  , , 

cxcvi 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

7x5J 

i Complete. 

cxcvii 

— 

— 

— 

Fols.  53-4.  V.  clxxxv. 

cxcviii 

|,  _ ■, 

■ — ’ 

r.  clxxxi. 

excix 

■ — , 1 

Fob  19.  i'.  ccxl. 

cc 

— ■ , i 

■ 

— 

V.  clxxxi. 

■ I 

cci 

; ■—  ■ j 

: ■ — ■ 

— 

9 9 

ccii 

1 

__ 

— 

Fobs.  6-8.  V.  ccxl.  1 

i cciii 

; . 

— 

Fob  25.  r.  clxxxv. 

cciv 

— 

■■  

■ _ , 

Fols,  22-3.  V,  ccxl. 

ccv 

Fob  51.  V,  clxxxv. 

ccvi 

19th  century 
paper 

Dev. 

9i  X 8^ 

Complete. 

ccvii 

? J 

, , jj 

9x8 

ccviii 

6 X 12^ 

“Copied  A.D.  1894  from  a MS. 
belonging  to  Pt.  Sivadatta  ” 
[M.  A.  S.].  Complete. 

ccix  ^ 

— 

.. 

: ■,  ■ 

Fols.  79-80.  V.  clxxxv. 

'■■  ■ CCX 

— 

— 

— 

Pol.  5.  V.  ccxl. 

cexi 

19th  century 
paper 

Dev. 

T-^ 

X 

o 

“Copied  from  Poona  MS,  61, 
prob.  an  abstract  of  this  work  ” 
[M.  A.  S.]. 

ccxii 

'■  ' — 

_ 

Fols.  95-6,  V,  clxxxv. 

ccxiii 

17th  century 
paper 

Sar. 

7x9 

Complete  in  each  case.  ? in  Raj. 
Ratnakantha^s  bandwriting. 

ccxivt 

; ' __ 

— 

_ 

V.  clxxxi. 

ccxv 

— 

1 , - 

Fols.  11-13.  y.  ccxl. 

ccxvi 

CATALOGUE  OF  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


(114 


?» 1 

■ ^ Title;:.  ■ 

Aitthok. 

Folios. 

Lines. 

Aksaras. 

212 

Dlianyasranie  Si  vatirfchama® 

■ ■ 

269 

Dliirriwranianifi'^ 

_ 

— 

— 

75 

Dhyrinesvaramfi® 

■ A,, 

12 

15 

77 

Nar k1  i kse  t rama"  Sar \'avatar e 

. . . _ ■ 

16 

11 

17 

212 

Navadurgasraiuama® 

— 

— 

269 

N agar  i pu  rania'" 

^ ■ 

, — ■ 

43 

Nagarcanavidhi 

— 

— 

269 

Naray  ai  1 as  thala  ma° 

__  , 

— 

— 

262 

Nilamatapurana 

64 

18 

23 

82 

42 

25 

22 

83 

— 

21o 

12  ' 

19 

84 

■ 9 5 ■ 

■—  ■■ 

192 

-12''. 

19 

270 

.,99 

— , 

181 

16 

various 

85 

Naubandhariatirtbama®  Adi- 
purane 

! — 

15 

16 

16 

86 

— 

16 

10 

32 

43 

7J  S» 

— 







212 

Pance^varama® 

— 

■■  , ■. 



288 

Patalipufcrama® 

' 

Sankarasarman 

14 

12 

32 

88 

Pingalesvarama®  Haracarifca- 
ciutamanau 

Jayadratha 

4 

12 

15 

43 

1 j}  jj  , 

— 

— 

— 

89 

Puratanamandirasangraha 

Pt.  Oovind  Kaul 

42 

22 

26 

43 

Puskarama®  Bhriigisasarh° 

— 







269 

Puspakarima® 

— 

— 

— ' 

i 


1 


Material. 


19th  century 
paper 


16/17th  century 
paper 


19th  century 
paper 


Foolscap 


17th  century 
paper 

19th  century 
paper 


19th  century 
paper 


19th  century 
paper 


SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR  G15 


Script. 

vSiZE. 

■ Notes. 

, Skrtal 

1 No. 

, ' — 



Pols.  21-2.  V,  ccxl. 

1 

1 ccxvii 

V.  clxxxi. 

ecxviii 

Dev. 

10  X 6^ 

Complete.  “ Copy  of  a Jammu 
MS.’^  [M.  A.  S.]. 

ccxix 

Sar. 

6x5 

Complete,  Bought  in  1S94. 

ccxx 

— 

— 

Pols.  19-20.  V.  ccxl. 

ccxxi 

clxxxi. 

ccxxii 

___ 

Pols.  8-11.  V,  clxxxv. 

Gcxxiii 

, „■ 

. ■ , 

V.  clxxxi. 

ccxxiv 

Sar. 

7 x 5| 

■ 

■ 

Bound  in  leather  with  Ixi  and  cxiii. 
“ Bought  from  Kanthabhatta  in 
1905.  Many  annotations  by 
Bhathi,  Haraka.  This  M S.  has 
been  known  to  me  since  1891, 
when  I had  it  copied.  This 
text  of  the  Nil.  is  the  best 
known  to  me,  and  should  serve 
as  a basis  for  a future  edition  ” 
[M.  A.  S.]. 

ccxxv t 

, 

10x7 

Complete  (?). 

ccxxvi 

Dev. 

9ix8 

Complete.  “Cop3^  of  Poona  MS. 
64”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

. 

; ccxxvn 

” 

5J 

Complete.  “ Copy  made  in  1889 
of  ccxxv”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

ccxxviii 

ISixSJ 

Complete.  Carefully  prepared  text ; ccxxix 
with  various  readings.  Written  ; 
by  Pt.  Govind  Kaul,  under  ' 

Dr.  Stein’s  supervision. 

Sar. 

,7x5 

Pols.  1-38,  49-52  missing.  In  Raj. 
Eatnakantha’s  handwTiting  (?). 

ccxxxt 

,, 

,,  1 

5x9i 

Complete. 

ecxxxi , 

— 

■ - ■ - ■ 

Pols.  105-8.  clxxxv. 

ccxxxii 

— 

Pols.  8-9.  ccxl. 

ccxxxiii 

Dev. 

9x5 

Complete.  ‘‘ Presented  at  Patna 
1899”  [M.  A.  S.].  ! 

ccxxxiv 

10x6| 

Complete. 

ccxxxv 





Pol.  88.  V.  clxxxv. 

ecxxxvi 

Dev. 

8ix6| 

Composed  and  written  by  order  of 
Dr.  Stein. 

ccxxxvii 

Pols.  57-8.  V.  clxxxv. 

ccxxxviii 

— 

clxxxi.  1 

ccxxxix 

.TEAS.  1912. 


40 


616  CATALOGUE  OF  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


MS. 

Title. 

Authoe. 

Folios. 

Lines. 

Aksaras. 

212 

Piiakpuraganastliatirthama- 

hatmyani 

. ■—  ■: 

23 

17 , 

19 

212 

Badarikasramama® 

■ — 

— 

269 

Balibarama® 

— 

— - 

95 

Bahurupakalpa 

3 

13 

17 

96 

...  — , 

3 

16 

42 

■:':43 

BrahmanMijatlyakama® 

— 

— 

269 

Bhattapurikama® 

— 

— 

97 

Bhadrakalipradurbhava 
Mahabharate  Yanaparvani 

Vyasa 

12 

14 

269 

Bbadragatigabrahmasaroma'^ 

■ — 

269 

Bhavagundikama® 

__ 

269 

Bhrgutirthan  ilagangama® 

— ^ 

269 

Madavas^ramama® 

■ 

104 

Mahadevagirima°  Bhrngl- 
4asarii° 

10 

.24 

19 

43 

Mahe^varakundama®  BhrngJ- 
fSasaiii® 

— 

269 

Mamalei^varama® 

' 

___ 

,, — ■ ■ 

212 

Marasalama® 

■ ■ 

109 

Martandama®  Bhavisyatpu- 
raae  ^ 

'■  2 

10 

30 

110 

Martandama® 

— : 

6 

16 

16 

217 

,,  Brahmapurane 

Kasmirakhande 

- — 

13 

15 

24 

43 

Martandamahatmye  Cakavi- 
malakamalania® 

— 

— 

— 

__ 

218 

Mitrapatbadiyavarthaprasana 

Adipurane 

5 

15 

24 

43 

Y ogyalankaranama® 

■ ■ 

— 

— . 

212 

Ranastbanama® 

— 

_ 

269 

Batnasikbaragarbhayatraina- 

ravatima 

— 

— 

211 

Rajnipradurbhava  Bhriigl- 
sasarii^ 

— 

11 

26 

24 

43 

it  i3 

— 

— 

48 

Rajmma°  Bbrngi^asam® 

_ 

269 

Ramapurama® 

— 

— 

— 

— 

SANSKEIT  MSS*  FBOM  KASHMIR  617 


MATERtAL. 

. : Script. 

■ Size. 

Motes. 

■ Serial 

19th  century 
paper 

Dey.  anc 
Sar. 

X 

A collection  of  Mahatmyas  in 
various  hands.  Fols.  14-37, 

ccxl 

fol.  24  missing. 

— 

....  ___  ^ . 

— 

Fol.  18.  n,  ccxl. 

ccxli 

--  ■■ 

V.  clxxxi. 

ccxlii 

17th  century 

^Sar. 

7x5 

Beginning  only.  In  Raj.  Ratna- 
kantha’s  handwriting  {?).  Same 

ccxliiif 

paper 

codex  as  ccxxx. 

19th  century 

7x11 

Ends  on  2a. 

ccxliv 

paper 

— 

. . 

— 

Fol.  11.  V.  clxxxv. 

ccxlv 

— 

Dev. 

, ....... 

V.  clxxxi. 

ccxlvi 

19th  century 

10x6i 

Complete. 

ccxlvii 

paper 

— 

— 

r.  clxxxi. 

ccxlviii 

— 

ccxlix 

~ 

5 ? 

ccl 

19th  century 
paper 

Sar. 

— 

99 

cell 

10  x 6-^- 

Complete.  Copy  made  by  Mukund 
Ram  in  1891. 

cclii 

— I 

— 

■*— 

Fol.  23.  V.  clxxxv. 

ccliii 

— 

— 

— 

V.  clxxxi. 

ccliv 

— j 

&r. 

■■ 

Fols.  3-4.  V.  ccxl. 

cclv 

19th  century 
paper 

11  X 7 

Complete. 

cclvi 

Old  paper 

jj 

Fols.  2-7  only. 

cclvii 

19th  century 

Dev. 

9ix8i 

‘ ‘ Copy  of  Poona  MS.  78,  the  middle 

cclviii 

paper 

of  which  is  lost'’  [M.  A.  S.]. 

, ■_ , . 

Fols.  1-5.  v.  clxxxv. 

cclix 

19th  century 

Dev. 

9ix8J 

Complete.  ‘ ‘ Copy  of  Poona  MS. 

cclx 

paper 

80,  made  by  KasI  Ram  in  1895  " 
[M.A.S.3. 

— 

Fols.  85-7.  V.  clxxxv. 

cclxi 

— 



— 

Fols.  20-1.  V.  ccxl. 

cclxii 

— 

— 

V.  clxxxi. 

cclxiii 

19th  century 

J^ar. 

9J  X 6i 

Bought  in  1895  from  Pt.  Rajya 

cclxiv 

paper 

Kaul.  Copy  of  unfinished  MS. 

' — 

— 

— 

Unfinished  fols.  27-9.  v.  clxxxv. 

cclxv 

— 

-• 

Fol.  31.  V.  clxxxv. 

cclxvi 

... 

— 

— 

y.  clxxxi. 

cclxvii 

CATALOGUE  OF  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


618 


'■.mJ 

No. 

Title. 

Author. 

Folios. 

Lines. 

Ak^aras. 

43  1 

Laksmipraclurbhava 

■ , 

203 

Lal^^‘i^mIpradurMlavap^Ija- 
pliala,  etc. 

■ 

u 

14  „ 

48 

269 

Lambodarima® 

““ 

212 

Batapurama® 

— 

— 

m 

Varahaksetrama"^ 

2 

20 

48 

143 

,,  Varabapuraiie 

6 

12 

14 

219 

, . J>  3 5 

11 

15 

24 

142 

V ardhamanasvamima® 

7 

10 

17 

269 

V agasramama® 

- — . . 

— 

212 

V aay  riHramama® 

-- 

— 

269 

Vaiiarapurama® 

— 

-- 

269 

Vayuvarjanapancatarangi- 

nima° 

— 

— 

152 

Vijayeavaraiiia® 

— 

23 

19 

21 

220 

49 

15 

24 

153 

V itastama'^  Adipurane 

2 

13 

34 

154 

, ' 33  33  ■ 

09 

vari 

OU.S 

156 

,,  Bhriigiaasam° 

— 

34 

21 

42 

156 

■33.  33'  ■ 

31 

20 

40 

252 

,,  Adipuraiie 

8 

15 

23 

43 

Viranagopapattyadi 







212 

Satadharatirtha 

213 

Sarvavatara 

— - 

27 

15 

24 

212 

Sail  dily  airamama® 







160 

Saradapurama'^  Vitastamahat- 
rayanniskrsba 

27 

13 

11 

SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


619 


Material. 

Script. 

, .Size.  , , 

. ■ Notes.  ■■ 

Serial  ■ 
No. 

— 

— 

— ■ 

Fol.  80.  r.  clxxxv. 

cclxviil  ■ 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

5x9 

Written  in  red  ink.  Incomplete. 

Cclxix:'. 

— 

— 

'V,  clxxxi.. 

■ CClxX'"' 

— 

— 

Fol.  18.  V,  ccxl. 

cclxxi 

19th  century 

Sar. 

7x10 

Incomplete. 

celxxii 

paper 

■■  S ? ■ 

Dev. 

10  X 

Complete. 

cclxxiii 

in 

VJ 

9-^  X 8^- 

Complete.  “ Copy  of  Poona  MS. 

cclxxlv 

85,  by  KasI  Ram  ” [M.  A.  S.  ]. 

) 5 

6 X 7h 

Complete.  “ WMtten  by  Pt. 

cclxxv 

Totakaka  and  given  to  me  in 
1894”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

— 

— 

V.  clxxxi. 

cclxxvi 

; „■ 

— 

Fols.  14-15.  r.  ccxl. 

cclxxvii 

— 

V.  clxxxi. 

cclxxviii 

— 

— 

— 

it 

cclxxix 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

8ix6| 

Complete.  Annotations  by  Bhatta 
Haraka.  “ Bought  at  Bij-'Bror 
in  1893  from  Vasudeva  Bhoyil  ” 
i [M.  A.  S.]. 

cclxxxt 

' ’ ' 

1 ■ 

19th  century 

Dev. 

9|  x 81 

j “ Copy  of  Poona  MS.  87,  which  is 

; cclxxxi 

paper 

Sar. 

' incomplete,  by  Kasi  Ram,  in 
i 1895’^  [M.  A.  S.]. 

jj' 

7x11 

I Complete.  i 

cclxxxii 

Old  paper  i 

Various 

Incomplete  (end  missing).  An 

cclxxxiii 

old  MS.  supplemented  secunda  i 

7nanu.  ■ ■ ■ ■ 

19th  century  | 

. '5  > 

7x10 

Complete. 

ccixxxiv 

paper  j 

JJ 

it  1 

cclxxxv 

} j j 

Dev. 

10  x 8| 

Complete.  “ Copy  of  Poona  MS. 

cclxxxvi 

88,  by  Pt.  Govind  Kaul” 
[M.  A.  S.]. 

— 

Fols.  7~8.  V.  clxxxv. 

cclxxxvii 



— * 

Fols.  4-5.  V.  ccxl. 

cclxxxviii 

19bh  century 

Dev. 

9Jx8i 

“ Copy  of  Poona  MS.  94,  made  by 

cclxxxix 

paper  | 

Ka^i  Ram  in  1895  ” [M.  A.  S.].  i 
Incomplete  pages  numbered 

1-24  and  1-3. 

j 

— 

Fol.  16.  V,  ccxl. 

ccxc 

Old  paper  , 

Sar. 

61x5 

Lacks  fol.  1.  Many  annotations. 

ccxci 

620 


CATALOGUE  OP  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OP 


: N'o..,  , 

Title. 

Axjthok. 

Polios. 

Lines. 

Aksaras. 

161 

Saradama®  Biimgisasam® 

— 

' 1.3' ■■ 

':.''12''' 

15 

43 

j j "5  y 

_ '■ 

^ 

162 

Sarikapariccheda  or  Sarikama° 

14 

9 

16 

163 

: J>  , .>1. 

—■ 

23 

' 17 : 

^.15'. 

204 

Barikama®  Bhrngisasam® 

— 

20 

17 

16 

269 

Sivaguhama® 

__ 

_ 

— 

. ■ , 

212 

ti3vetagangama°  Bhrngisasam® 

Sn  Sivasvamin 

— 

— 

67 

Sandhyaina®  Adipurane 

15 

24 

19 

212 

Siddhasramama® 







_ 

176 

Suresvarima® 

. . — ■ 

16 

20 

14 

177 

,,  Bhriiigisasam® 

— 

4 

21 

17 

48 

}) 

— 

__ 

■ — 

269 

Suryasramama® 

, 

269 

Seranagramama® 

. 

— ■ 

180 

Saindhavtonyatirthama® 

Padmapurane 

24 

13 

16 

269 

Sthalavatikama® 

— 

, — 

— 

— 

269 

Sthanvasramapii5agirisusra- 
managama®  (?) 

— 

— 

— 

— ■ 

183 

Svayambhuvasamhita 

— 

9 

18 

15 

48 

a 





j 

184 

Svayambhvagnima® 

■■  — . 

5 

14 

15 

269 

Hayagrivaharama® 

; 

' ■■ 

206 

Haracaritacintamani 

Jayadratha 

Rajanaka 

195 

15 

21 

210 

Haramukutagafigama® 

23 

13 

23 

186 

,,  Bhrngxsasaih® 

29 

14 

17 

185 

— 

12 

16 

32 

SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


621 


Material. 

Script. 

Size.,':. 

" Notes. 

; Serial  : 

, No.  ' 

19th  century 

Dev. 

10x6| 

Complete,  with  topoo-raphicai 

ccxcii 

notes  by  Dr.  Stein.  Dated  1894. 

— 

I ' ' “■ 

— ' 

Fols.  61-6.  V.  clxxxv. 

cexciii 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

5f:  X 4 

Dols.  2-15  only. 

CCX,civ 

19th  century 
paper 

5? 

9i  X 6i 

Lacks  end. 

'•ecxcv. 

,, 

A," 

7i  X 

Complete.  Bought  from  Pt. 

ccxcvi 

Mahananda. 

— 

— 

V,  clxxxi. 

ccxcvii 

19th  century 
paper 

— 

, — ' 

Fols.  39-40.  V,  ccxl. 

ecxcviii 

Sar.  . 

10x6^ 

Complete.  Written  by  Pt.  Mukund 
Ram. 

■ ccxci,x 

■- 

Fol.  19.  V.  ccxl. 

cec 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

7x3i 

Fols.  1-16  only. 

ccci 

5 » 

7x4| 

Fols.  33-6  only. 

cccii 

, , — 

— 

— ; 

Fols.  73-7.  V.  clxxxv. 

ccciii 

, — 

— 

1’.  clxxxi. 

ccciv 

19th  century 

■ , 

cccv 

Dev. 

9^  X 64 

Complete.  Dated  Sahi.  1920. 

cccvi 

paper 

Written  by  Pt,  Oahgavisrru 

— . 

— 

V.  clxxxi. 

cccvii 

cccviii 

19th  century 
paper  (?) 

Sar. 

6ix4| 

Fols.  2-10  only. 

cccix 

— 

Fols.  97-100.  V.  clxxxv. 

cccx 

19th  century 

Dev. 

10x6i 

Complete. 

cccxi 

paper  (?) 

■ '■ 

• 

2’.  clxxxi. 

cccxii 

19th  century 

Dev, 

94x8 

‘‘Copy  of  an  old, paper  MS.  be- 

cccxiii 

paper 

longing  to  Pt.  Sridhara,  son  of 
Rtochandra ; made  by  Pt. 
Mukund  Rto  in  1892,  and 
collated  with  a good  new  paper 

MS.  belonging  to  Pt.  Rajanaka 
Lasakaka”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

Old  paper 

Sar. 

5x6| 

Incomplete.  Fols.  1-20  prima, 
21-3  secunda  manu.  “Copied 

cccxi  V 

from  Mukund  Ram’s  MS.  1892” 
[M,  A.  S.]. 

19th  century 

Sar.  and  | 

9|  X 6i 

Fols.  1-14,  Dev.  15-29  Sar, 

cccxv 

paper 

Dev. 

Unfinished. 

Sar, 

64x10 

Complete. 

cccxvi 

022 


CATALOGUE  OF  THE  STEIX  COLLECTION  OF 


MS. 

No. 

Title. 

Author. 

iFOLIOS.iLlNBS. 

1 1 

A K SARAS. 

221 

1 Haramukntagai'igama® 

BhrixgLsasaiii° 

23 

15 

24 

43 

; Haridraganesiima® 

-- 

212 

, Harodyanama^ 

— 

— 

194 

Harsesvarama” 

. — . 

13 

10 

24 

195 



7' 

11 

31 

196 

■ ■„ 

14 

13 

15 

XII. 

BHAKTI 

199 

Astavakragita 

. ■ . , ■ 

— 

199 

Isvarapratyabliijna 

Utpaladeva 

38 

16 

19 

233 

isvarapratyabhijnavivrtivi- 

marlini 

— ■ . 

39 

13 

20 

246 

Utpalastotra^^ali 

Utpaladeva 

36 

15 

18 

24 

Kalyanamand  i rastotra 

5 

13 

IS 

200 

Oitspharadvayaprabandha 

Sahib  Kaul 

'24  . 

1 ■ 

1 . • „ 

6 

19 

246 

Janmacarita 

20 

19 

21 

250 

? J . 

j 

1 

12 

24 

200 

Paramarthasara 

Abhinavagupta- 

— 

, — 

carya 

246 

)) 

8 

18 

18 

261a 

J 5 

■■■■  ) t ■■■  ' . 

6 

10 

18 

200 

i J 

Sesabhattaraka 

— 

SANSKRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


628. 


' 





Material. 

Script. 

Size.-  ' 

■ ■■  ' . . ■■■  ■■  . ■ . ■ ■ . ■ . . 

■ .-  Notes. 

1 0th  century 
, paper 

l)ev. 

9^^  X 8i 

“Copy  of  a MS.  of  Ft.  Sahaja- 
bhatta,  made  bv  Kasi  Ram  in 
1895”  [M.  A.  S.], 

— 

■ — ■ ■ 

Fob  93.  V.  clxxxv. 

~ 

, ■ _ . 

Fob  8.  V.  ecxb 

1 0th  century 
paper 

Sar. 

X 

o 

Complete.  “ Bought  from  a 

purohita  of  Khuir'moh  1889  ” 
[M.  A.  S.]. 

■ li  ' 

S J 

5|  X 9i 

Complete. 

17th  century 
paper 

>5 

eS>:4| 

Complete.  Written  by  Raj. 
Ratnakantha  (?). 

■■■ .—  ■ 

— 

— . 1 Fols.  108-9.  Incomplete,  v.  cccxxiv.  | 

lOth  century 
paper 

Sar. 

^ X 

Fols.  2-39  (end)  Saiva.  Codex 
contains  also  cccxxiii,  cccxxxv, 
ccexxxvii,  cccxl,  cccxlvii,  ccclxii. 

Birch-bark 

>5  ■ 

7x8 

Much  injured.  Saiva. 

19th  century 
paper 

JJ 

7 X 4|- 

Complete.  Fols.  32-68  of  same 
codex  as  cxxxvi,  etc.  Saiva. 

Old  paper 

. 'i 

. 

6 X 

. 

. ■ 

Fols.  8,  9,  11-13  (end)  «Taina. 

“ Bought  from  Pt.  Visnujiva 
1892.  Legend  localised  at 

Avantiparsvanatha  at  Ujjain. 
Ascribed  to  Siddhasenadiva 
Kavi  (Kumudacandraharya)  and 
well  known  among  Jains. 
A legend  regarding  the  origin 
of  the  Stotra  is  in  several 
Pattavalis”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

■ ' ' J J 

i 

34x5 

Complete.  Fols.  1-24  of  the 
codex,  which  contains  also 
cccxxxi,  cccxxxiv,  cccxxxviii, 
cecxlv,  cccxlviii,  cccliii,  cccliv, 
ccclvi,  ecclxiv.  Saiva,  com- 
posed when  the  author  was  16. 
Samvat  1700. 

10th  century 
paper 

■ ■ ■■  jr. 

7x4j 

Complete.  Saiva.  t\  cxxxvi.  In 
Kasmiri. 

— 

' _ ' 

First  six  ^lokas  only.  r.  cceb 

Fols.  22-41,  105  slokas.  Saiva. 

i cccxx viii. 

Complete.  Fols.  69-76  of  same 

1 codex  as  cxxxvi,  etc.  1 

Birch-bark  j 

Sar. 

6x5  ! Injured.  | 

1 

1 

— • 

Fols.  8-21.  82  slokas.  Saiva. 

cccxxvi ii. 

Sektal 
,N0.  : , 

cccxvii 

cccxviii 

cccxix 

cccxx 

cccxxi 

cccxxiit 

cccxxiii 

cccxxiv 

cccxxv 

cccxxvi 

eccxxvii 


cccxxviii 


ccexxix 

cccxxx 

cccxxxi 

cccxxxii 

eccxxxiii 

cccxxxir 


CATALOGUE  OP  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OP 


€24 


MS. 

No. 

, Title.;  ■. 

Author. 

Polios. 

Lines. 

Aksaras. 

199 

Pratyabhijfiahrdaya 

Raj.  Ksemaraja 

— 

— 

m 

Preinamrtarasayaiiastofcra 

Caibanyacandra 

3 

17 

16 

199 

Bahurupagarbhasbotra 

..  ■—  .. 

— 

— 

— 

200 

Brahmavidya 

— 

6 

261/1 

Bhagavadgitavivaraiia  Sarva- 
tobhadra 

Raj.  Ramakantha 

(?) 

22 

30 

199 

Mabamanjan 

Mabesvarananda 

— 

— 

S61& 

Mrtyujit 

— 

(?) 

10 

8 

115 

Ratna^ataka 

Raj.  Rabiiakantba 

13 

17 

20 

285 

Ramaman  troddharayantradi- 
vidbana 

1 

28 

32 

133 

Rupabhavamsiddhavakyani 

Rupabbavani- 

siddba 

32 

10 

11 

.200 

Lallasiddbava  kyani 

Lallasiddha 

32 

10 

11 

249 

j? 

15 

6 

22 

199 

Vijnanabhairava 

- — 

19 

16 

19 

200 

Yirupaksapancasika 

Virupaksa 

8 

6 

19 

302 

'Visnor  namnarh  satardha, 
Mabadevastotra,  Sahrdayalila 

6 

17 

26 

250 

Sivarabrirabasya 

— 

: 11 

24 

22 

239 

Saccidanandakandali 

Bbattacarya 

19 

6 

24 

.240 

Sahaj  arcanasastika 

Sahib  Kaul 

11 

0 

24 

200  1 

1 j j 

15 

6 

19 

200 

Sahibakaulavakyani 

— 

— 

259 

. '"'.j  ?./'■ 

>5 

15 

14 

44 

200 

Sudarvsanakaulakrti,  ebc. 

— 

— 

SANSICRIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR  625 


Material. 

Script. 

vSlZE.  ■ 

Notes.  , 

Serial 

No. 

'■  ■■ 

Fols.  52-78.  Complete.  Saiva. 
V.  cccxxiv. 

cccxxxv 

17th  century 
paper 

Sar. 

7|x6 

Complete.  Written  by  Raj.  Ratna- 
kantha.  Vaisnava.  cxxxv. 

' eccxxxvii^ 

,/ — 

' ■ 

Fols.  107-8.  Conoplete  (?).  Saiva. 
cccxxiv. 

cccxxxvii 

■ . 

— 

Complete,  v,  cccxxviii. 

ccexxxviii 

Birch- bark 

Sar. 

6ix7 

Much  injured. 

cccxxxix 

_ 

— 

Fols.  19-28.  Complete,  v.  cccxxiv. 

cccxl 

Birch-bark 

Sar. 

6x5 

Saiva.  Much  injured. 

cccxli 

17th  century 
paper 

>» 

7x6 

Complete.  Written  by  Raj. 

Ratnakantha  (?). 

cccxliit 

Birch-bark 

■ 5? 

7f:x6i 

Incomplete,  v.  cxxxv. 

cccxliiif 

Old  (?)  paper 

5ix3i 

In  Ka4mM.  Complete. 

cccxli  V 

? » ■ 

IS 

3ix5i 

In  Kasmiri.  Complete.  Same 
codex  as  cccxxviii. 

cccxlv 

- 

s s , 

3x6 

Fols.  3-17  only.  In  Ka^mirl,  with 
Sanskrit  translation. 

cccxl  vi 

; . 

■ — . ' 

' — . ' 

Fols.  1-19  (79-97).  A yogafetra, 
t’.  cccxxiv. 

cccxlvii 

— 

— 

— 

Complete.  Yoga.  'r.  cccxxviii. 

cccxl  viii 

17th  century 
paper 

Sar. 

6ix5i 

Complete  in  each  case.  They 
begin  on  fob  16,  36,  and  Oct 
respectively.  In  Raj.  Ratna- 
> kantha’s  handwriting,  v.  ccclix. 

cccxlixf 

Old  paper 

'■"74x5' 

Complete.  100  slokas  in  Kasmiri. 
Bought  1898. 

cccl 

3x7 

Fols.  32  (beginning)~50.  First 
139  0okas  only.  Bought  1896. 
V.  ccclii. 

cccH 

•> ' 

Fols.  22-32.  Slokas  10-63  (end). 
‘‘Bought  in  1896  from  Rajya 
Kaul”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

ccclii 

**- 

— 

Fols.  16-29,  32.  62  slokas. 

j V.  cccxxviii. 

ccclii  i 

!"■  ■■ 

Fols.  41-60,  3 unnumbered,  and 
1-11  seem  to  be  described  by 
this.  In  Kasmiri.  v.  cccxxviii. 

cccliv 

Boolscap 

Dev. 

ll|x9 

Complete.  “ Copied  by  Pt. 
GovindKaul  in  1898”  [M.A,S.]. 

ccclv 

„ 

Seems  to  describe  11  fols.  with 
various  sentences,  chiefly  in 
Kasmiri  on  them.  v.  cccxxviii. 

ccclvi 

62(3 


CATAL(JGUE  OP  THE  STEIN  COLLECTION  OF 


.MS- 

'"''No.' 

Title. 

Author. 

Polios. 

Lines. 

Aksaras. 

'179 

Suiyastutirahasya 

Raj.  Ratnakantha 

4 

17 

20  ;.  ' ■ 

246 

Saiindaryalaharitika 

Ramacandra 

'37 

21 

300 

- 

Stutikusiimrinjali 

Jagaddhara> 

bhatta 

180 

12  ;■ 

181 

' ' ' 

(?) 

10 

13 

182 

, VJ 

'.jj 

■ 

17 

10 

13 

199 

Spandavrtti 

Srikallata 

— 

. 

241 

Spandawastra 

i 

12 

6 

13 

200 

; Svutmabodlia 

Sahib  Kaiil 

i ',,— ■ 

— 

XIIL 

TAXTRA 

208 

1 Karmakriyakanda 

1 Somasambhii 

116 

16 

j::  17 

275 

Kavindrakalpadruma 

Kavindriicarya- 

sarasvatl 

5 

16 

17 

230 

Gopradanavidhi  Saivanarii- 

!■  . ■litya  . ..  . ■■  ] 

;._■ 

28 

13 

14 

■■..274 

. . j 

Trailokyamangalastotra 
; Sanatkumaratantre 

■ — 

1 

21 

24 

207 

N ityadisangrahabhidhana- 
paddhati 

Taksakavarba 

Rajanaka 

149 

15 

25 

246 

Pranayamaniniaya 

1 . . . ■ ■■■  ■ 

— 

3 

19 

21 

627 


SANSKEIT  MSS.  FROM  KASHMIR 


Material. 

.Script. 

Size. 

nth  century 

Sar. 

7x6 

paper 

19th  century 

,, 

7 X 4| 

paper 

16/1 7th  centur\ 

■■  5 J 

6|  x 5i 

paper 

Birch -bark 

4x5 

5 9 ■ 

7ix6 

. 

■ 

___ 

19th  century 

Sar. 

5f  X 6 

paper 

Old  paper  j 

Sar.  1 

j 

9^x6 

17th  century  | 

7 ^-  X 6 

paper 

i9th  century 

,,  1 

5^“  X 5 

paper 

i 

Birch-bark 

- 

7Jx6 

19th  century 

- 

9i-  X 82 

paper 

i 

, . ■ i 

7x4| 

Notes. 


! In  antlior’s  handwriting'.  Com- 
plete. 

Complete,  -y.  cxxxvi. 

“In  original  leather  binding. 
Purchased  through  Pt.  Sahaja- 
bhatta  at  Srinagar  1904. 
Numerous  annotations  by  Raj. 
Patnakantha  and  Bhatta 
IIaraka”  [M.  A.  S.].  Contains 
also  Ixxxvii,  Ixxxviii,  cxvi, 
eccxiix. 

Sargas  7-18.  Much  injured.  In 
old  leather  binding. 

Sargas  28-31;  fols.  103-19.  Some  j 
injured.  ! 

1 ols.  39~o2.  Complete,  v.  cccxxiv.  I 

Complete,  with  annotations. 
Bought  1896. 

Pols.  31-42.  Complete.  cccxxviii. 


i Complete,  the  first  page  in  a later 
I hand.  Bought  1895.  Bated 
I (48)11. 

I Middle  lost.  v.  cxxxv. 

Complete.  Bought  from  Madha- 
vahunda  in  1896. 

Injured,  t’.  cxxxv. 

Complete.  ^ Copied  in  1895  by 
Pt.  Sahajabhatta  from  a Poona 
MS.,  which  lacked  2 fols.  after 
i foL  16”  [M.  A.  S.]. 

' Complete.  exxxvi. 


Serial 

No. 

ecclviif 

ccclviii 

ccclixf 


ccclx 

ecelxi 

ccclxii 

ccclxiii 

ccclxiv 

ccclxv 

ccclxvit 
ccclx  vii 
ceclxviiii 
ccclx  ix 

ccelxx 


XIX 

EBAOMEHT  FIIAL  DE  LA  XILAXAHTHABHAEAHI  ^ 

EN  BEAHMI  ET  EN  TEANSCBIPTION  SOGDIENNE 

Par  L.  I)B  LA  VALLEE  POUSSIN  et  B.  GAUTHIOT 

T E fragment  de  dlidram  publie  ici  provient  de  Touen-- 
houang,  d’ou  il  a ete  rapporte  par  M.  M.  A.  Stein 
a son  second  voyage  d’exploration  en  Asie  central e.  II  est' 
ecrit  snr  nn  xnorceau  de  rouleau,  en  double,  d'abord  en 
brahmi,  puis  en  ecriture  sogdienne.  Le  texte  en  brahmi 
a ete  lu,  transcrit,  et  annote  par  M.  de  la  Vallee  Poussin,, 
la  transcription  sogdienne  a et6  etudiee  par  M.  Gauthiot. 
On  a dispose  en  tete  de  Tarticle  les  notes  qui  ont  paru 
iiecessaires  ; a la  suite  on  a donne  le  texte  entier  en 
transcription  litterale ; en  dernier  lieu  figure  la  reproduction 
integrale  de  ToriginaL 

Note  SUB  le  texte  en  brahmi 

II  n’est  pas  impossible  que  la  brahmi  et  la  transcription 
sogdienne  soient  de  la  meme  main.  En  tout  cas,  la 
correspondance  est  presque  parfaite;  et  nous  confesserons 
que  le  sogdien,  lu  par  M.  R.  Gauthiot,  nous  a plusieurs  fois. 
rendu  service. 

Par  exemple,  nous  avons  lu  edans  he,  ehy,  ehi  (11.  5 et  7).. 
Le  sens  impose  cette  lecture,  et  le  sogdien  repiAsente  a sa 
fa^on  la  voyelle  e.  La  graphic  brahmi  laissait  des  doutes. 
Le  scribe  marque  e apres  consonne,  tantdt  par  Tacceni 

' ^ li  se  peut  que  la  dharam  du  ‘‘dieu  k la  gorge  bleue’’,  Siva- 
Avalokite^vara  {v,  A.  Fouclier,  Icmiographie  houddhique,  ii,  p.  37), 
conservee  dans  notre  maiuiscrit,  soit  la  dharanl  ou  mahavidyd  que 
signale  Bajendraial  Mitra,  NBL.,  p.  292,  sous  la  graphie  transparente 
Silakantha,  et  qui  se  trouve  peut-etre  dans  les  collections  Hodgson 
d’Europe.  Nilakantha  est  invoqu4  dans  un  fragment  Macartney,  sur 
palm-leaf,  “early  Gupta  period,’*  Hoernle,  JASB.  Ixvi,  p.  220. 


030  FRAGMENT  FINAL  BE  LA  NILAKANTHADHARANI 

(11.  8 et  20),  taiitot  par  le  trait  horizontal  prolonge 
a gauche  et  appiwe  d'un  point  (IL  2 et  27);  mais  ce 
prolongemeiit  et  ce  point  sont  pen  visibles  dans  elcy  ehi 
(1  7).  Pour  le  dire  en  passant/nous  remarquons  la  meme 
variete  dans  la  notation  de  o : naarque  soit  par  Taccent 
portaiit  sur  un  point  ou  un  trait  a droite,  soit  par  deux 
traits  a droite  et  a gauche.  Sous  ce  rapport,  yajno  (R.  7 et 
31)  est  assez  curieux. 

C’est  le  sogdien  qui  autorise  les  lectures  valammha, 
jnxtlamham  (1.  8),  car  les  deux  mba  different  sensibleinent  ; 
qui  impose  la  lecture  vdcem  (ebXi  lieu  cle  'i/dco,  possible) 
(1.  15);  qui  permet  dhdentifier  les  deux  symboles  diflerents 
de  d dans  le  ta  de  oiiakutd  (1.  3)  et  de  maltdtdttaJidsa  (1.  14). 

Je  lie  donne  trya  dans  malmtryapura  (1.  7)  qu’a  titre 
d'hypothese  a la  1.  23,  je  ne  peux  lire  que 

iavya,  moins  bon  que  le  kwct  (?)  de  la  transcription 
sogdienne;  legroupe  tt  de  cakrattdni  (1.  30)  est  au  inoins 
douteux. 

Les  fautes  sont  assez  nombreuses : ndrdyana.wllahantlia, 
ha/na  (=  liana,  1.  15),  yajnopavUa;  nUctkandci,  avec  la 
sonore  pour  la  sourde,  et,  iiiNersement,  thdrani  et  thdranam 
pour  dhdrcvm.  On  a atdtta''  pour  aMd°  (1. 14).  Le  mantra 
final  est  particulierement  neglige  au  point  de  vue  des 
graphies  : krima,  kamnta.  II  est  possible  que  e soit  pour 
i dans  trenitya  (1.  33).  On  remarquera  simgha  (1.  20) 
a cote  cle  simlia  (1. 13),  krima  (1.  31)  a c6te  de  krma  (1.  5). 

Je  me  borne  a signaler  des  erreurs  plus  profondes,  par 
exemple  cy-yi  . . . ajdjikfmajatdmuhiUd^ 
je  ne  suis  pas  a memo  de  les  redresser  toiites. 

Note  sue  la  trakscbiption  sogdienne 

Le  fragment  de  dhdrani  public  ici  est  note  cPune  part 
en  Sanscrit,  langue  de  roiiginal,  et  en  ecriture  brahmi, 
cbautre  part,  en  Sanscrit  toujours  (puisqu’une  dharam  est 
en  principe  intraduisible),  mais  en  graphie  sogdienne. 


FRAGMENT  FINAL  DE  LA  NILAKANTIIADHARAKI  631 

M.  F.  W.  K,  Mtiller,  sous  les  yeux  cle  qui  le  texte 
a passe,  ii  a pas  eu  de  peine  ale  reconnaitre ; cela  est 
manifeste  d ailleurs  pour  tout  sogdisant Le  document 
lie  presente  done  d’iiiteret  ni  pour  le  vocabulaire  sogdien, 
ni  pour  la  graniinaire ; en  revanche  il  apporte  un 
teinoignage  interessant  en  faveur  de  la  lecture  et  de  la 
transcription  de  Talpliabet  sogdien,  qui  ont  ete  proposees 
dans  le  Jotbrnal  Asiatiqiie  de  janvier-fevrier,  1911  (p.  81 
et  suiv.). 

La  notation  sogdienne  des  sons  sanscrits  a ete  visiblenient 
faite  avec  un  grand  souci  d'exactitude ; les  details  que 
Ton  relevera  dans  la  suite  de  eette  note  rendront  cette 
application  sensible.  Des  maintenant  on  notera  que  le 
eopiste  (ou  auteur)  de  la  double  grapliie  s*est  attache  a ce 
que  la  notation  sogdienne  suivit  d'aussi  pres  que  possible 
le  texte  Sanskrit  et  lui  fut,  pour  ainsi  dire,  juxtalin^aire. 
ParallMement  a chaque  ligne  de  brahmi  il  s’cvst  efforce  de 
disposer  la  ligne'  correspondante  de  sogdien.  Comme 
dhine  part  la  brahmi  s’ecrit  horizontalement  de  gauche 
a droite  et  le  sogdien,  au  moins  a I’epoque  ou  a ete  ecrite 
lioitQ  dhaTctin,  en  colonnes  verticales,  comme  d’autre  part 
la  notation  en  sogdien  prend  sensiblement  plus  de  place 
que  celle  en  ecriture  indienne,  la  disposition  adoptee  etait 
assez  difficile  a observer  de  fa9on  rigoureuse  : en  cinq 
endroits,  1.  2 et  2^^®,  10  et  10^^®,  13  et  13^^^®,  15  et  15^^®, 
25  et  25^^®,  on  a cZem  lignes  sogdiennes  pour  une  ligne 
en  brahmi.  Comme  ces  doubles  lignes  qui  semblent  au 
premier  abord  rompre  le  parallelisme  exteineur,  ne  sont 
evidemment  ni  ecrasees  ni  inserees  apres  coup,  mais  qu’elles 
occupent  la  place  qui  leur  revienb  normalement,  il  faut 
admettre  que  Tauteur  sinon  de  notre  manuscrit,  au  moins 
de  roriginal  sur  lequel  il  a 6te  copie,  a i*egie  a la  fois  la 
repartition  du  texte  Sanscrit  et  de  la  notation  sogdienne, 
e’est-a-dire  que  sans  doute  il  a ecrit  Tune  et  Tautre. 
L’hypothese  emise  par  M.  de  la  Vallee  Poussin  dans  la 
note  qui  precede,  qu  il  n’est  pas  impossible  que  la  brahmi 
JRAS,  1912.  41 


632  FRAGMENT  FINAL  DE  LA  KILAKANTHADHARANI 

et  la  transcription  sogdienne  soient  de  la  inerne  main, 
semble  tres  probable.  En  effet,  on  s ’expliqne  sans  peine 
comment  le  scribe  apras  avoir  ecrit  line  ligne  de  brMimi 
horizontalenient,  de  gauche  a droite,  a retourne  son  rouleau 
d’un  quart  de  cercle  sur  la  droite,  trace  la  partie  a pen 
pres  correspondante  en  ecriture  sogdienne  sur  une  ligne 
et,  lorsque  celle-ci  etait  par  trop  en  retard  sur  le  Sanscrit, 
sur  deux  lignes,  pour  revenir  ensuite  a la  brahmi.  Car 
la  relation  entre  Toriginal  en  ecriture  indienne  et  sa 
notation  dans  Falpliabet  semitique  quest  le  sogdien,  est 
beaucoup  moins  simple  qu’elle  ne  le  parait  dans  la 
transcription  qui  figure  a la  fin  de  cette  note  et  ou  le 
Sanscrit  en  brahrni  et  sa  notation  en  sogdien  sont  tons 
deux  reproduits  en  lettres  latines.  Pour  se  faire  une 
idee  exacte  de  la  disposition  dans  I’original  il  faut  se 
reporter  au  specimen  suivant  ou  le  Sanscrit  est  note  en 
devanagari  qui  se  dispose  comme  la  brahmi  et  le  sogdien 
en  estranghelo  qui  s’ecrit  comme  lui.  II  s’agit  de  la 
ligne  1 du  texte — 

cr*V  as^  «\>vrrcl  t!  Ajjwo  too  ^oo  Lo» 

On  voit  que  du  point  de  vue  de  nos  habitudes  graphiques 
la  transcription  sogdienne  tourne  le  dos  exactement  au 
Sanscrit,  et  aussi  que  tout  rarrangement  de  roriginal 
suppose  un  redacteur  qui  etait  plus  ou  moins  familier 
a la  fois  avec  le  Sanscrit  et  la  brahmi  d'une  part,  avec 
la  langue  et  Tecriture  sogdiennes  de  Fautre. 

On  pent  meme  suppovser,  avec  quelque  probabilite,  que 
celui  qui  a redig6  et  note  le  morceau  de  Nilakanthadharani 
dont  il  est  question  ici  etait  plutdt  sogdien  qufindien. 
Comme  on  le  verra,  notre  texte  presente  a la  fin  trois 
gloses  en  langue  sogdienne  qui  sont  de  la  meme  ecriture 
que  la  transcription.  D autre  part,  la  comparaison  entre 
les  graphics  en  brahmi  et  en  sogdien  montre  que  si  la 


FllAGMENT  FINAL:  BE  'LA-.'  KILAKANTHABHAEANI  633 

premiere  n’est  pas  exempte  d'erreurs,  la  seconcle  est  tres 
soignee  et  que  certaines  fantes  d’orthographe  du  Sanscrit 
sent  preciseinent  de  celles  qu’un  sogdien  devait  etre  porte 
a comrnettre.  Si  Ton  examine  celles  qne  M.  de  la  Vallee 
Ponssin  a relevees  dans  \do  Note  qui  precede,  et  si  Ton 
laisse  de  c6te  des  errenrs  de  qnantite  eomm^  wilahantlia, 
yajnopavUa,  des  pr^kritismes  possibles  comme  krisoia 
a cote  de  hrmia,  simha  a c6te  de  simgha'^  (v.  Piscliel, 
Gr.  d.  Prahrit-Spr.,  p.  184),  nilakanda  pour  nilakantha, 
il  est  singulim-ement  seduisant  de  voir  dans  tre  nitya 
(avee  e pour  i),  dans  mamtra  pour  mantra  (L  84),  dans 
Aawa  pour  liana,  ndrdyana  ^oav  narayana,  enfin  dans 
thdranl  et  tharanam  pour  dharam,  des  sogdismes  ” ; 
de  ni^me  pour  mahatryap)UTa  pour  malidtripura  (1.  7), 
comme  me  le  fait  remarquer  M.  de  la  Vallee  Poussin. 
O’est  une  des  graves  imperfections  de  Tecriture  sogdienne, 
ainsi  qu’on  aura  Toccasion  de  le  constater  dans  la  suite, 
que  rimpossibilite  de  distinguer  entre  i,  % et  e;  e’est  un 
caractere  du  sogdien  de  n'avoir  que  la  seule  nasale  dentale 
n et  de  rendre  par  cette  n I’anusA^ara  m du  Sanscrit; 
enfin  et  surtout,  e’est  un  des  traits  propres  de  la  graphic 
sogdienne  de  noter  egalement  les  occlusives  sourde  et  sonore 
par  le  signe  de  la  sourde.  Comme  on  pent  le  voir  par 
la  transcription  qui  suit,  le  mot  dharam  est  regulierement 
note  en  sogdien  avec  un  t initial  : le  scribe  qui  a ecrit  a la 
ligne  29  tharam  samdpta  en  brahmi  a du  etre  celui  qui 
avait  dans  Tidee  le  froiy  pty'mty  ^ sogdien  de  la  ligne  29^^®, 
et  le  tharanam  Sanscrit  semble  bien  etre  inseparable  du 
f TO V?.  sogdien  a la  ligne  33. 

Au  point  de  vue  de  la  valeur  des  lettres  sogdiennes, 
et  particulierement  des  consonnes,  la  transcription  suivante 
confirme,  comme  on  Ta  ddja  indiqud,  rinterpretation  donnee 

^ Celui-ci  esfc  d’ailleurs  ficlMement  reproduit  dans  la  transcription 
sogdienne,  qui  a syiiy-  d’une  part,  synlc-  de  I’autre. 

2 Le  sogdien  est  transcrit  au  cours  de  cet  article  de  la  fagon  exposee  au 
Journal  Asiatique  de  janvier-fevrier,  1911,  p.  81  et  suiv.  [v.  surtout 
pianche  i).  Cf.  aussi,  JEAS. , 1912,  p.  349  et  suiv. 


634  FRAGMENT  FINAE ' DE,  1^;  NILAKANTFIABHARANI ; ' ; 

JA.,  janv.-fevr.,  1911,  pv  81  et  sniVv^  occlusives 

sanscrites,  sourdes  oil  sonores,  sont  egalement  reiidues 
par  les  signes  qiii  servent  a noter  en  sogdien  les  occlusives 
sonores  ou  sourdes  surtout  apres  nasales,  sourdes  par 
ailleiirs:  II  y a d'abord  une  exception  purement  apparente : 
a la  ligne  29  on  lit  'Yy'^fwk&’ys0r  au  lieu  de  la 
forme  rwkytys^r,  ''  (aryava)lokitesvara,”  avec  le  sigiie 
de  la  spirante  sonore  la  ou  le  Sanscrit  a rocclusive  sourde 
dentale;  c’est  qu’il  ne  s'agit  plus  du  mot  Sanscrit  en 
transcription,  mais  bien  d’un  emprunt.  Get  ''ry’^fwkB’ysk^r 
ne  fait  pas  partie  du  texte  de  la  dhdrcm%  mais  d'un  des 
trois  passages  en  langue  sogdienne  de  notre  texte,  en 
Tespece  de  la  ti'aduction,  d’ailleurs  libre,  des  mots  Sanskrits  : 
ni^lakcmtha  ncima  thdram  samdpta  ; son  -S-  s'explique 
done  bien  comrne  il  a ete  dit  JA.,  janv.-fevr.,  1911, 
pp.  93"4,  note.  D’autre  part  on  lit  /3r  pour  hala'',  I.  9. 

D’autre  part  le  /3  sogdien^  spirante  bilabiale  sonore  rend 
r6gulim'einent  le  i;  Sanskrit  (cf.  JA.,  janv.-fevr.,  1911,  p.  91), 
le  y,  spirante  gutturale  sourde  ou  sonore  17i!,  (cf.  JA.,  ibid., 
p.  95),  le  s chuintant  la  palatale  6'  aussi  bien  qiie  la 
cerebrals  s (cf.  JA.,  ibid.,  p.  94)  et  IV,  e’est-a-dire 
munie  d’un  signe  diacritique,  17  (cf.  JA.,  ibid,,  p.  86).^ 
Les  exemples  de  ces  equivalences  sont  trop  nombreux  et 
trop  reguliers  pour  qu  il  soit  necessaire  de  les  enumerer 
ici : il  suffit  de  se  reporter  a la  transcription  de  la  dlidranJ 
pour  les  reti’ouver  immediatement.  Ce  qui  est  plus 
int4ressant  ce  sont  les  raifinements  que  le  scribe  preoccupe 
d’indiquer  avec  la  plus  grande  exactitude  possible  la 
prononciation  correcte  et  par  consequent  d’assurer  I’efficacite 
des  paroles  magiques  pour  le  lecteur  sogdien,  a introduits 
dans  sa  transcription.  Il  s’est  bien  rendu  compte  que  le 
7 sogdien,  qu’il  fut  interprets  comme  spirante  sourde  :i\ 
ou  comme  sonore  7,  ne  rendait  en  aucun  cas  le  h Sanscrit: 

^ Le  signe  diacritique  manque  k Foccasion,  ainsi  lignes  9 {y'r  = haki), 
13  {nyr=nJla).  Dans  des  textes  sogdiens  d’allure  populaire  il  fait  defaut 
regulierement,  et  il  semble  bien  que  Fon  ait  alors  proiionce  r pour  /. 


FEAGMENT  FINAL;  DE.XA  NILAKANTHABHAEANI  635 


et  il  a muni  le  7 d'un  signe  diacritique  pour  montrer 
qu'il  lie  devait  pas  §fcre  articule  a la  sogdieniie ; ainsi  aux 
lignes  4,  5,  6,  7,  9 par  exemple.  Cette  indication,  qui 
ii'est  diiilleurs  pas  systematique,  n'est  pas  sans  interet. 
Beaucoup  plus  stricte  est  la  distinction  qui  est  faite  entre 
les  cerebrales  et  les  dentales.  Tandis  que  ces  dernieres 
repondent  Men  au  sentiment  de  notre  scribe  et,  ainsi 
que  la  plioiietique  des  dialectes  iraniens  le  fait  attendre, 
aux  dental  es  sogdiennes,  les  cerebrales  sont  notees  par  lui 
au  moyen  du  t sogdien  marque  d'un  signe  diacritique  ; ainsi 
lignes  3 (deux  fois),  9,  13,  14  (trois  fois),  23,  33  (trois  fois). 
Les  seules  exceptions  se  trouvent  aux  lignes  19,  29,  et  30 
et  portent  sur  le  nom  propre  nilakantlia  que  Ton  etait 
tnddemment  tente  d'adapter  a la  phonetique  dii  sogdien, 
oil  il  etait,  sans  nul  doute,  entre  dans  Tusage  ; a la  ligne  29, 
il  tigure  d’ailleurs  dans  une  phrase  proprement  sogdienne. 

Eniin  le  c et  le  j sanscrits  sont  egalement  rendus 
par  c,  faute  d’uiie  semi-occlusive  sonore  correspondante 
(cf.  JA.,  janv.-£evi\,  1911,  p.  94).  Quant  au  groupe  -jn- 
il  n’est  pas  rendu  par  -cny-  comme  on  pourrait  rattendre, 
mais  par  ~tny-  (v.  lignes  7 et  31  et  cf.  JA.,  loc.  cit.) ; ce 
groupe,  impossible  d'ailleurs  en  sogdien,  semble  avoir  ete 
resolu  ligne  22,  oil  Ton  a y'fny'to  au  lieu  de  ^^ytny'w, 
c’est-a-dire  ^yacVnyo  au  lieu  de  ^yadnyo. 

La  notation  des  voyelles  presentait  naturellement  des 
difBcultes  particuliM’es  dans  une  ecriture  semitique,  telle 
(iue  la  sogdienne,  qui  ne  disposait  c[ue  des  deux  sonantes 
y et  w et  de  I’esprit  doux  \ Le  sogdien  meme  ii'a  pas  un 
jeu  de  voyelles  tres  considerable,  mais  il  depasse  cependant 
ses  ressources  graphiques : a rinteriem*  il  ne  note  generale- 
ment  pas  Yd,  ce  qui  fait  qu'un  simple  consonne  pent  etre 
lue,  a lyriori,  avec  ou  sans  d suivant ; ' sort  a inarquer  Yd 
dans  les  memos  conditions.  A rinitiale,  on  emploie ' pour  d, 

pour  d.  Mais  il  y a des  cas  oil  des  ' interieurs  sont  de 
simples  matres  lectionis  et  doivent  etre  lus  U'o  et 
Y'd  sont  notes  ou  non  par  y et  w,  selon  que  le  scribe 


'i36. FEAOMEKt'^'^  m JjK  .sNiLAKANTHA^DHARAKI  ;,  . 

croit  ou  ne  croit  pas  que  la  forme  qu’il  ecrifc  sera  liio 
correctement  sans  secours;  mais  ces  memes  y et  lu 
representent  aussi  > et  souvent,  e et  o de  fa9on 

exceptionnelle.  Pour  marquer  ceux-ei,  on  emploie  de 
preference  les  eombinaisons  de  signes  ’y  et  \d.  On  trouve 
par  endi-oits  aiissi  ''y  et  pour  e et  o,  tres  rarernent 
pour  J;  et  % qui,  en  revanche,  sont  parfois  representes 
eux  aussi  par  'y  et ’m  A Tinitiale  y et  %v  sont  norm  ale - 
ment  des  consonnes,  et  il  y est  tout  a fait  exceptionnel 
qu’ils  soient  pour  ^ ou  Car,  il  faut  ajouter,  en  sogdien, 
aux  voyelles  pleines  deja  citees,  la  serie  des  voyelles 
furtives  de  timbre  plus  ou  moins  nettement  defini  et 
qui  tantot  ne  sont  pas  notees  du  tout,  et  tantot  le  sont 
par  y,  w,  ou  Ces  dernieres  ne  jouent  presque  aucun  role 
dans  le  cas  present : le  Sanscrit  note  en  sogdien  ne  comporte 
guere  de  sons  pareils;  mais  il  presente  lui  aussi  des  a et 
des  cl,  des  i et  des  1,  des  et  des  u,  des  6 et  des  o,  et 
possMe  en  plus  des  cci  et  des  au.  C est  la  evidemment 
une  difficulte  nouvelle  devant  laquelle  les  scribes  sogdiens 
etaient  desarmes. 

En  fait,  la  transcription  des  voyelles  est  tres  imparf ait e, 
et  les  regies  d’orthographe  du  sogdien,  telles  qu’elles 
viennent  d’etre  indiquees  de  fa^on  sommaire,  ont  ete  suivies 
tant  bien  que  mal.  JJa  Sanscrit  n’est  generalement  pas 
note ; mais  on  a ’ pour  a dans  le  voisinage  des  sonantes 
dont  la  valeur  etait  douteuse  en  elle-m^me  : ainsi  le  ’ dans 
ytny'w  ~ yajno  (I.  7,  3),  syty'ntw  = sidhyamtti  (].  28) 
indiqiie  que  le  y precedent  note  une  consonne  ; de  fagoii 
analogue  -a  est  transcrit  dans  les  finales  sanscrites  en 
consonne  + yet,  tandis  qu’il  ne  Test  jamais  par  ailleurs 
et.l’on  a i^wty'  — htidhya  (1,  12)  centre  = hodhaya 

(1. 13)  et  sfy  = sadhaya  (L  15  et  15^^^),Icm8y'  = hdmasya 
(1.  17),  nyty'  = nitya  (1.  33).  Sans  doute  est-ce  par 
erreur  que  Ton  lit  lorjr'ty  au  lieu  de  ^pryffy  pour 
scr.  praliladaAja  a la  ligne  17.  La  presence  d’un  d est 
encore  indiquee  par  la  mater  lectionis  dans  les  finales 


FRAGMENT  FINAL  BE  LA  NILAKANTHADHARANI  637 


en  qui,  sans  cela,  seraient  devenues  en  notation 

sogdieniie  ~nn,  m etant  regulik’ement  rendu  par  n : on 
a ainsi  ==  darsanam,  onyoi’n  = menmh  (1.  17),  et 

t'rn’n  = tharanmh  (1.  33).  Enfin,  la  coupe  des  mots 
n’etant  pas  toujours  correcte  an  point  de  viie  grammatical, 
inais  conforme  a des  habitudes  grapliiqiies  locales,  certains 
-a-  interieurs  se  trouvent  places  en  position  initiale  et 
sont  alors,  correctement  an  point  de  viie  de  Fecritiire 
sogdienne,  notes  par  c’est  le  cas  pour  le  - n final  de 
lorrmidn  =:  iwalamhcim  qui  se  trouve  figurer  an  debut 
cle  la  ligne  4 par  suite  de  la  coupe  du  mot  ; c'est  aussi 
cel iii  clu  premier  t?  de  vmnashcmdha  parce  quo  le  mot  est 
divise  en  ^'m'sJcnt  (1.  24).  D’autres  C6  enfin  sont  notes 
par  ’ sans  que  la  raison  en  soit  apparente ; ainsi  dans 
= vimala  (1.  2^'s),  ^'m’styt  = vamasthita  (1.  13^^®), 
my  f tf  ys  = mahatdUahasa  (1.  14),  ‘pl0nUi  = bluiga- 
vardam  (1.  15^^®),  = prcMcidciya  (L  17),  muni 

f f = mundatate  (1.  33). 

II  faut  inettre  sans  doute  a part  le  cas  du  ' de  /Si/uty-^^ 
viyarhnti  (1.  2)  et  de  jSrrmp  = vcdcmvmba  (1.  3),  'skdnt 
==  nainas  kamnta  (1.  32),  ou  il  est  possible  cpie  Ton 
ait  une  notation  approximative  de  la  longue  -am-.  Quant 
a c’est  bien  la  graphie  normale  de  la  longue  d a binterieur, 
comma  ’’  a I’initiale.  Ce  signe  n’apparait  pour  un  -d- 
interieur  que  par  suite  d’une  fausse  coupe  de  mot  (comme 
plus  haut  bail  lieu  de  rien)  dans  krySn  ’'cyn'y  = krmdjindya 
(1.  25)  et  par  accident  dans  my  7”  0/’  yv  = maltdhdliiliala 
(1.  9),  et  a la  finale  de  nyr'ctv  f = nirjjcmtd  (1.  10). 
Une  orthographe  toute  speciale  est  celle  de  ndrdyana, 
qui  est  transcrit  n'ry’n,  c'est-a-dire  ^ndraydna  les  deux 
fois  oil  il  se  rencontre  (lignes  8 et  32). 

Comma  V%  est  g6n4ralement  note,  il  n'est  pas  distingue 
de  Yi : Fun  et  Fautre  sont  eerits  y.  L’7  manque  bien  dans 
iSy'nty  ==  viyarhnti ; mais  on  aper^oit  de  suite  que  c'est 
la  un  cas  special ; le  groupe  -i?/-  prate  a Ferreur,  et 
Fomission  de  Fi  de  viyamnti  a sa  contre-partie  dans 


638  FBAGMENT  FINAL  DE  LA  NILAKAKTHADHAEANI 

rinsertion  dun  i entre  Vli  et  le  y issu  de  i en  sandhi 
dans  ’'y  yy  yy  yyy  = ehy  ehi,  soit,  son  pour  son,  et  avec 
une  fausse  coupe  de  mot,  e Ivo  ye  (ligne  7).  A la 
ligne  13  on  a,  sans  doute  avec  suppression  des  efFets  du 
sandhi,  ''y  yyy  ''y  yyy,  qui  est  pour  ehy  ehi,  Le  double  y 
final  pour  -i  se  retrouve  a la  ligne  16  dans  tt’yyy  = claddhi. 
Ces  notations  nous  ecartent  tout  a fait  de  Torthographe 
sogdienne  proprement  dite ; ce  sont  des  traits  propres  aux 
transcriptions  et  tout  a fait  pai'allMes  a la  notation  yy'y 
du  second  -M  de  la  ligne  7,  aux  formes  twiv  riviv  = dlmru 
de  la  ligne  1,  y%o%v  rwiu  = Imhi  des  lignes  10^^® 
ywrwiv  = Imlu  de  la  ligne  11,  yivwfy  = ""ytulhaya  (1.  23), 
et,  en  c|uelque  mesure  aussi,  du  viivwrfy  = onmite  de  la 
ligne  2^^^^  Le  redoublement  du  yod  ou  du  waw  pour  noter 
la  voyelle  breve  ou  m^me  longue  est  anomal.  Ce  qui  est 
attendu  c'est  i^’y  cy  = jiji  (1.  3)  avec  'y  pour-i;  mais  on 
a de  fa^on  exceptionnelle  dans  cette  dharani  'y  pour  ^ dans 
''yyy  zrz  ehi  (1.  7;  cf.  L 13  d’une  part  et  11.  14-15  de 
Fautre).  Mais,  en  somme,  il  n'y  a pas  de  nioyen  sur  de 
distinguer  i,  e,  et  ai,  ib,  u,  o,  et  au  dans  la  transcription 
dont  il  est  question  ici : le  'w  initial  de  'wy  = ivya  signifie 
ibj  mais  il  serait  loisible  a priori  de  le  lire  tout  aussi 
bien  u,  o,  ou  cm]  le  cm  de  oiirjjaivtd  est  note  par 
(1.  9)  exactement  comme  le  second  o de  lokitavilokita, 
tandis  que  le  premier  est  rendu  simplement  par  xv : rivkyt 
^yr’wkyt  (1.  16). 

Il  faut  noter,  en  finissant,  que  IV  voyelle  est  transcrite 
le  plus  souvent  par  ry,  c'est  k dire  par  r plus  une  voyelle 
longue  de  timbre  i]  ry,  qui  est  ambigu  et  pent  se  lire 
ri  ou  r^  ne  se  trouve  guk'e  que  deux  fois,  dans  kryt  = krta 
(1.  7)  et  dans  yryt'y  = hrdaycb  k Favant-dernim'e  ligne, 
L'anunasika  est  distingud  de  Fanusvara  et  transcrit  par 
m au  lieu  de  n,  ainsi  dans  ywm  = hum  et  dans  'tvm  = um 
{in  fine),  d'ou  il  a passe  abusivement,  a ce  qu’il  semble,  dans 
trwm  = clrum  (ibid.).^ 

^ Cf.  aussi  ligne  15^'*®,  ^yty'^m  = vidydih. 


FEAGMENT  FINAL  BE  XA  NILAKANTHABHARANI  639 

Des  particLilarites  orfchographiques  qiii  viennent  d’etre 
relevees,  il  faut  separer  les  faits  suivants  qui  revMent  des 
divergences  plus  ou  inoins  serieuses  et  prof ondes  entre 
le  texte  sacre  sansciit  et  sa  transcription  en  ecriture 
sogdienne.  D’abord  il  y a des  f antes  dans  la  forme: 
a la  ligne  3 on  lit  /Srr’mp,  c’est-a-dire  on 

^vrcdmmnba  m lieu  de  vcdccmmba^  avec  11116  alteration 
siiggeree  evidemment  par  Tinitiale  du  prpnp'n  = pm- 
lambai'h  suivant ; des  voyelles  furtives,  notees  ’ out  ete 
introduites  dans  la  transcription  de  clliarendrehura,  qui  a ete 
conf)e  en  'ntr’ys^r  soit  ^dhare  "^ndresvam,  dans  celles 
de  yajnyo  : y'fny'io  (1.  22),  nirjjautd  : nyrcto  (1.  10) 
pour  resoudre  des  groupes  de  consonnes  insolites  et  pour 
ainsi  dire  impronon^ables  en  sogdien.  Conf ormement  encore 
a la  plionetique  sogdienne  les  doubles  consonnes  ne  sent 
generalement  pas  marquees  : il  n’y  a d’exception,  semble-t-il, 
que  pour  note  m7’  f tf  ys  (1.  14) ; il  y 

s’agit,  ce  qui  n’est  sans  doute  pas  indifferent,  de  cerebrales, 
e’est-a-dire  de  consonnes  pareilles  a celles  qui  sont  repetees 
indinnent  dans  atfy  onlcivtf  =:  ^'jate  mahiita  (1.  3).  Le  cas 
est  tout  autre  pour  le  mot  elder  = cahra  (IL  23  et  30); 
le  sogdien,  en  effet,  ecrit  regulimement  le  mot  avec  hh, 
conformernent  a la  prononciation  reelle,  telle  que  les  gram- 
mairiens  de  Tlnde  nous  la  font  connaitre  (c£  Wackernagel, 
Altind.  Gr,,  pp.  113-14). 

ISTotons,  pour  finir,  qu’a  la  ligne  15^^®  smr  = smara  nest 
pas  repete,  qu’aux  lignes  23-4  on  lit  au  lieu  du  Sanscrit 
kmikhakivyivnibodhcmaya^Sn^^  kjStny  pwtn'y,  dont  rorigine 
reste  obscure;  de  mmne,  a la  ligne  35,  /Sym’  pour  viyad. 
Le  f pour  scr.  a le  ligne  33  est  lui  une  f>ure  faute. 

Outre  la  transcription  qui  vient  d’etre  examinee,  le  frag- 
ment de  dharani  ci-joint  contient  trois  petites  notes  en 
sogdien.  La  ligne  ivSol4e  du  debut  (1.  0)  et  les  28  qui 
suivent  ne  sont  que  du  Sanscrit  en  lettres  sogdiennes  ; 
les  lignes  29  et  29^^®  au  contraire  ne  presentent  pas  la 


'FEAGMEOT^  EAV;'KILAKANTHADHAEANIV^^ 

transcription  cle  la  ligne  29  mais  sa  traduction  : a cote  de 
nilakmitha  oiama  thmx0n  samdpta,  'da  dharain  du  nom  de 
N’ilafeantha  est  achevee,”  on  n.  1 LPw  Bsty  '’ry'^fwkS’ys^r 
nyrknt  "la  dhdraii^  dii  nom  de 

Nilakantba  Aryavalokite^vara  aux  mille  mains  est  aclievee/’ 
traduction  que  M.  F.  W.  K.  Muller  a donnee  des  qu’il  a pu 
examiner  le  document  dont  il  est  traite  ici.  Nous  nous 
coiitenterons  done  de  renvojmr  du  JRAS.,  1912,  p.  363, 
pour  la  lecture  et  rinterpretation  de  1 LPw, 

La  ti'anscription  sogdienne  reprend  avec  la  ligne  30  et 
se  continue  normalement  jusqu’a  la  iin.  La  seulement 
il  y a une  anomalie  : la  partie  qui  r4pond  an  hrelaya 
mamtra  qui  cl6t  le  texte  (la  dernik*e  ligne  de  bralimi 
nen  fait  pas  partie,  en  efFet)  ne  figure  pas  a gauche 
(resp.  au-dessous)  de  la  ligne  sanscrite,  mais  a droite 
(resp.  au-dessus),  et  est  precedee  d'une  ligne  en  sogdien 
wyspw  znJen  mntzpWty'  sp'rt  Biut,  " les  impuretes  de  toute 
sorte  sont  (deviennent)  pures/’  Enfin,  a la  fin  de  la 
ligne  34  en  bralimi  figure^  serr^e  en  trois  petites  lignes, 
une  glose  sogdienne  : ivyspic  ''yBdc  B^r'ynlc  Brzy’%vr  p>tsrw')n 
ryoy ; ce  qui  vent  dire  que  “ ceci  est  le  hrdaya  mantra  qui 
accorde  tons  les  souhaits  ainsi  que  M.  F.  W.  K.  Muller 
Fa  indique.  Le  sens  de  la  note  est  d ailleurs  clair  et  les 
fragments  sogdiens  cliretiens  et  manicheens  jusqu'ici  publies 
par  M.  F.  W.  K.  Muller  fournissent  le  sens  de  la  plupart 
des  mots.  On  n ajoutera  done  qxFune  remarque  en  passant 
sur  hrzy'wr  qui  tradiiit  en  Tespece  hrdaya  et  doit  avoir 
le  sens  de  "coeur''.  O'est  un  compose  dont  le  second 
terme  est  zy'wr,  “ coeur,’'  qui  nous  est  connu  par  le 
.fragment  de  Berlin  B 38,  publi4  par  M.  F.  W.  K. 
Muller  dans  les  Sitzungsberichte  de  TAcademie  de  Berlin 
(1907,  p.  266);  le  premier  614ment  n’est  autre  que  Srz, 
"'cceur,”  mdtatbese  de  zrS  (k  lire  ^zar%),  representant 
correct  en  sogdien  de  Tiranien  *zrd-,  gath.  zdrdd-,  pers.  J j 
Cette  forme  se  rencontre  par  ailleurs  en  sogdien  bouddhique 
(p.  ex.  Manuscrits  de  la  mission  Pelliot,  Inventaire  no.  3516, 


FRAGMENT  FINAL  DE  LA  NILAKANTHADHARANI  641 


1.  99) ; craiitre  part  les  signes  pour  0 et  ponr  z n'etant 
pas  distiiigiies  ne  sont  normalement  pas  ecrits  Tun  a 
cote  de  Tantre  quand  ils  sont  en  contact ; rassimilation 
de  0 et  de  z,  qui  se  faisait  ^e\it-etTe  dans  la  prononciation, 
etait  regulik^ement  realisee  dans  Tecritrire  en  sogdien 
bouddliiqne ; comme  on  ecrit  ici  hrz'ij^DT  pour  ^hrz-zxj-WT, 
on  ecrit  ailleurs  ^rzx’o'nfhy,  ''qui  a une  longue  vie/'  pour 
8rz-hd n' y , c’est-a-dire  ^ ^^irz-ziwdn-  (p.  ex.  Manuscrits 
de  la  mission  PelJiot,  Inventaire  no.  8516,  1.  107  et  503). 

II  est  a noter  qiie  les  gloses  quo  Ton  vient  do  lire  sont 
dans  une  .langue  moins  archaique  que  le  sogdien  bouddliique 
prqprement  dit : elles  sont  ecrites  dans  une  forme  qui 
rappelle  irnmediatement  les  dialectes  plus  populaires  et 
plus  recernment  employes  en  litterature  des  documents 
chiTdiens  et  inanicheens.  D’autre  partle  ductus  de  I’ecriture 
sogdienne,  d’ailleurs  soignee  et  tres  claire,  n’a  rien  iion 
plus  d archaique  et  semble  dater  de  Fepoque  des  T'ang. 
Enfin  la  bralimi  parait  etre  de  date  assez  basso;  si  ron 
compare  les  formes  que  presentant  le  et  le  ^ a celles 
que  Blihler  a relevees  sur  le  tableau  iv  de  son  loidische 
Palaeograpkie,  on  est  frappe  de  leur  ressemblance  avec 
le  et  le  ^ de  documents  aussi  recents  que  les  inscriptions 
de  Lakkhamandal  et  d'Aphssad.  Mais  si  le  document  est 
tardif,  la  valeur  des  lettres  est,  sauf  en  ce  qui  touclie  la 
notation  de  1’?,  eonforme  a la  tradition  la  plus  ancienne 
(v.  JA.,  janv.-fevr.,  1911,  p.  82  et  suiv.  et  p.  86  en 
particulier).  Et  Ton  est  amene  a conclure,  en  fin  de  compte 
que  le  fragment  ci-joint  de  la  et  sa  tran- 

scription fournissent  un  argument  de  plus  en  faveiir  de 
rexistence  de  la  forte  et  longue  tradition  litteraire  sogdienne 
que  I’on  a essay e d'etablir  dans  ce  Journal  meme  (1912, 
p.  342  et  suiv.). 

Tin  autre  fait,  d'ordre  historique  eelui-la,  ressort  de 
rexistence  de  cette  dharaiii  si  soigneusement  notee  et 
transcrite ; c'est  la  popularite,  en  Asie  eentrale,  a la  date 
recente  signalee  a Tinstant  (entre  le  7®  et  le  9®  siecles  de 


642  FRAGMENT  FINAL  DE  LA  NILAKAXTHABHARANI 


notre  eve  sans  donte)  du  texte  qui  nous  occiipe.  On  a du 
attaclier  a ce  moment  un  prix  particulier  a cette  JSHla- 
hmthadhdram,  don^  nn  fragment  nous  ete  conserve 
a Toueii-liouang  et  rapporte  par  M.  M.  A.  Stein,  pour 
Ftkliter  avec  taut  de  precaution ; et  il  est  a supposer  qu’elle 
est  entree  a la  memo  epoque  dans  les  autres  litteratures 
bouddliiques  qui  relevent  de  TAsie  centrale.  * 

Transcriptiox 

0.  vy[ty'm  ?]  t'y  liyy  fy  liyy  m'  ? ? /3’7^  h’m'nhn’n 

1.  siddliayogi^vara  : dliuru  2 viyamnti  mahaviyaiiinti 

dliara  2 

6yy  'nkm'n  /3yr  ^ syt  ywkyS^r  II  t%v%v  rivio  tww  rw%v 

2.  dliarendre^vara  : cala  vimalamalamurtte  : aryavalokite 
iBy'nty  onj  jSy’nty  tr  tr  tr'y  ’ntr'ys^r  II  cr 

^ym’r  onr  onwwrfy  ''ry’^rwkyfySl3r' 

3.  svarajijikrsnajate  makutavalailniiba  va  pralambam  : 

malia 

cy  cy  kr’ym  Stfy  mkwtf  firr'mp  prpivp 

4.  siddliavidyadhara : bala  2 mahabala  : mala  2 mahamala ; 
'n  II  my  syt  ^yty'tr  /3r  j8r  my  /Sr  II  7nr  mr  iny^iir  I) 

5.  cala  2 mahacala  krsnavarna  krsnapaksa : nirghatana : he 
cr  cr  ny  6r  kr'yhi  ^rn  kr’ySn  pM  II  nyrlctn 

6.  padmaliasta  : cara  2 ni^acare^vara  : krsnasarpakrtaj^a 
yy  ptm  yst  1|  cr  cr  nyS cry II  krymi 

7.  jhopavita  : ehy  ehi  mahavarahamukha  : mahatryapura 

kryt  y'tny'w  p^yt  ''y  yy  y'y  yy'y  my 

8.  dahanesvara : narayanarupabalavegadhari : he  nilaka 
/3r  7 omvk'  7wy'  trypwT  tyn'ys^r  II  7i’ry'7i  7%vp 

^ Le  debut  est  abime  et  le  Sanskrit  y fait  defaut ; ce  qu’on  distingue 
sur  la  photograpbie  repond  a peu  pres  k t vidymh  cUlii  dehi  mCt-  (?)  -vihh 
kCmidngammh  tnluingamdrii  vira. 


FRAGMENT  FINAL  DE  LA  NILAKANTHADHARANI  643 


9.  nda  he  maliahalahalavisa  : nirjjauta  lokasya  raga 
/3r  ISyktry  li  jy  nyr  hnt  II  7k/  7”  r’'  7?" 

10.  visavinasana  : dvesavisavinasana  : mohavisavi 
^ys  11  nyroiv  f rwksy’  rlc  ^ys  ^yn’sn  I! 

t/Sys  /3ys  ^yn'ki  )|  m%vy  0ys  j3yn  hi  II  y^v^v  twid 

11.  n?isana  : liulu  2 mala  hum  : hara  2 mahapadmanablxa 
yivw  Tivw  11  m'r  j^vrivw  yr  yr  my  x>tm  n'l)  II 

12.  sara  2 siri  2 sum  2 budhya  2 bodhaya  2 bodhaytoii  ti : 
sr  sr  syry  synj  sivnv  sivriv  11 

13.  nilakanda  elxy  ehi  : vamasthitasimharnukha  : hasa  2 
invfypnPyiywty'myty  nyr  knt  II  ''y  yyy  ”y 

yyy  II  ji'm'siyt  synymivk  II  7s  7^ 

14.  mufica  2 mahatattahasa  : ehy  elh  mahasiddliayo 
mwnc  micnc  II  my  f if  ys  ”y  yy  y'y 

15.  gisvara  : hana  2 vaceiii  sMhaya  2 \4dyam  smara  2 

bhagava 

yy  my  $yt  yivkysBr  II  yn  yn  ffcyn  sfy 
s'fy  ^yty'm  smr  ^yk^'ntn 

16.  ntaili  : lokitavilokita  : tathagutaiii  : dadahi  me  da- 
rwkyt  ^yfmkyt  II  tfktn  II  tfyyy  orfy 

1 7 . rsanahi : kfimasya  darsanaih : prahladaya  me  naiii  s va  1 x <1 : 
trhin  11  Jc'jiisy'  trhf'ti  II  2)Py'ffy'  myrin 

18.  siddhfiya  svaha  : mahasiddhfiya  svaha  : siddlioyogi 
s^'y  II  mjfy  sffy  my  syfy  s^'y  II 

19.  svaraya  svliha  : nilakanthilya  svrilia  : vaifiliamiikhn 
syt  ywhy^^r'y  s^'y  II  nypif  y s;^'y  II 

20.  ya  s vriha : mahasiiiighamukhaya  svaha :siddhavidyadha 
^ry  nnuUy  s^'y  II  my  synhnwJSy  80'y  II 


644  FRAGMENT  FINAL  DE  LA  -NlLAKANTHxlDHABANI 

21.  raya  svilha  : padmahastaya  svaha  : mahakrsnasarpa 
syt/3yti/  try  80' j II  ptm  ysfy  80' j II 

22.  yajfiopa vitaya  syalia  : mahalaloitadharaya  s vaha  : 
raykr'ysn  srp  y't'ny'io  f 0yt'y  s0'^'  W my^  ' 

23.  cakrayudhaya  svaha : saiiikhasavyanikodlianaya  s vaha 
rkivttry  s0'y'  II  Skhr  ywwt'y  s0'y  II  Snk 

24.  vamaskaiidhavesasthitakrsnajinaya  svaha  : vyaghra 
^0tny  inotny  s0'y  \y0'm  's'knt  0'yMyt 

25.  carmanivasaBaya  svaha  : lokitesvaraya  svaha 
kr'ysn  " oyn'y  80'^'  II  0y'kT(Srmny 

ffsn'y  s0'y  W fwkytyS0r'y  80'y'  H 

26.  sarvasiddhesvaraya  svaha  : namo  bhagavate  aryava 
sr0  syt'y  80r'y  s0'y  II  nm'w  ph0t'y 

27.  lokitesvt^raya  : bodhisatvaya  mahasatvaya  : maha 
"ry'  0r'ivkyt'y  ^0r'y  pwty at 0'y  my'stffy 

28.  karunikaya  : sidhyamtu  mantrapadaya  svaha  : 
'rrhy'k'rio  nyk'y  syty'ntw  mntr  pt'y  s0'y  11 

29.  mlakantha  iiama  tharani  samapta  : H o II 
1 LPw  hsty  "Ty'0Twhh'ys0T  nyrknt  n'm 
t'rny  pty'mty  1:1 

30.  jiamo  : nila  : kanda  : ^aiiikha  : cakra  ttani  : di 
nm'w  nyrknt'  hik'  6kkr  tr'^y  I : I 

31.  [?]  vasanaya  : krisno  sadya  diva  yajiio  : vetya  : 
ty08oi'y  krysn'w  sty'  ty0'  y'tny'w 

32.  kaccharmo  ya  : namas  kaiiinta  tri  iiya  : narayanariipa 
0'yty'  II  kcrm'wy'  II  nm  'sk'nt  try  'toy  n'ry'n 

33.  tharanaia  H tre  nitya  mundatate  II  pravisa  2 vipaloki 
Twptt  t'roi'n  II  tr'y  nyty'  mivnt  f f pr0ys 


FRAGMENT  FINAL  DE  LA  NILAKANTHADHARANI  645 

ivys'ino  ''yS'k 

34.  tesvara :kurnia  liiim : II hrdaya maiiitra ih^r  ynlc  h'^zyWor 

ptsrwmycyl'A 

2rr^ys  II  ^ym'  r\ukytys,3r  kwrm  yivm  I : I 
yryt'y  mnir  wyspiv  znlcn  mnt2^2^'rty'  zp>rt 
I : I 'wm  tr\vm  sm'nt  sffj  1:1 

35.  €im  drmii  samanta  svaha  : 

^ name  bhagavatyai  aryaprajnapara  ^ 

^ B'une  autre  main. 


XX 


•THE  USE  OF  THE  EOMAH  CHAEACTER  FOR  OEIEHTAL 

LAHOUAOES 

Br  R.  GRAKT'  BROWN,. I.C.S.  ' 

“And  liere  we  must  enter  our  protest,  we  fear  an  unavailing  one, 
against  the  sn|:)ineness  which  suifers  those  invaluable  monuments,  the 
unwritten  languages  of  the  earth,  to  perish  with  a rapidity  yearly 
increasing,  witliout  one  rational  and  well-directed  effort  to  save  them  in 
the  only  mode  in  wliich  it  can  be  done  eftectually,  viz.,  by  reducing  them 
to  writing  arvordinff  fo  thdr  exact  native  prormnciafion  througli  the 
medium  of  a thoronglily  well-considered  and  digested  phonetic  alphabet. 
A]»oub  sixty  well  cliosen,  easily  written,  and  ■iincquirocaJ  characters, 
com[)letely  exemplitied  in  their  use  by  passages  from  good  writers  in  the 
])rincipai  European  and  Eastern  languages,  would  satisfy  every  want, 
without  going  into  impracticable  niceties  ; and  we  earnestly  recommend 
the  construction  and  promulgation  of  a manual  of  this  kind  for  the  use 
of  travellers,  voyagers,  and  colonists,  as  a matter  of  pressing  urgency, 
to  tlie  consideration  of  philologists,  ethnologists,  and  geographers,  in 
their  respective  societies  asmm\Aedd'-^Edinl>nrgli  R 1848,  jn 

rjlHE  R(3ruan  character  may  be  used  for  Oriental 
lang*iiao‘e.s  in  two  ways : first,  to  represent  in  writing 
tlio  sounds  of  a spoken  language;  and  secondly,  to  represent 
the  characters  of  a written  language  hy  another  set  of 
characters.  The  first  process  is  usually  called  phonetic 
writing,  the  second  transliteration.  The  second  process 
inchides  the  fii*st.  As  this  may  not  be  clear  at  first  siglit 
I will  endea\’our  to  explain  what  transliteration  is. 

In  the  lanifiiaii’es  which  can  be  transliterated  written 
characters  are  simply  phonetic  symbols.  Tlicy  have  no 
meaning  except  with  reference  to  the  sounds  which  they 
represent.  Cliinese  is  largelj?'  written  by  means  of  symbols 
representing  not  sounds  but  ideas.  Chinese,  therefore, 
cannot  be  transliterated.  All  we  can  do  is  to  choose  some 
spoken  word  which  represents  the  idea  of  tlie  written 
cliaracter,  and  visualize  that  word  by  means  of  phonetic 
symbols.  But  most  Oriental  languages  are  written 


JEAS.  1912. 


4*2 


048 


THE  USE  OF  THE  ROMAN  CHARACTER 


phonetically:  that  is,  the  characters  represent  not  ideas 
but  sounds.  ■ ; , 

Transliteration  may  be  understood  to  mean  any  one  of 
three  distinct  processes.  One  of  these  is  not  what  I should 
call  transliteration,  but  as  the  word  is  used  to  describe 
it  in  a Government  publication  for  the  Trans- 

literation of  Burmese  into  English,  ed.  1907)  it  must 
at  least  be  noticed.  It  is  the  representation  in  Roman 
characters  of  the  present  standard  pronunciation  of  a 
word  written  in  other  characters,  such  as  the  Burmese,, 
without  regard  to  the  pronunciation  of  each  individual 
character.  For  instance,  the  symbol  0 is  pronounced 
much  like  the  French  sa,  but  if  O^,  the  symbol  for 
be  added  the  resultant  0CV^  is  pronomrcecl,  not  an/t,  but 
set,  nearly  as  in  English : and  the  word  is  written  set 

accordingly. 

The  second  process  may  be  called  direct  transliteration. 
In  this  the  proper  sound  of  each  character  is  first  decided 
on ; a symbol  is  chosen  to  represent  that  sound  ; and  the 
character  is  thereafter  always  represented  by  that  symbol, 
without  regard  to  the  actual  pronunciation  of  tlie  word. 
For  instance,  might  be  transliterated  saL  If  in  any 

language  there  were  a separate  character,  and  only  one, 
for  each  sound,  and  if  the  sound  of  that  character 'never 
varied,  transliteration  would  be  a simple  matter.  It  would 
only  be  necessary  to  see  that  the  script  into  which  the 
transliteration  is  made  also  has  a separate  symbol  for  each 
sound,  and  there  would  be  no  difference  between  trans- 
literation and  phonetic  writing.  As  a matter  of  fact  sucli 
a language  does  not  exist,  either  because  all  the  languages 
we  know  use  alphabets  more  or  less  imperfectly  adapted 
to  their  sound-system,  or  because  the  alphabet  has  failed 
to  keep  pace  with  the  sound-changes  in  the  language. 
Sanskrit  is  nearly  such  a language : its  transliteration  is 
therefore  comparatively  easy.  Burmese  is  an  instance  of 


FOR  ORIENTAL  LANGUAGES 


649 


the  other  extreme.  It  began  by  importing,  with  clumsy 
adaptation,  an  alphabet  belonging  to  another  sound-system  ; 
it  has  since  undergone  great  changes  in  pronunciation,  and 
tliese  changes  have  not  been  uniform,  but  are  the  result  of 
a multiplicity  of  tendencies.  Its  transliteration,  therefore, 
is  so  hopeless  a task  that,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Government 
of  Burma  has  not  attempted  it,  and  has  substituted 
phonetic  writing.  Between  these  extremes  there  are 
many  degrees.  But  transliteration  of  a modern  language 
always  presents  difficulties  which  do  not  exist  in  mere 
phonetic  writing.^  It  is,  moreover,  onlj^  necessary  for 
certain  limited  purposes. 

The  tliird  process  may  be  called  indirect  transliteration. 
This  lias  to  be  resorted  to,  to  take  an  extreme  case,  for 
a text  which  is  written  with  a modified  form  of  a known 
alphaliet,  Init  in  an  unknown  language.  Each  character 
is  first  identified  with  the  corresponding  character  in  some 
language  of  which  the  pronunciation  is  known;  and  the 
sound  gi\’en  to  it  in  that  language  is  then  assigned  to  it 
and  represented  by  phonetic  writing.  For  instance,  in  liis 
article  on  “ The  Fourth  Text  of  the  Myazedi  Inscriptions'', 
publislied  in  the  Journal  of  this  Society  for  April,  1911, 
Mv.  Blagden  has  taken  a text  in  an  unknown  language, 
identified  each  character  used  in  it  with  a Sanskrit 
character,  and  represented,  more  or  less,  the  Sanskrit  sound 
of  that  eliaracter  in  a phonetic  script.  The  same  process 
may  lie  used,  and  is  msed,  for  an  ancient  text  in  a known 
language  of  which  the  former  pronunciation  is  uncertain, 
such  as  Burmese  or  Talaing.  For  instance,  in  trans- 
literating the  text  of  the  Myazedi  inscription  Mr.  Blagden 
has  used  cu,  not  sa,  to  represent  tlie  sound  of  the  character 

‘ 1 to  show  elsewhere  that  the  supposed  ol>stacles  to  the  use  of 
phonetic  spelling,  as  against  transliteration,  for  educational  tuul  po|>ular 
purposes  have  little  or  no  existence  in  fact,  or  are  easily  sunnounted  ; 
Imt  tiio  matter  does  not  come  within  the  scope  of  thivS  article,  nor  Is  it  of 
any  particular  interest  to  the  ethnographists  and  others  who  are  now 
being  addressed. 


650  THE  U8E  OF  THE  ROMAN  CHARACTER 

o.  That  is  l)ecanse  tliis  character  is  clearly  another  form 
of  the  Sanskrit  character  the  pronunciation  of  which, 
at  the  time  of  tlie  Sanskrit  grammarians,  is  believed  to 
have  been  ca}  The  word  ooi"  would  be  transliterated 
by  Mr.  Blagden  cak,  and  pronounced  ' CAk  tiie  sound  ec 
becoinino'  'a’  in  Sanskrit  when  followed  by  a final 
consoncint.  If  such  a text  contains  a character  which 
has  nothing  corresponding  to  it  in  Sanskrit,  this  method 
of  transliteration  cannot,  so  far  as  that , character  is 
concerned,  be  used.  The  character  itself  may  be  copied, 
or  some  non -phonetic  symbol,  such  as  a number,  maj’' 
be  employed : but  the  process  is  then,  of  course,  not 
transliteration. 

The  object  of  tliese  introductory  remarks  is  to  show 
that  all  transliteration  involves  a system  of  phonetic 
writing,  a fact  not  always  recognized ; and  to  clear  tlie 
ground  of  some  vexed  questions  which  liave  been  un- 
necessarily confounded  with  that  of  the  clioice  of 
a phonetic  script,  and  have  thus  obscured  the  issues  in 
many  previous  discussions.  I propose  now  to  ]ea\'e  all 
these  questions  aside,  and  to  discuss  only  the  choice  of 
a phonetic  script. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  devise  a new  system  of  phonetic 
writing  for  each  language.  The  same  system  can  be  used 
for  all  languages,  whether  written  or  unwritten,  so  far  as 
they  have  sounds  in  common.  If  a language  has  sounds 
peculiar  to  itself  special  symbols  must,  of  course,  be 
invented  to  represent  those  sounds.  Tins,  Iiowever, 
happens  to  a much  smaller  extent  than  is  usually  supposed. 
There  are  comparatively  few  spoken  sounds  in  the  world 
which  do  not  exist  in  one  or  other  of  the  principal 
European  languages.  It  is  obviously  convenient  that 

The  c represents  a single  palatal  sound,  approaching  that  in  the 
English  church,  and  perhaps  identical  with  the  Magyar  sound  for  which 
the  International  Phonetic  Association  also  use  the  symbol  c. 

- Something  like  the  English  chuch 


FOR  ORIENTAL  LANGUAGES 


651 


one  general  system  should  be  followed  wliich,  subject  to 
these  slight  additions,  is  applicable  to  all  languages. 

I now  suggest  to  you  that  the  following  qualifications 
are  needed  for  any  general  system  of  phonetic  writing. 

1.  It  should  be  based  on  the  Eoman  alphabet.  This 
hardly  needs  demonstration. 

2.  It  should  be  on  the  principle  of  one  sound,  one 
symbol”.  That  is  to  say;  a different  s^nnbol  must  be 
(miployed  for  every  distinct  sound,  so  that  there  can 
never  be  any  doubt  as  to  what  sound  is  meant.  Moreover, 
a single  sound  should  be  represented  by  a single  symbol, 
not  a c<nnbi]uition  of  letters.  For  instance,  the  word 
ihinv  contains  only  two  sounds,  and  should  therefore  be 
represented  by  only  two  letters,  not  by  four. 

8.  It  must  be  acceptable  to  civilized  peoples  generall}^ 
and  should  not  therefore  follow  coinentions  merely 
l)ecau8e  tliey  are  found  in  some  particular  European 
language.  For  instance,  the  letter  i iriust  not  be  used 
to  represent  the  sound  ai  in  aisle, 

4.  It  should  if  possible  be  devised  so  that  it  can  be 
used  for  any  language,  not  merely  for  a particular  group 
nf  languages.  A new  language  may  in  exceptional  cases 
have  sounds  peculiar  to  itself.  In  that  case  it  may  be 
necessary  in  recording  it  to  make  use  of  diacrital  marks  or 
new  symlx>ls.  But  this  will  rarely  happen,  and  where  it 
does  it  will  be  all  the  more  necessary  to  use  symbols 
t‘ilrea<ly  known  for  sounds  alreadjr  known. 

5.  The  script  should  be  such  that  it  can  he  read  easily 
and  ]-apidly  when  once  mastered,  without  undid}'  straining 
thi*.  eyes, 

6.  The  system  should  be  an  elastic  one.  There  should 
b(.'  a simple  script  for  general  purposes  whicli  is  capaljle  of 
being  coin'crted,  by  Uie  mere  addition  of  diacritical  marks, 
into  an  accurate  one  for  scientiffe  purposes.  In  the  script 
intendisl  for  general  purposes  diacritical  marks  vsliould 
l>e  avoided  as  much  as  possible,  not  ordy  for  the  sake 


652 


THE  USE  OF  THE  EOMAN  CHxVRACTER 


of  simplicity,  but  because  they  should  be  lield  in  reserve 
for  use  when  greater  accuracy  is  needed.  It  follows  from 
both  this  and  tlie  last  principle  that,  where  ordinar}' 
characters  are  inadequate  for  general  purposes,  special 
characters  and  not  ordinary  characters  with  diacritical 
marks  should,  as  a rule,  be  used. 

7.  Economy  in  printing  has  to  be  considered.  As  to 
this  it  must  be  remernbei'ed  that  an  ordinary  type  with 
a special  diacritical  mark  attached  to  it  ■ is  just  as 
expensive  as  a special  type.  Both  have  to  be  specially  cut. 

8.  In  choosing  a system  for  recording  Oriental 
lanofuasces  it  would,  of  course,  be  a great  advantage  if 
one  can  be  found  which  is  already  widely  used  in  Europe 
for  other  purposes,  and  which  is  approved  by  leading 
phoneticians.  It  is  useless  suggesting  a system  unless 
it  is  likely  to  be  generally  adopted,  at  least  in  essentials. 

9.  It  would  also  be  a great  advantage  to  have  some 
body  of  phonetic  experts  to  whom  a reference  could  be 
made  in  case  of  doubt  as  to  the  best  way  to  represent 
unfamiliar  sounds,  and  who  could  give  an  authoritative 
decision  on  the  point  raised.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
linguists  are  not  always  phonetic  experts. 

. Now  let  us  see  how  far  the  systems  now  used  by 
Orientalists  fulfil  these  requirements.  In  1894,  at 
a congress  of  Orientalists  held  at  Geneva,  the  translitera- 
tion of  Oriental  languages  was  discussed.  The  congress 
decided  to  confine  itself  to  Arabic  and  Sanskrit,  languages 
which  are,  of  course,  of  fiirst-rate  importance,  but  wiiicli 
represent  only  two  out  of  many  Asiatic  families,  and 
which  happen  to  have  an  unusually  simple  system  of 
vowel- sounds.  On  an  attempt  being  made  to  apply  the 
phonetic  script  prescribed  by  the  congress  to  Mongolian 
languages,  which  are  comparatively  rich  in  vowel-sounds, 
it  was  found  quite  inadequate.  This  is  patent  to  anyone 
who  will  study  Dr.  Grierson’s  great  work,  tlie  Linguistic 
Survey  of  India.  The  survey  relates  mainly  to  Aryan 


FOE  ORIENTAL  LANGUAGES 


653 


languages,  but  includes  some  others,  and  for  these 
Dr.  Grierson  lias  been  obliged  to  invent  new  symbols.  As 
far  as  possible  he  has  applied  his  system  to  all  the 
languages  dealt  with,  but  in  vsome  cases  the  contributor 
has  used  a system  of  his  own  and  has  failed  to  explain 
adequately  what  sounds  are  intended  by  the  symbols  used 
by  him.  These  sjuiibols  have  perforce  been  allowed  to 
stand,  with  a result  which  is  so  far  unsatisfactoiy. 

The  Geneva  system,  therefore,  does  not  meet  the  fourtli 
or  the  sixth  of  our  requirements.  Still  less  does  it  fulfil 
tlie  eighth,  as  it  is  not  used  for  any  other  purposes  at  all  : 
or  the  ninth,  as  there  is  no  machinery  for  referring  new 
or  doubtful  sounds  to  a body  of  phonetic  experts. 

Many  other  systems  of  writing  are  in  use  for  Oriental 
languages.  In  fact,  nearly  every  person  who  records 
a new  language  uses  his  own  system  for  it,  with  the  result 
that  in  many  cases  his  readers  cannot  tell  wliat  soumls 
are  meant.  Tlie  ordinary  man  has  not  sufficient  knowledge 
of  the  sounds  of  his  own  lano'uage  to  be  able  to  give 
useful  examples  in  it. 

There  are  some  schemes,  however,  which  call  for  special 
notice.  One  is  that  explained  by  tlie  Rev.  Father  Schmidt 
in  AnihropoH  for  1907.  As  miglit  be  expected  in  so 
distinguished  a philologist,  it  is  scientitically  constructed 
nnd  fulfils  the  first  four  of  our  requirements.  But  it 
altogether  fails  to  satisfy  tlie  other  five.  Father  Schmidt 
is  strongly  opposed  to  special  characters,  and  uses  the 
ordinary  litjmau  alphabet  witli  an  elaborate  system  of 
diaeritical  marks,  which  must  be  difficult  to  read  even 
after  long  practice.  I need  onlj^  mention  liere  his 
for  the  vowebsound  in  not  This  consists  of  the  letter 
o with  two  lines  and  a dot  underneath  it.  The  symlK)! 
for  the  first  \'awei-sound  in  air  is  aAvith  tliree  dots  under 
it  Ami  if  the  diacritical  marks  are  dispensed  with  we 
have,  including  the  vowebsound  in  far,  three  very 
different  sounds  all  represented  by  the  same  symbol 


654 


THE  USE  OF  THE  EOMAN  CHARACTER 


The  system  oi;  the  Rev.  Mt.  Knowles  is  specially  devised 
for  certai]!  Indian  laiigiiages,  the  Tibeto-Mongoliaii  group 
being  excluded.  If  Father  Schmidt  dislikes  special 
characters,  ]tlr.  Knowles  goes  to  tlie  other  extreme.  For 
those  languages  alone  he  uses  no  less  than  thirty-two, 
ill  addition  to  the  ordinary  Roman  characters.  Of  these, 
however,  seven  are  for  the  peculiar  Indian  cerebrals,  for 
which  it  is  usual  to  employ  diacritical  marks,  while  others 
are  needed  only  for  transliteration,  not  for  a phonetic 
representation  of  the  spoken  language.  There  is  much  to 
be  said  for  the  system,  but  it  hardly  meets  tlie  fourtli  of 
our  requirements,  and  certainly  fails  to  meet  the  last  two. 

A system  of  quite  a different  class  is  that  of  the  Royal 
Geograpliical  Society,  which  may  be  called  national  as 
distinguished  from  international,  and  does  not,  of  course, 
hold  the  third  of  the  qualifications  needed.  It  is  a rough 
scheme  intended  to  prevent  geographical  names  from  being 
grossly  mispronounced  by  English  readers  of  maps,  and 
on  the  whole  serves  its  purpose  very  well,  though  it  might 
easily  be  improved.  Its  main  principles  are  that  tlie 
vowels  are  pronounced  as  in  Italian  unless  followed  by 
a double  consonant,  when  they  are  given  the  values  of 
the  English  short  vowels ; that  the  consonants  are 
pronoimced  as  in  English ; and  that  the  fricatives,  such 
as  appear  in  shoe,  treasure,  ehurch,  thin,  khan,  and  ghazi, 
are  represented  conventionally  as  iti  English  by  h following 
another  letter.  Tliis  is  nearly  tlie  system  prescribed  by 
the  Government  of  Burma  for  Burmese,  the  distinction 
between  aspirated  and  unaspirated  letters  (in  the  true 
sense)  being  ignored.  This  system  is,  of  course,  unsuitable 
for  scientific  purposes,  but  the  Society  has  done  much 
towards  getting  English  people  to  use  the  Roman  vowel- 
symbols  with  their  Continental  values.  No  one  now 
thinks  of  writing  the  name  of  the  Fiji  Isles  Feejee  ”, 
or  (I  should  hope)  of  reading  the  name  as  ‘‘Faijai”  wdien 
he  sees  it  in  print. 


FOR  ORIExVTAL  LANGUAGES 


655 


What  is  usually  called  the  Hunterian  system,  because  it 
was  used  by  Sir  William  Hunter  for  hh  Imperial  Gazetteer, 
is  also,  in  the  main,  a combination  of  Italian  vowels  and 
English  consonants.  Though  it  deals  only  with  a very 
simple  vowel-system,  and  cannot  tlierefore  be  apj^lied  to 
such  languages  as  Burmese,  it  uses  a diacritical  mank 
i'or  the  Italian  u,  and  emploj^s  the  plain  letter  a for 
tlie  vowel-sound  in  hut : an  arrangement  Avhich  commends 
itself  neither  to  phoneticians  nor  to  the  public.  It  fails  to 
satisfy  the  second,  third,  fourth,  sixth,  eighth,  and  ninth 
of  our  requirements. 

The  plionetic  representation  of  Chinese,  whether  for 
scientific  or  for  popular  purposes,  is  even  less  satisfactory, 
the  difficulties  being  considerably  greater.  The  Wade 
system  is  commoi:ily  followed,  thougli  it  is  admitted  on 
all  sides  to  be  unsatisfactory.  It  emploj^s  the  fantastic 
combination  ei'li  to  represent  a single  sound  common  in 
certain  dialects  of  English,  and,  while  using  a diacritical 
mark  for  the  first  vowel  in  Ss-uchhian,  also  doubles  the 
s*  to  fix  the  attention  on  the  peculiar  vowel  u It 
does  not  satisfy  a single  one  of  our  requirements  except 
the  first  and  fifth,  for  it  cannot  be  said  to  be  economical 
when  it  uses  special  types  with  so  poor  a result.  The 
truth  is  that  it  is  impossible  for  anyone,  however 
distinguished  he  may  be  as  a Chinese  scliolar,  to  devise 
a satisfactory  system  for  Chinese  without  a knowledge  of 
phonetics. 

Probably  few  people  realize  liow  very  poor  the  Roman 
alphaliet  is  in  vowel-symbols.  There  are,  of  course,  fi\'e 
sjnnbols,  which,  we  call  a,  e,  i,  o,  and  tc.  Against  tliese  the 
.Englisli  language  has  at  least  twelve  distinct  pure  vowel- 
sounds,  besides  tliree  used  only  in  diphthongs;  .French  has 
sixteen,  including  four  nasals;  German  eigliteen,  including 
the  same  nasals;  Swedish  fourteen  ; and  so  on.  Among 
Mongolian  languages  that  most  widely  spoken  in  tlie 
Britisl)  Empire,  Burmese,  has  about  a dozen  vowel-sounds. 


656  THE  USE  OF  THE  HOMAN  CHARACTEH 

The  Canton  dialect  of  Chinese  has  about  the  same.  The 
Nao'a  and  some  other  Tibeto-Burman  lan^nao'es  have 
some  vowel-sounds  which  do  not  appear  in  either  of  these. 

Some  of  these  sounds  are  no  doubt  but  slight,  tliougli 
significant,  variations  from  the  sounds  ^ a,  e,  i,  o,  u whicli 
the  symbols  we  call  a,  e,  % o,  u are  usually  taken  to 
represent.  Where  this  is  the  case  there  is  something 
to  be  said  for  the  use  of  diacritical  marks  with  the 
existing  symbols.  But  other  sounds  are  altogether  distinct 
from  any  of  these.  Sucli  are  the  pure  vowel-sounds  in 
the  English  pat,  paw,  sir,  and  hut,  and  the  French  2^u,  all 
of  which  occur  in  Mongolian  languages.  None  of  these 
can  properly  be  treated  as  mere  modifications  of  the 
sounds^  a,  e,  i,  o,  They  are  cardinal  points,  just  as 
the  sounds^  a,  e,  i,  o,  u are.  Some  of  them  have  their  own 
modifications.  For  instance,  the  vowel-sound  in  p)ot  may 
fairly  be  treated  as  a modification  of  that  mp)a%D,  and  the 
first  sound  in  amiss  as  a modification  of  that  in  sir. 
If  diacritical  marks  are  used  for  the  cardinal  vowels 
you  have  to  use  further  marks  for  these  modifications, 
and  more  again  for  nasalization  and  length.  Tlie  in- 
convenience of  piling  diacritical  marks  one  on  the  top 
of  another  is  obvious.  The  only  remedy  is  to  have  special 
symbols. 

Until  lately  special  symbols  have  been  very  little  used. 
They  are  employed,  however,  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  modern 
Icelandic  to  distinguish  the  th  in  this  from  the  fit  in  thiu, 
and  the  same  symbols  can  of  course  be  used  to  distinguish 
both  from  the  totally  different  sound  of  th  in  the 
Hindustani  tha.  At  first  sight  they  appear  strange, 
strcrnger  than  ordinary  types  with  diacritical  marks ; 
but  this  is  really  not  a sexious  objection.  It  does  not 
require  much  intelligence  to  learn  their  meaning,  and 
once  they  are  learnt  they  are  much  easier  to  use  and  to 
recognize  than  ordinary  letters  with  diacritical  marks  are, 

^ As  in  Italian. 


FOR  ORIENTAL  LANGUAGES 


657 


It  will  perhaps  hardly  be  believed  that  there  is  a system 
in  existence  which  fulfils  all  the  requirements  above 
mentioned.  Such  a system,  however,  there  is.  It  has 
existed  for  twenty-five  years,  and  has  stood  the  test  of 
■experience,  though  it  has  never  until  very  recently  been 
applied  to  Oriental  languages.  It  is  in  order  to  introduce 
this  system  to  the  readers  of  the  Journal  that  tliis  paper 
is  written.  It  is  the  system  of  the  International  Phonetic 
Association. 

Tlie  Association  was  founded  in  1886  hy  a group  of 
French  professors,  who  had  successfully  used  a phonetic 
.script  in  teaching  the  pronunciation  of  English.  Its 
system  has  been  accepted  in  essentials  by  most  of  the 
leading  phoneticians  of  Europe.  Its  Honoraiy  President 
is  our  own  Dr.  Sweet,  Reader  in  Phonetics  at  Oxford  ; 
its  President,  Professor  Victor  of  Marburg ; its  Vice- 
Presidents,  Professor  Jespersen  of  Copenhagen  and 
Dr.  Edwards,  one  of  His  Majesty’s  Inspectors  of  Schools. 
Its  Secretary  in  England  is  Mr.  Daniel  Jones,  Lecturer  on 
Phonetics  at  University  College,  London.  Its  aims  and 
principles  are  explained  in  a pamphlet  issued  in  French 
in  1898.  A new  pamphlet  is  about  to  be  publislied  in 
English,  and  will  contain  texts  of  Oriental  languages 
in  the  Association’s  character.  Tlie  script  is  used  in  at 
least  four  pronouncing  dictionaries,  and  in  several  hundred 
textbooks  and  grammars.  The  special  types  are  stocked 
by  the  Oxford,  Cambridge,  and  London  University  Presses, 
by  Slessrs.  Turnbull  & Spears  of  Edinburgh,  and  hy  no  less 
than  four  firms  at  Leipzig  and  one  at  Copenliagen, 

Though  formerly  better  known  on  the  Continent,  the 
.science  of  phonetics  has  been  made  a compulsory  subject 
in  all  training  colleges  in  Scotland,  and  is  advancing 
rapidly  in  England.  In  both  countries  the  As8oeiation''s 
system  is  very  widely  used.^  Nearly  all  tlie  universities 

^ See  The  Means  of  Trahiing  in  Phonetics  avaikihh  for  Modern 
Language  Teachers,  by  L.  H,  Althaus,  1911. 


658 


THE  USE  OF  THE  KOMAN  CHAEACTER 


and  colleges  in  whicli  phonetics  are  tanglit  use  that 
system,  while  most  of  the  rest  use  a script  invented  by 
Sweet,  wliich  differs  in  some  details,  but  can  be  read  with, 
ease  by  anyone  who  has  learnt  the  Association's  method. 

I stronglyt  advocate  the  use  of  the  system  for  recording 
for  scientific  purposes  languages  not  liitherto  put  into 
writing.  But  it  Ims  other  and  important  uses.  In  the 
first  place  no  better  script  can  be  devised  for  the  use  of 
tribes  which  have  as  yet  invented  no  system  of  writing. 
The  Roman  alphabet  has,  in  fact,  been  used  with  success 
among  the  Chins  of  Burma,  who  have  no  written  language. 
The  symbols  which  seem  strange  to  us  are,  of  course,  no 
stranger  to  them  than  our  ordinary  alphabet ; and  it  is 
easier  to  teach  them  a few  extra  symbols  than,  let  us  say, 
to  make  them  remember  when  the  letter  a is  pronounced 
'a'  as  in  father,  ^ei'  as  in  he’  as  in  many,  ‘as'  as 
in  pat,  ‘o’  as  in  all,  'o'  as  in  tcAat,  or  ' o ’ as  in  amm*: 
or  when  the  sound  'a'  is  spelt  with  the  letter  r,  or  with 
the  letter  a,  or  with  an  a and  an  Ji,  or  with  an  a and  an  r, 
or  with  an  a and  two  r’s,  or  with  an  a,  an  r,  and  an  e. 

Even  when  the  language  has  a written  character  of  its 
own  the  script  is  of  the  greatest  use,  not  only  for 
dictionaries,  but  for  teaching  the  language.  Modern 
languages  are  being  more  and  more  taught  with  the 
aid  of  a phonetic  script,  without  which  it  is  almost 
impossible  for  the  ordinary  learner  to  acquire  the  correct 
pronunciation.  It  is  gradually  being  recognized  that 
accuracy  of  pronunciation  is  as  much  a test  of  good 
scholarship  as  a copious  vocabulary  or  freedom  from 
gramD:iatical  error.  And  the  script  can  be  used,  not 
merely  for  teaching  Europeans  to  speak  an  (3riental 
language,  but  for  teaching  English,  and  other  European 
languages  to  the  native,  especially  if  he  has  already  used 
it  for  his  own  tongue.  Again,  there  is  no  reason  why 
a script  based  on  the  Roman  character  sliould  not  entirely 
supplant  those  of  Oriental  langimges,  as  advocated  just 


FOIt  ORIENTAL  LANGUAGES 


659 


a year  ago  by  tlie  Rev.  Mr.  Knowles  before  the  East  India 
Association,  and  by  me,  in  the  case  of  Burmese,  in  a recent 
correspondence  in  the  Rangoon  Gazette}  TJie  case  for 
a Roman  script  in  Burma  is  peculiarly  strong,  the  alphabet 
being  an  Indian  importation  utterly  unaiiited  from  the 
hrst  to  the  language  to  which  it  was  applied,  and  still  less 
suitable  now  owing  to  changes  in  pronunciation. 

Yet,  if  I am  not  misinformed,  the  teaching  of  tlie 
Roman  character  to  the  Chins  mentioned  above  has  been 
discontinued — -probably  for  want  of  an  autliorized  system 
— and  instruction  in  written  Burmese  substituted.  This 
means  that  the  Chins  will  no  longer  be  able  to  write  to 
eacli  other  in  their  own  language.  Owing  to  the  fact  that 
the  sound  of  so  many  characters  is  dependent  on  the 
adjacent  letter,  a new  combination  of  letters  is  meaningless 
in  Burmese,  and  the  script  cannot  be  applied  to  Chin. 
I 3iecd  hardly  say  that  the  difficulty  of  learning  to  read 
Burmese  in  the  Indian  character  is  enormously  greater 
than  if  a Roman  script  is  used,  even  if  the  tribesman  has 
not  already  learnt  that  script  for  his  own  language. 

Lastly,  the  science  of  phonetics,  as  distinguished  from 
the  use  of  a phonetic  script  in  teaching  a particular 
language,  is  coming  to  the  front.  I will  ask  leave  to 
make  a digression  on  a subject  of  considerable  practical 
importance — the  course  of  studies  for  the  Indian  Civil 
Ser\’ice.  That  course  is  intended  to  tit  probationers  for 

^ Before  the  script  of  the  Intenmtidnal  Phonetic  is  used  for  tliis 
purpose  it  should  be  simplified  and  harmonized  for  the  particular 
language  (or  group  of  languages)  to  which  it  is  to  be  apiplied.  The 
Association  provides  one  universal  set  of  symbols  for  scientific  })urposes, 
the  chief  of  which  is  an  accurate  record  of  the  sounds  of  each  language, 
wliether  that  language  has  or  has  not  already  been  I'cdnced  to  writing, 
and  of  each  dialect.  These  symbols,  however,  will  present  a motley 
appearance,  and  will  often  contain  diacritical  marks  which  can  be 
dispensed  \vith  under  other  conditions.  For  popular  or  educational 
purposes  tliey  should  be  modified,  so  as  to  be  easier  to  read  and  write 
and  to  give  the  printed  page  a more  pleasing  appearance.  This  has 
already  been  done  for  some  European  languages,  though  in  the  case  of 
English  at  least  a further  move  might  be  made  in  these  dix’eetions. 


060 


THE  USE  OF  THE  KOMAN  CHARACTER 


the  work  they  have  to  do  in  India,  and  it  can  hardly 
be  gainsaid  tliat  their  first  need  is  a knowledge  of  the 
2n*incipal  spoken  language  of  their  province.  A literary 
knowledge  of  the  native  language  is  useful  and  valuable, 
but  when  it  is  pursued,  as  it  is  sometimes  pursued,  to  tlie 
exclusion  of  colloquial  knowledge,  so  that  a man  ’who  has 
passed  dilRcult  examinations  is  unable  to  carry  on  an 
ordinary  conversation  with  a native,  I think  it  'will  be 
agreed  that  there  is  something  wrong  with  the  system 
of  examinations.  Moreover,  there  is  a large  and  growing 
]3ody  of  opinion,  especially  among  practical  educationalists, 
in  favour  of  imparting  a knowdedge  of  the  spoken  or 
living  language  first,  and  building  up  upon  it  a knowledge 
of  the  literary  or  dead  language.  To  my  mind  there  can 
be  no  question  that  this  is  the  right  order  of  things.  The 
liabit  which  we  have  acquired  of  beginning  with  the 
literary  language  has  its  origin  in  the  fact  that  at  one  time 
only  dead  languages  were  thought  worth  teaching  at  all. 
This  again  led  to  more  or  less  scientific  methods  being 
devised  for  teaching  those  languages,  whereas  scientific 
methods  for  teaching  a spoken  language  did  not  exist 
until  quite  recently.  They  do  exist  now,  ho\vever,  and 
a thorough  grounding  in  phonetics,  together  with  the 
use  of  a phonetic  script,  are  essential  parts  of  the  training. 
In  the  case  of  Indian  Civil  Service  probationers  it  is  not 
practicable  to  defer  the  acquisition  of  the  literary  or 
classical  language  entirely  until  a thorough  knowledge  of 
the  colloquial  has  been  attained;  because,  while  the 
colloquial  vocabulary  and  idioms  are  most  easily  learnt 
in  India,  the  literary  language  is,  for  climatic  and  other 
reasons,  best  studied  at  home.  Nevertheless,  I venture  to 
think  that  the  foundation  of  a sound  colloquial  knowledge 
should  be  laid  before  the  literary  language  is  attacked, 
and  that  j)robationers  should  go  out  to  India  well  equipped 
for  learning  to  speak  not  only  the  principal  language  of 
their  province  but  any  other  language  which  may  be  needed 


FOR  ORIENTAL  LANC4UAGES 


661 


for  their  work.  They  cannot  be  said  to  be  so  equipped 
unless  they  liave  had  a training  in  phonetics. 

The  science  of  phonetiCvS  is  so  little  known  that  it  may 
be  necessary  to  explain  what  it  is.  Di\  Sweet,  in  his 
Practical  SUidy  of  Lang%iages,  on  p.  4— 

The  main  axiom  of  living  philology  is  that  all  study  of 
language  must  be  based  on  phonetics. 

“Phonetics  is  the  science  of  speech  - sounds,  or,  from 
a practical  point  of  view,  the  art  of  j)ronunciation.  Phonetics 
is  to  the  science  of  language  generally  what  mathematics  is  to 
astronomy  and  the  physical  sciences.  Without  it,  we  can 
neither  observe  nor  record  the  simplest  phenomena  of  language.” 

He  goes  on  to  show  the  fallacy  of  supposing  that 
pronunciation  can  be  learnt  b}’’  mere  imitation.  ''  This  is 
as  if  fencing  could  be  learnt  by  looking  at  other  people 
fencing.  The  movements  of  the  tongue  in  speaking  are 
even  quicker  and  more  complicated  than  those  of  tlie  foil 
in  fencing,  and  are,  besides,  mostly  concealed  from  sight. 

''  Even  in  the  case  of  children  learning  the  sounds  of 
their  own  language  the  jDrocess  is  a slow  and  tedious  one, 
and  the  nearer  the  approach  to  maturity  the  greater  the 
ditEculty  of  acquiring  new  vsounds.  Indeed,  the  untrained 
adult  seems  to  be  often  absolutely  incapable  of  imitating 
an  unfamiliar  sound  or  even  an  unfamiliar  combination  of 
sounds.  . . . Even  those  who  devote  their  lives  to  the  study 
oE  languages  generally  fail  to  acquire  a good  pronunciation 
by  imitation  perhaps  after  living  ten  or  twenty  years  in 
tlie  country  and  learning  to  write  the  language  with 
perfect  ea,se  and  accuracy.” 

He  points  out  that  there  is  an  organic  side  of  phonetics, 
in  wd’iieli  the  actions  of  the  organs  of  speech  are  described, 
ami  an  acoustic  side,  in  -which  sounds  are  described  and 
classitied.  ‘HT  is  evident  that  both  the  organic  and  the 
acoustic  sense  must  be  cultivated  : we  must  learn  both  to 
recognize  each  sound  by  ear  and  to  recognize  the  organic 
positions  by  -which  it  is  produced,  this  recognition  being 


6{)2  TllE  USE  OF  THE  BOMAN  CHARACTER 

effected  by  means  of  the  accompanying  muscular 
sensations.” 

In  India  we  are  put  to  shame  by  our  own  cliildren,  who, 
if  they  are  brouglit  up  in  the  country,  learn  to  speak  the 
native  languages  with  perfect  accuracy.  That  we  are 
most  of  us  cjuite  unable  to  do  so  is  due  simplj."  to  defective 
education — to  a neglect  of  one  of  the  most  important 
faculties  that  nature  has  given  us. 

My  suggestion  is,  therefore,  tliat  the  science  of  phonetics 
should  be  made  a basis  for  the  study  of  modern  Ijidian 
languages.  I do  not  suggest  it  as  the  only  basis ; I think 
a comparative  study  of  the  structure  of  languages,  with 
special  reference  to  those  to  be  acquired,  would  also  be 
well  repaid.  But  a grounding  of  plionetics  is  more 
necessary  than  anytliing  else,  and  for  it  a phonetic  script 
of  some  kind  is  indispensable.  If  such  a grounding  is 
given  it  is  obvious  tliat  the  Association  s script  is  tlie  one 
likely  to  be  used. 

To  sum  up,  the  Association’s  script  fulfils  all  the 
requirements  which  it  is  called  upon  to  fulfil.  That  is,  it 
is  based  on  the  Eoman  alphabet ; it  follows  tlie  principle 
of  one  sound,  one  symbol  ” ; it  is  acceptable  to  civilized 
peoples  generally ; it  can  be  used  for  any  language ; it 
can  be  read  easily  and  rapidly  when  once  mastered ; it  is 
elastic,  and,  considering  the  results,  economical  ; it  is 
widely  used  already  ; and  there  is  a body  of  phonetic 
experts,  the  Council  of  the  Association,  ready  to  give 
assistance  in  applying  and  enlarging  it. 

It  will  be  useful  to  ethnologists  for  recording  new 
languages ; to  natives  who  have  no  written  language,  or 
an  unsatisfactory  script,  for  communicating  with  each 
other  ; to  dictionary-makers  for  giving  exact  pronunciation  ; 
to  transliterators  for  phonetic  transcriptions  of  ancient 
texts  ; to  teachers  of  languages,  Asiatic  or  European, 
for  instructing  their  pupils  in  the  art  of  correct 
pronunciation;  to  teachei’s  of  the  science  of  phonetics; 


FOE  OEIENTAL  LANGUAGES 


663 


and  to  philologists  as  a record  of  linguistic  changes. 
As  there  now  seems  to  be  a reasonable  probabilitj'  of  its 
coming  into  general  use  for  all  these  purposes,  I venture 
to  suggest  that  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  should  not  be 
behindhand  in  adopting  it  for  its  records,  and  in  joining 
with  the  leaders  of  the  Association  in  order  to  perfect 
and  enlarge  it  with  special  reference  to  Asiatic  languages. 

The  Association’s  sj^'stem  has  been  recently  used  by  me 
in  a paper  on  the  Tamans  of  Upper  Burma  for  the  Ro\nxl 
Anthropological  Institute.  The  name  of  the  Tamans  for 
tliem selves  and  the  numerals  are  given  below  as  a sample 
of  tlie  uses  to  which  the  script  may  be  put — 

Taman  xApta  (xApta) 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 


to 

nek 

siun  (si/m) 
peli 

11191]  0 

kwa 


8 

9 

10 


sane  (sene) 
pose  (pase) 
taxa  (toxo) 

Ji 


Key 


A as  vowel-sound  in  E.  hitf. 
a „ E.  sir, 

0 „ ,,  E.  smv, 

e „ „ F.  efe, 

it  „ „ E.  2^ut 

9 as  first  vowel-sound  in  E,  among, 
a as  vowel-sound  in  F.  p^dte. 
e „ „ E.  men, 

'v'-. ■■  F.^ai: 

X a.s  ch  in  Q,  ach, 
g as  ng  in  E.  sing, 
f as  sh  in  E,  she. 

The  English  referred  to  is  standard  southern  English. 


XXI 


THE  SECEET  OF  KAXISHKA 
By  J.  KENNEDY 

r|lErE  interest  which  attaches  to  Kanishka  is  manifold. 

Primarily  it  is  Buddhist.  Kanishka  convoked  the 
fourth  great  Buddhist  Council,  the  Council  held  in 
Kashmir,^  which  gave  consistency  and  official  sanction  to 
the  doctrines  of  Northern  Buddhism  and  led  to  its 
adoption  by  the  Yue-che,  who  in  their  turn  became  ardent 
2:)ropagators  of  the  faith,  diffusing  its  light  among  the 
nomads  of  Central  Asia  and  introducing  it  to  the  know- 
ledge of  the  cultured  Chinese.  The  Buddhists  in  the 
nortli-western  corner  of  the  Panjab  preserved  the  memory 
of  tlieir  royal  patron  ; they  adorned  liis  memory  with 
miracle  and  legend  ; they  placed  him  by  the  side  of  Asoka, 
the  first  great  foster-father  of  their  religion  ; and  vague 
reminiscences  of  Kanislika  lingered  in  this  region  to  the 
time  of  the  learned  Alberuni  and  of  Kalhana,  author  of 
the  metrical . Chronicles  of  Kashmir. 

With  the  extinction  of  Buddhism  in  India  both  Asoka 
and  Kanishka  passed  into  oblivion.  A series  of  accidents 
lias  restored  them  to  the  light  of  day.  Asoka  s inscriptions 
occuj)y  a first  place  among  Indian  liistorical  documents. 
Kanislika  and  liis  successors  left,  indeed,  no  official 
inscriptions ; but  they  are  mentioned  as  reigning  kings 
in  many  private  ones,  while  the  abundance  and  variety  of 
their  coins  at  once  attract  attention. 

And  wlien  tlie  students  of  epigrapliy  and  numismatics 
have  done  with  Kanishka,  tlie  intere>st  passes  to  the 
historians.  Greeks,  Sakas,  Indo-Parthians,  and  the  Tueliari 
(whom  the  Indians  called  Tusharas  or  Tukharas,  and  the 

‘ Or  ])OssibIy  at  Jalandhar,  which  view  has  been  favoured  by  Kern, 
Miuiuai  of  Indian  BtiddlnHiny  p,  121* 


066 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


Chinese  Yue^clie),  all  invaded  Nortliern  India  during' 
the  centuries  iinmediately  preceding  or  following  the 
Cliristian  era.  The  labours  of  many  savants  liave  taught 
us  much  i*egarding  them ; but  the  enigma  of  Kanishka 
still  remains  unsolved.  No  less  than  eleven  theories  liave 
been  broached  regarding  his  date,  none  of  which  liave  met 
with  general  acceptance.^  The  dates  assigned  to  liim 
have  ranged  from  58  B.c.  to  278  a.d.  Now  the  question 
of  his  date  is  one  of  first-rate  importance,  for  the  position 
we  assign  to  Kanishka  and  his  line  will  determine  our 
view  of  tlie  whole  history  of  the  times.  Until  it  is 
determined  we  cannot  understand  the  succession  of  events, 
or  riglitly  interpret  the  historical  notices  of  tlie  Chinese 
and  the  cliance  allusions  of  classical  writers. 

To  add  to  the  complexity  the  problem  of  Kanislika  is 
connected  with  another  problem.  The  so-called  Vikrama 
era  is  in  universal  use  in  Northern  India  at  the  present 
ds^j  ; BO  far  as  we  can  tell,  its  use  has  always  been  veiy 
general — practically  universal — and  rival  eras  have  been 
rare ; it  commences  in  58  B.c. ; we  know  that  it  has 
nothing  to  do  with  any  king  Vikrama  or  Vikramaditya, 
nor  is  it  an  astronomical  era.  How,  then,  did  it  originate  ? 
Dr.  Fleet  has  always  maintained  that  it  originated  with 
Kanishka,  and  this  was  at  one  time  Cunningham's 
opinion." 

So  far  we  have  regarded  Kanishka  only  as  an  Indian 
king.  But  he  looms  lai:gely  on  a much  wider  liistorical 
background,  though  not,  indeed,  as  reigning  north  of  the 
Hindu  Kush — a notion  whicli  has  misled  many  eminent 
scholars.  It  will  be  part  of  my  business  to  show  tljat 
he  never  reigned  outside  India.  But  he  is  an  important 
figure  in  the  history  of  the  silk  trade  between  China  and 

^ For  a list  of  these  theories  see  Y.  A.  Smith,  “The  Kuslifm  3\^i‘iod 
of  Indian  History,’’  JRAS.,  1903,  pp.  Iff.  ; and  R.  I).  Banerji,  “The 
Scythian  Period  of  Indian  History,”  lA.,  1903,  pp.  27-8. 

“ Fleet,  JRAS.,  1907,  pp.  169  ff. 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANJSHKA 


667 


Syria  wliicli.  sprang  up  in  the  first  century  B.c.  ; lie  is  the 
ceuti-ixl  link  of  a chain  which  extends  from  the  Chinese 
province  of  Kan-su  to  the  Nabatsean  States  at  the  head 
oi;  the  Persian  Gulf.  The  secret  of  Eanishka  is  to  be 
found  in  his  coinage.  I pi'opose  to  show  that  the  history 
of  the  silk  trade  explains  every  peculiarity  of  that  coinage, 
and  compels  us  to  assign  to  him  a very  definite  limit 
of  time,  the  latter  half  of  the  century  preceding  the 
Christian  era.  But  this  is  not  the  only  clue  to  his  date. 
Tlie  legends  on  Kanishka’s  coins  are  Greek ; Greek  must 
therefore  have  been  understood  by  those  that  used  them. 
Thus  they  liave  a close  connexion  with  tlie  liistory  of  tlie 
decadence  of  Hellenism  in  the  Far  East.  Xow  it  can  be 
si) own  on  general  grounds  that  the  use  of  Greek  as  the 
language  of  daily  life  ceased  in  the  regions  east  of  the 
Euphrates  (except  in  Northern  Mesopotamia)  in  some 
places  before,  and  eveiy where  soon  after,  the  end  of  the 
first  century  A.D.;  and  there  is  neither  evidence  nor  reason 
to  suppose  that  it  lingered  after  that  time  in  an  enclave 
of  the  Panjab.  Wliat  evidence  we  have  tells  the  other  way. 
We  have,  tlierefore,  a time-limit  after  which  we  cannot 
date  Kanishka  and  his  dyiiastj^  There  is  yet  a third 
and  a more  direct  way  of  approacliing  the  problem.  W"e 
can  definitely  assign  the  other  line  of  Kushan  kings  in 
Northeiui  India,  Kozoulo  Eadphises  and  Wema  Kadphises,^ 
to  the  latter  half  of  the  first  century  A.D.  The  dynasty 
of  Kanishka  cotTU's  a space  in  round  figures  of  one 
Imndred  j'ears.  We  must  therefore  date  Kanishka  either 
a hundred  years  before  e50  A.D.  or  after  100  A.D.  (strictl}’* 
s})eaking,  after  120  A.D.).  The  disappearance  of  Greek 
in  the  second  century  of  our  era  forbids  the  latter 
hypothesis.  Thus  all  three  lines  of  investigation  coin'erge 
in  one  and  the  same  conchision. 

' The  strict  transliteration  of  the  Greek  fonn  of  the  name  of  this  king 
would  1)0  Ooenio : the  Kharoshthi  form  is  Vima.  I use  for  easy 
!*e<‘oguition  a fonn  which  has  been  made  familiar  by  previous  writers. 


608 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


The  ciro'uioent  now  to  be  pi*esented  lias  therefore  a three- 
fold strand.  I shall  first  try  to  show  (1)  that  Kozoulo 
Kad|)hises  conquered  Kabul  a little  after  50  A.l), : and 
(2)  that  a Kushan  kingdom  existed  in  India  prior  to  tliat 
time.  The  second  part  of  my  paper  deals  with  the  history 
of  the  silk  trade  from  China  in  the  first  century  B.c., 
showing  that  it  w^ent  by  way  of  Ivhotan,  North-Western 
India,  and  Kabul  to  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf  and 
thence  to  Syria,  and  that  all  the  peculiarities  of  Kanishkats 
coinage  can  be  thus  explained.  The  third  part  is  devoted 
to  a brief  history  of  the  disappearance  of  Hellenism  in  the 
Far  East.  I hope  hereafter  to  treat  at  length  of  the 
history  of  the  silk  trade,  and  also  of  Hellenism  beyond 
the  Euphrates.  Logically  these  studies  should  precede  the 
present  one ; but  Kanishka  is  an  integral  figure  in  both  ; 
and  for  various  reasons  I have  put  him  in  the  forefront, 
merely  giving  so  much  of  my  ulterior  studies  as  will 
suffice  to  explain  his  position.  And  now  my  argument 
proceeds  to  show  that  Kanishka  lived,  in  58  B.c.  ; that  he 
must  have  lived  then;  and  that  he  cannot  have  lived  at 
any  other  time. 

I 

Kanishka  as  an  Indian  King 

When,  in  the  year  128  B.C.,  Ghang-khen,  the  first  Chinese 
official  to  visit  Western  Asia,  after  encountering  many 
hardships  and  escaping  from  captivity  at  the  hands  of  the 
Hiung-nu,  arrived  in  Bactria,  he  found  the  Tochari,  or  as 
the  Chinese  called  them  the  Yue-che,  settled  in  a bod\’'  on 
the  north  bank  of  the  Oxus.  Their  numbers  were  con- 
siderable ; they  could  turn  out  over  100,000  horse-archers, 
and  the  Chinese  estimated  the  total  population  at  400,000. 
They  were  masters  of  Bactria,  or  rather  of  so  much  of  it 
as  was  not  in  possession  of  the  Parthians.  Like  their 
former  neighbours  the  Wu-sun,  they  had  five  princely 


THE  SECRET  OB’’  KANISHKA 


669 


families  called  by  the  Turkish  title  of  jab-goii,  trans- 
literated M-heoio  by  the  Chinese^  Not  very  long  after 
the  Tochari  had  settled  in  their  new  location,  perhap>s 
about  the  commencement  of  the  first  century  b.c.,“  these 
fi  ve  jah-goib  divided  the  country  between  them 
ee  Toya/ihm^,njA  established  five  independent  principalities 
in  the  mountains  of  the  Karakorum  and  the  Hindu  Kush. 
The  first  has  been  identified  ^ with  Wakhan,  the  second 
with  Ghitral,  the  third  lay  immediately  to  the  north  of 
Gandlmra,  or  was  Gandliara  itself,^  the  fourtli,  was  at 
Parwan  on  the  Panjshir,  an  afSuent  of  the  Kabul  River, 
and  the  fifth  was  close  to  but  distinct  from  Kabul.  The 
mass,  however,  of  the  Tochari  remained  on  the  north  bank 
of  the  Oxus,  where  they  had  originally  settled.  At  some 
subsequent  period,  perhaps  on  the  establishment  of  the 
Kushan  kingdom  of  Bactria,  they  split  into  two,  one 
party  keeping  to  their  former  seat,  the  other  crossing  to 
the  south  of  the  river.^ 

The  third  of  these  five  principalities  was  the  principality 
of  the  Kushans,  and  it  was  the  only  one  in  immediate  touch 

^ ‘*Le  titre  de  hi-heou  (yap-lieou)  eat  un  anden  titre  turc  qui  etait 
deja  en  iisa|?e  chez  ies  Hiung-iiou  au  deuxidne  siede  avant  not  re  ere  ; 
Hirth  y a reconiui  le  mot  turc  jab-gou  qui  est  trauscrit  ye-bou  a 
lepoque  des  T‘ang”  (Chavannes,  Les  pays  d' Occident  d'apjres  le  Ileon- 
ilau  ChoH^  p.  43,  n.  3).  AI,  Chavannes’  translation  of  chapter  cxviii  of 
the  history  of  tlie  Later  Han  (Heou  Han  Chou)  was  originally  publislied 
in  the  TUmny-pao,  ser.  n,  vol.  viii,  No.  2,  pp.  153  ft  Aly  quotations 
from  and  referci\ces  to  this  invaluable  translation  are  from  the  reprint 
in  pamphlet  form  published  by  “E.  J.  Brill,  Leide,  1907  ”, 

“ The  tjreation  of  these  five  principalities  was  apparently  not  known 
to  Sze-ma-t‘sien,  wlio  was  born  163  b.c.  and  whose  history  comes  down 
to  97  ; at  least  they  are  not  mentioned  in  KingsmilFs  translation  (or 

epitome)  of  the  123rd  chapter  of  the  ShUci,  JRAS.,  January,  1882,  p.  160. 

•*  B3’  AIar(|uart  {Ermhahr^  pp,  242-8),  who  “a  institue  sur  ces  doniuk?s 
une  discussion  lumineuse  qui  a fixe  d’une  maniere  definitive  la  situation 
de  ces  duq  royaumes”  (Chavannes,  op.  cit.,  n.  1,  p.  44,  where  the  whole 
subject  is  treated  in  full  detail), 

“ Le  Kouei-chouang  serait  immediatement  au  Nord  de  Candhara  ; 
dkiprds  0,  Ifraneke  ce  serait  le  Oandhara  iui-nieme  ” (Chavannes,  op,  cit., 

p,  45,  note). 

^ Cf.  Ptolemy,  Geog.  vii,  11,  § 6,  and  his  map  of  Baetriana. 


670 


THE  SECRET  OF  KAKLSHKA 


with  India.  Like  the  Parthiaiis  the  Kiisliaiis  were  merely 
a faruih"  or  sept ; they  came  accompanied  by  their  kinsmen 
and  followers,  and  their  numbers  were  alwaj^'s  small.  In 
this  respect,  as  well  as  in  every  other,  in  race,  in  speech, 
in  government,  and  civilization,  they  differed  toto  ccdo  from 
the  8akas,  who  flooded  Seistto  and  Indo-Scythia  with 
their  own  clans  and  the  Scythic  tribes  they  brought 
with  them. 

Despite  this  disparity  of  numbers,  these  princely  Kushans 
established  two  great  kingdoms — one  purely  Indian,  while 
the  other  embraced  both  North-West  India  and  Bactria. 
The  first  was  founded  by  Kanishka,  the  second  by  Kozoulo 
Kadphises,  or,  as  the  Chinese  called  him,  Kdeoii-tsieoii-k'io} 
I shall  first  set  forth  the  history  of  each,  and  then  discuss 
the  question  of  priority  so  far  as  the  records  I am  followdng 
throw  light  upon  the  mattei*.  I begin  with  Kanishka, 

1.  Kanislika  calls  himself  a Kushan,  and  his  coins 
represent  hhn  as  a powerfully  built  barbarian  king,  clad 
in  the  loose  coat  and  huge  boots  which  were  the  common 
dress  of  Turkestan.  The  Tochari  belonged  to  the  great 
Turki  family,  and  Kaiiishka’s  features  are  characteristic  of 
his  race;  he  has  the  pointed  cranium,  the  salient  cheek- 
bones, the  large,  long,  and  heavy  nose,  the  thick  beard ; but, 
according  to  Ujfalvy,  his  features  have  already  sometliing 
Indian — a tendency  which  is  more  obvious  in  another 
Kushan,  Huvishka.^  For  his  coin  legends  Kanishka  uses 

^ ^‘L’identite  de  K‘ieou-tsieou-kMo  et  de  Kozoulo  Kadphises,  proposee 
d’abord  par  Cumungham,  me  parait  avoir  ete  mise  hors  de  doute  par  les 
recherches  de  F.  Boyer  ” (Chavaunes,  op,  cit.,  p.  45,  ii.  2). 

^ Ujfalvy,  Les  Arytns^  etc.,  p.  72.  Ujfalvy ’s  analysis  of  these  lieads  is 
interesting.  He  says  of  Wema  Kadphises,  whom,  following  Cunningliam, 
he  puts  before  Kanishka;  “II  est  franchement  brachycephale  et  meme 
hypsicephale.  A cotd  d’une  barbe  abondante  mais  raide,  nous  reneontroas 
un  facies  grossier,  un  nez  long,  gros  et  oarre,  et  le  has  de  la  figure  cpii 
avance  ; les  yeux  paraissent  legerement  brides  et  les  pommettes  sont 
saillanbes.  Mais  c’est  surtout  le  nez  qui  est  caracteristique  yjar  la  place 
enoinne  qiril  occupe  par  rapport  au  reste  du  visage.  Kanerkes  {80  ans 
apres  J.C.)  et  Houerkes  (120  ans  apres  J.C.)  presen  tent  toujours  le 
meme  type ; cependant  les  traits  sont  affines,  le  corps  s'est  aminci,  ce 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


671 


Greek,  and  lie  borrows  titles  from  all  the  peoples  with 
whom  the  Tochari  had  come  into  contact : the  son  of 
heaven from  the  Chinese,  king  of  kings  from  the 
Parthians,  “ sovereign  lord  and  king  ” from  the  Hindusd 
Tlie  extent  o£  his  kingdom  is  incidentally  shown  by  the 
private  inscriptions  of  his  subjects.  The  epigraphic 
records  . . . give  us  contemporaneous  notices  of  him,  with 
dates,  not  only  from  Mathura  and  from  Sarnath  (close 
to  Benares)  towards  the  east,  but  also  from  Sue-Vihar 
near  Bahawalpur  on  the  north  of  Sind,  from  Manikifila 
near  Rawalpiinii  in  the  Panjab,  and  from  Zeda  in  the 
Yusufzai  countiy,  beyond  the  Indus.’' “ These  inscriptions 
range  from  the  j'ear  3 to  the  year  11,  or  if  we  include  the 
Manikiala  inscription,'*  to  tlie  year  18,  of  an  unspecified 
era.‘^  He  built  the  celebrated  stupa  at  Peshawar,  and 

ii'est  i>lns  la.  grossiere  stature  taillee  a conp  de  hache  de  Ivadphises  1T.“’ 
Then  follows  a description  of  a particular  coin  representing  Hu\'ishka : 
•*  neannioins,  la  figure  de  ce  roi  presente  dt^a  iin  certain  air  bindoii.”,, 
In  the  life  of  Seng-houei  (200  xV.d.)  translated  by  Chavannes  we  have 
the  portrait  of  a Hogdiaii,  whom  I take  to  be  a Tue-che  : “ c'etait  un 
homme  mince  et  long,  noir  et  maigre  ; dans  ses  yeux,  le  blanc  dominaifc 
et  Firis  eta, it  jaune.'-  Clearly  an  Indian  figure,  only  somewliat  darker. 
But  Seng-houei's  family  had  been  settled  for  several  generations  in 
India,  and  his  father  Ijad  migrated  as  a merchant  to  Tonkin.  The 
Vuo-che  who  settled  in  India  appear  to  have  become  rapidly  Hinduized, 
tiiiYering  from  the  Hindus  in  look  much  as  the  Goanese  do  at  the 
present  day. 

^ Devaputra,  Shaonano  Shao,  Maharaja  Rajatiraja,  BACIAEYC 
BACIAEWN. 

“ Fleet.  JRAS.,  p.  ITI  : but  I understand  that  he  would  now 

omit  the  Ahlnikuda  inscription  frouk  the  eategoiy  of  “ coiiteiki}>oraneous  " 
notices. 

Rut  see  the  preceding  note, 

^ K.  1>.  F>aiierji  (‘‘ The  Scythian  Period  of  Indian  History,"' lA.,  1908, 
p.  r>9)  tramslates  the  inscription  from  AVa,  now  in  the  Lahore  Aliiseum, 
tlius  : In  the  year  forty-one,  41,  on  the  fifth  <lay  of  the  month  of 

Cuitra,  iii  the  reign  of  Maharaja  RajatiiTija  Devaputra  Kaniska.  the  son 
of  Vasispa.*’  Tugel  says  r “I  do  not  attempt  to  explain  the  diihculty 
oOered  by  tlie  KharosthI  inscription  from  Ara,  wliieli  is  dated  in  tlie 
year  41  and  in  tlie  reign  of  one  Kaniska,  the  son  of  Vasispa  ” (JR  AS., 
1910,  p.  1314).  On  p.  1313  he  says:  “ The  latest  known  record  dated 
iii  the  reign  of  Kaniska  is  found  on  the  sculptured  slab  in  the  British 
iUusenm  edited  ly  Professor  Liiders  : it  bears  the  year  10.  I am  aware 


672 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


establislied  the  town  of  Kanislikapiira  in  Kashmir,  whiie 
several  monasteries  of  that  country  claimed  him  for  their 
founder.  He  must  therefore  have  been  ruler,  not  only  of 
his  ancestral  liome  Gandhara  and  of  Kashmir,  with  which 
his  name  is  so  intimately  connected,  but  also  of  all  North- 
Western  India  as  far  as  Sind  in  the  south  and  Benares  in 
the  east.  His  coins,  notable  for  their  abundance  and  their 
legends,  are  even  more  widelj^  distributed.  Tliey  are  found 
in  considerable  quantities  as  far  eastwards  as  Ghazipur  and 
Gorakhpur;  they  are  also  often  found,  in  countries  outside 
of  India  altogether  ; and  stray  coins  of  Kanishka  Iiave 
been  dug  up  in  Scandinavia  and  Wales. 

After  Kanishka  came  Vasishka,  whose  identity  was  first 
established  by  Dr.  Fleet.^  Of  liim  we  know  little,  for 
only  two  inscriptions — one  from  the  neighbourhood  of 
Mathura  dated  in  the  year  24,  the  other  from  Saiichi  in 
the  year  28  of  the  same  unspecified  era — can  be  ascribed, 
with  certainty  to  his  reign.^  Moreover,  none  of  his  coins, 
if  he  issued  any,  have  been  identified.  But  Kalhana,  in 
his  metrical  chronicles  of  Kashmir,  selects  Iiim  for  especial 
mention:  ''That  wise  king,  Juska,  wdio  built  Juskapura 
with  its  Vihara,  was  also  the  founder  of  Jayasvamipura.'’  ^ 

The  last  of  the  Kushans  proper  of  this  line  was 
Huvishka.  At  least  a dozen  inscriptions,  Buddhist  and 
Jain,  mention  him,  but  with  two  exceptions  all  come  from 

that  the  Manikyala  inscription  of  the  year  18  contains  the  name  of 
Kaniska,  but  if  we  adopt  the  latest  reading  of  this  diffienlt  document 
by  Professor  Liiders,  it  would  not  hear  out  that  it  belongs  to  tlie  reign 
of  that  king.”  It  is  not  clear  how  he  thus  came  to  cite  tlie  year  10  as 
the  latest  date  for  Kanishka;  the  Sue-Vihar  inscription  (lA.,  x,  S20  ; 
xi,  128)  and  the  Zeda  inscription  (JA,,  1890,  pt.  i,  p.  140)  are  dated  in 
his  reign  and  in  the  year  11.  For  Professor  Liiders’  rendering  of  the 
Manikiala  inscription,  v.  JRAS.,  1909,  pp.  645  ff. 

^ Fleet,  “A  hitherto  unrecognised  Kushan  King”:  JRAS.,  1908, 
p.  325. 

- Ibid.,  and  Vogel,  Vasiska,  the  Kusana”:  JRAS.,  1910,  p.  1313. 

Majatarangim,  bk.  i,  169  ; tr.  Stein.  Kalhana  (verse  168)  lias  the 
name  Kanishka  in  that  same  form : for  Huvishka  he  has  Huslika,  and 
for  Vasishka,  J ushka. 


THE  SECBET  OF  KANISHKA 


673 


Mathura,  and  they  range  from  the  year  33  to  the  year  60 
of  the  same  unspecified  era.  Of  the  two  exceptional 
inscriptions,  one  is  from  Alika  ; tlie  other  is  an  inscription 
on  a votive  vase  from  a stupa  at  or  near  Wardak,  some 
forty  or  fifty  miles  south-west  of  Kfibul.  The  significance 
of  this  find  I shall  discuss  hereafter.  Like  his  predecessors, 
Huvishka  is  said  to  have  founded  a town  named  after 
himself,  and  also  mathas  and  viharas  in  Kashmir. 

We  have,  therefore,  three  powerful  Kuslian  sovereigns, 
foreigners,  ruling  over  the  Panjab  and  a great  part  of 
Northern  India  for  some  sixty  years ; possi])ly  in  the  case 
of  Huvislika  temporarily  even  over  part  of  Kabul.  Tlien 
there  comes  a break.  The  Sakas  push  up  the  Indus 
valley,  and  we  liave  a Scythic  king  Moga  at  Taxila,  with 
a record  dated  in  -the  jmar  78,  and  Scythic  satraps  at 
Mathura,^  for  one  of  whom  we  have  a date  in  the  year  72. 
Finally,  from  the  year  80  to  the  year  98  we  have 
a partial  rcAUval  of  the  Kushan  kingdom  by  Bazdeo  or 
Vasudeva,  who,  despite  his  Hindu  name,  calls  himself 
a Kushan  on  his  coins,  and  imitates  the  Kushan  coinage. 
The  inscriptions  which  mention  him  are  from  M.athura, 
but  his  gold  coins  are  found  all  over  the  north-west  and 
as  far  as  Ali  Masjid.  His  rule  extended  apparently  over 
the  Eastern  Panjab  and  no  , farther.  With  him  the 
Kanishka  line  comes  to  an  end. 

The  memory  of  this  epliemeral  dynasty  of  foreigners, 
which  lasted  for  barely  one  hundred  years,  and  flourished 
for  some  sixty  only,  must  have  si^eedily  passed  into 
oblivion  had  it  not  been  for  the  fame  of  Kanishka  iiimself 
and  liis  patronage  of  Buddhism.  Buddhists  and  Jains 
abounded  in  the  north-west  of  India  even  in  the  days 
of  Alexander.  Kashmir  and  the  country  bordering  on  tlie 
Himalayan  footliills  were  the  home  of  Tantric  rites  ; and 

^ Fleet,  “ ISfoga,  Maxies,  and  Yonones^*:  JR  AS.,  1907,  p.  1013. 
Dr.  Fleet's  conclusions  are  borne  out,  I think,  by  general  considerations 
drawn  from  the  history  of  the  Sakas. 


mil 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


the  MaliavaRa  fona  of  Buddhism  must  have  developed 
itself  in  those  regions  at  an  early  date,  if,  indeed,. it  was 
not  in  many  respects  anterior  to  Buddha.  Kanishka 
convoked  tlie  Council  which  gave  it  official  authority  and 
a.  sacred  canon,  and  his  name  was  intimately  connected 
with  the  glories  of  the  Council.  Although  a foreigner,  he 
was  gratefully  remembered  in  Gandhara  and  Kaslnnir  as 
long  as  Buddlusm  survived  ; and  legends,  mostly  marvellous, 
gathered  round  his  name.^  The  elements  of  history  whicli 
they  contain  are  not  inconsistent  with  the  testimony  of 
the  inscriptions  and  the  coins.  They  represent  Kanishka 
as  a barbarian  king,  powerful  and  cruel,  who  conquered 
India  and  became  master  of  Jambudvijoa : they  celebrate 
his  successful  invasion  of  Magadha,  his  conversion  to 
Buddhism,  and  liis  convocation  of  the  Council  of  Kashmir. 
The  Parthians  felt  the  vigour  of  his  onslaught  and  the 
weight  of  his  arms ; in  old  age  he  led  his  army  against  the 
North,  whicli  alone  remained  unsubdued,  and  lie  died  in 
an  attempt  to  cross  tlie  Ts‘ong-ling  Mountains,  the  range 
between  Gandhara  and  Kliotan.‘^  The  Chinese  pilgrim 
Ou‘kong  in  the  eighth  century  A.D.  and  Alberuni  in  the 
eleventh  say  tliat  tlie  Turushka^  kings  of  Gandhara 
claimed  him  (perhaps  wrongly)  as  the  founder  of  their 

^ The  legends  regarding  Kanishka  are  chiefly  to  be  found  in  Hiuen 
Tsiang  and  in  S.  Levi,  “Notes  sur  les  Indo-Scyfcbes,'’  JA.,  lS9(i,  pt.  ii, 
pp.  444  ff.,  and  JA.,  1897,  pt.  i,  pp.  5 ff.  The  notices  which  iM.  I^evi  has 
collected  are  for  the  most  part  earlier  than  Hiuen  Tsiang.  The  earliest 
mention  of  Kanishka  given  by  M.  Levi  is  in  a Chinese  translation  of 
383  A.D. 

- I know  of  no  evidence  whatever  to  show  that  Kanishka  ever  rnled 
outside  the  borders  of  India ; indeed,  the  legends  expressly  say  that  he 
was  master  of  the  south  and  east,  but  not  of  the  north.  It  is  vain, 
therefore,  to  seek  for  him  a place  in  the  history  of  Bactria,  an  error 
which  has  misled  even  so  eminent  a scholar  and  critic  as  M.  Biyer. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  Kanishka,  being  a Kusban,  v'as 
a Tushara,  but  not  a Turk.  The  Tochari  were  of  the  great  I’urki  race, 
but.  perfectly  distinct  from  their  enemies  the  Hiung-iiu,  a.  remnant  of 
whom  lived  in  the  Altai  Mountains,  and,  revolting  from  their  masters 
the  Sien-pi,  first  became  famous  as  Turks  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuj-ies 
of  our  era. 


THE  SECRET  OF  KAKISHKA 


675 


djHiasty,  and  lie  and  his  successors  were  remembered 
oTatefully,  if  vaguely,  in  the  annals  of  Kashmir. 

2.  The  rule  of  Kanishka  and  his  colleagues  was  short- 
lived: it  was  confined  to  Kortliern  India;  and  except  for 
its  Buddliist  proclivities,  it  was  devoid  of  any  permanent 
influence  on  tlie  history  of  the  country  or  the  constituent 
elements  of  the  population.  But  there  was  anotlier 
Kusluin  kingdom,  an  empire  which  extended  from  the 
Pamirs  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  and 
which  lasted  for  centuries  until  it  was  overthrowni  by  the 
White  Huns.  The  fame  of  the  Kushan  land  reached 
tlie  ears  of  the  Romans  and  the  Armenians,  and  in  the 
seventh  ceiituiy  A..D,  the  petty  kings  of  Fergana  and 
Sogdiana  still  continued  to  boast  of  their  Kushan  lineage. 
The  founder  of  this  kingdom  calls  liimself  on  his  coins 
Kozoulo  Kadphises,  a name  which  the  Chinese  have 
transliterated  by  Kfieou-tsieou-kfio.  Of  him  and  his  son 
and  successor,  Wema  Kadphises,  the  annals  of  the  Later 
Han  (25-220  a. D.)  give  a nearly  contemporary  history. 

Fan  Ye,  the  author  of  these  annals  (died  445  a.d.), 
after  a few  lines  regarding  the  Yue-che  (who  liad  been 
fully  described  by  previous  writers),  and  after  giving 
a list  of  their  principalities,  in  order  to  correct  a mistake 
of  his  predecessor,  Pan-ku  (died  92  A.D.),  proceeds  tlius : 

More  than  a hundred  years  after  the  establishment  of 
these  principalities  the  hi-heoib  of  the  Konei-choiianif 
(Kushans),  K'iecm4sieoto-Jv  io  by  name,  attacked  and  over- 
came the  other  four  hi-heotb ; lie  made  himself  a king ; 
the  name  of  his  kingdom  was  Koiiei-clioiunKj  (Kushan). 
He  invaded  Ngan-si  (Parthia),^  and  took  possession  of  the 
kingdom  of  Kao-fem  (Kabul) ; moreover,  he  triumphed 
over  Pouta  (the  location  of  which  is  not  known)  and 
Ki-pin  (Kashmir),  and  became  complete  master  of  {possMa 
ent  Verernent)  these  kingdoms.  IPieou-t&ieou-P  io  died 

when  over  80  years  of  age.  His  son  Te7i-hio4ehen  (Wemii 
^ Xgan-si  = Arsak ; w Chavannes,  op.  cit.,  }>,  SI,  n.  1. 


G7()  THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 

Kadpliises)  succeeded  him  as  king.  He  in  his  turn 
conquered  Tien4chcm  (India),  and  appointed  a regent  to 
o'overn  it.  From  this  time  the  Yne-che  became  extremelv 

■ ■ .o 

powerful.  All  the  other  countries  designate  them  Konei- 
cliouawj  (Kushan)  after  their  king/  but  the  Han  csll 
them  Ta  Yue-che,  preserving  their  ancient  appellation.”^ 
I shall  quote  three  more  passages  from  this  history  which 
throw  further  light  on  these  events. 

Describing  or  Kabul,  Fan  Ye  says  that  Pan-ku, 

the  historian  of  the  Elder  Han,  was  wrong  in  enuinerating 
Kabul  among  the  five  Yue-che  principalities.  He  implies 
that  Pan-ku,  knowing  the  Yue-che  to  be  masters  of 
Kabul  in  his  day,  had  erroneously  attributed  its  conquest 
to  the  period  of  which  he  was  treating,  viz.  the  first 
century  B.c.  Fan  Ye  proceeds  thus:  “The  people 
of  Kabul  were  not  always  subject  to  the  same  masters ; 
whenever  any  of  the  three  kingdoms  of  T'ien-tclioib 
(India),  Ki-inn  (Kashmir),  or  (Parthia)  became 

powerful,  it  brought  Kabul  into  subjection  {il  s'emparait 
dJetix).  When  it  grew  weak  it  lost  Kabul.  But  Kabul 
never  depended  on  the  Yue-che.  The  history  of  the  (Elder) 
Han  is  therefore  in  error  when  it  makes  Kabul  one  of  the 
five  hi-Ueon,  Later  {phis  tard)  Kabul  fell  under  the  rule 
of  Parthia;  and  it  was  not  until  the  Yue-che  triumphed 
over  the  Parthians  that  they  came  for  the  first  time  into 
possession  of  Kabul.”  ^ 

The  two  remaining  passages  relate  the  conquest  of  India. 
Fan  Ye  begins  with  a general  description  of  the  country, 

^ The  Armenians  gave  the  name  of  Kushan  to  the  country  north  of 
the  Paropamisus  and  Elburz  ranges  as  far  almost  as  the  Caspian 
(Moses  of  Khorene,  trad.  Pran^aise  par  P.  C.  de  Vaillant  de  Florival, 
bk.  ii,  c.  2,  67,  pp.  141,  308).  Margiana  was  included  in  it  (Am. 
Marcellirius,  xxiii,  6).  Am.  Marcellinus  calls  the  kings  Bactrians,  and 
says  that  many  nations  were  subject  to  them,  of  whom  the  Tochari  were 
the  bravest  and  most  powerful:  ‘‘Gentes  iisdem  Bactrianis  obediunt 
pi  a res  quas  exsuperaiit  Tochari.” 

- Chavaiines,  op.  cit.,  pp.  45-6. 

Chavaiines,  op.  cit.,  p.  46. 


THE  SECRET  OP  KANLSHKA 


677 


wliicli  I shall  abbreviate.  ''  'f'ien-choiv  ov  Slien-t cm,  for 
both  names  are  used,  lies  on  the  banks  of  a great  river ; 
the  country  is  low-lying,  hot,  and  damp.  The  manners  of 
tile  people  resemble  those  of  the  Hiung-nu.”  Here  we 
evidently  have  the  Indus  Valley  and  Indo-Scythia — the 
India  whicli  was  first  known  to  the  Chinese,  and  which 
ahme  is  described  by  Pan-ku  in  his  history  of  the  Elder 
Han.  Fan  Ye  next  goes  on  to  say  that  “if  you  start  from 
tile  kingdom  of  Kabul  and  direct  your  steps  south-west, 
you  arrive  at  the  western  sea ; if  you  go  eastwards, 
you  come  to  P'an-hi''  (possibly  Burmah  or  Annain,  says 
Chavannes)  ; “ all  these  countries  are  included  in  Sheii-fou.'' 
To  understand  this  statement  we  must  remember  tliat  not 
only  was  Kabul  part  of  India, ^ but  that  the  people  of 
Arachosia  were  called  White  Indians  according  to  Isidore.- 
Fan  Ye  then  goes  on : “ Slien-toii  has  several  hundred 
towns  (besides  the  capital),  a governor  over  each ; there 
are  also  several  dozen  kingdoms  (besides  the  principal 
kingdom) ; and  in  each  kingdom  a king.  Although  there 
are  slight  differences  between  these  kingdoms,  all  bear 
the  name  of  Shen-tozo,  At  this  time  (apparently,  says 
Chavannes,  at  the  time  of  Pan  Yonff,  c.  125  A.D.,  of 
whom  more  hereafter)  all  these  kingxloms  were  subject  to 
the  Yue-che ; the  Yue-che  had  killed  the  king,  and 
installed  a regent  to  administer  the  government.”  ^ We 
shall  see  presently  that  this  refers  to  tlie  concpiest  of  the 
Punjab  and  the  country  as  far  as  the  Jamna. 

The  last  passage  I shall  quote  evidently  refers  to  tlie 
kingdom  of  Magadha,  although  the  Indian  equivalents  of 
the  various  names  the  Chinese  give  it  and  its  capital  have 
noi  yet  lioen  discovered.  “ says  Fan  Ye,  “ was  ovi^r 

3,000  li  south-east  of  THen-clum  or  Shen-tou,  the  country 

^ The  Indians  who  fought  in  the  army  of  Ilarius  at  Arbela  ■\\'ere  from 
Afghanistan  ; they  are  described  as  being  either  coterminous  witli  the 
Baetrians  or  luuuntaiiteers. 

- Mans.  Pa,rth. 

Chavannes,  o|.).  cit,,  pp.  46-7. 


678 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


we  have  already  described ; it  was  a great  kingdom,  its 
produce  and  its  climate  were  like  that  of  T'ien-cltoiL. 
There  were  several  dozens  of  towns  of  the  first  rank  ; the 
chief  of  each  had  the  title  of  king.  The  Yue-che  had 
attacked  this  kingdom  and  reduced  it  to  subjection  (ic.s* 
Ta  Yue^clie  aUaqiheTent  ce  roycmone  et  se  rasservirent):’  ^- 

So  mucli  for  our  text ; now  for  the  commentary. 

1.  In  tlie  first  place  Fan  Ye  enables  us  to  assign  KHeou-: 
tsieoii-k'io  or  Kozoulo  Kadphises  and  his  son  to  the  first 
century  A.D.  I have  confined  myself/'  says  the  historian 
of  the  Later  Han,  to  the  events  which  happened  in  the 
period  Kien-ioon  (25-55  a.d.)  or  which  were  posterior  to 
that  period.”  As  to  his  materials,  he  says  that  he  took 
tlxem  from  the  report  drawn  up  by  Pan  Yong  towards 
the  end  of  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  (107-26  A.n.).- 

The  century  with  which  Fan  Ye  is  dealing,  25-125  a.d., 
comprises  the  career  both  of  Kozoulo  Kadphises  and  of  his 
son  Weina  Kadphises.  Moreover,  we  have  seen  that  Fan  Ye 
corrects  his  predecessor  Pan-ku  for  introducing  into  the 
history  of  the  Elder  Han  (206  B.C.  to  9 xV.D.)  events  which 
occurred  afterwards.  The  conquest  of  Kabul  is  the  event 
Fan  Ye  had  in  mind.  Now  Pan-ku  died  in  92  a.d,  ; 
consequently  Kozoulo  Kadphises’  conquest  of  Kabul  must 
be  dated  after  25  a.d.  and  before  92  a.d.  These  arguments 
propounded  by  MM.  Francke  and  Chavannes  are  confirmed 

^ Chavannes,  op.  cit.,  pp.  48-9. 

® Fan  Ye  says  {Chavannes,  op.  cit.,  p.  22):  “Les  notices  qne  Pan- 
kou  a ecrites  sur  la  configuration  et  les  moenrs  (d’Occident)  se  trouvent 
detaillees  et  completes  dans  le  livre  (des  Han  Anterieurs)  : maintenant/ 
j'ai  choisi  ce  qne  dans  les  evenements  de  la  periode  Klen-won  (25-00  a.d.) 
ou  posterieurs  a cette  periode,  ^tait  different  de  ce  qui  a ete  deja  dit 
auparavant,  et  j’en  ai  compost  le  chapitre  sur  les  pays  d’Oceident : tons 
ces  faits  ont  ete  relates  de  Pan  Yong  a la  fin  du  regne  de  rempereiir 
Ngan  (107-25  a.d.).”  Afterwards  Pan  Ye  tells  us  that  some  of  liis 
remarks  about  India  ^vere  taken  verbatim  from  Pan  Yong.  I may 
explain  that  Pan  Y’ong  was  the  son  of  the  great  Chinese  general  Pau’ 
Tch‘ao,  who  restored  Chinese  authority  throughout  the  West,  and 
himself  had  served  in  the  Western  regions. 

Chavannes,  op.  cit.,  p.  45,  n.  1. 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


679 


by  Indian  numismatics.  Professor  Rapson  says  : ''  Two 
points  at  least  seem  clear:  (1)  the  head  on  the  Kusana 
copper  coins  bearing  the  name  Koxola  Kadaphes  is  directly 
imitated  from  the  head  of  Augustus ; (2)  the  gold  coinage 
of  the  Kusanas  follows  a weight-standard  identical  with, 
the  Roman.”  ^ 

2.  But  I think  it  is  possible  to  date  the  conquest  of 
Kabul  by  Kozoulo  Kadphises  with  much  greater  precision. 
Fan  Ye  tells  us  that  Kozoulo  Kadphises  began  his  career  by 
reducing  the  four  other  Tochari  principalities,  and  there- 
upon revived  the  dignity  of  king,  wdiich  had  apparently 
fallen  into  abeyance  among  the  Tochari.‘"  Being  now 
secure  of  the  devotion  of  his  tribe,  he  turned  his  arms 
against  the  Parthians,  who  up  to  this  time  had  held  the 
greater  part  of  the  open  country  of  Bactria.  During  the 
first  half  century  A.D.  tlie  Parthians,  who  had  not  long 
before  been  at  the  summit  of  their  power,  were  very  open 
to  attack ; they  were  distracted  by  the  quarrels  and 
murders  of  the  royal  family,  revolts  were  frequent, 
anarchy  was  general,  and  from  40  to  45  a.d.  Gotarzes 
and  Vardanes  I carried  on  a civil  war,  in  which  Scythians 
were  engaged  as  mercenaries  or  allies.  The  time  was 
favourable  to  Kozoulo’s  enterprise,  and  he  made  himself 
master  of  Bactria  and  Margiana  and  the  country  as  far  as 
the  Hyrcanians  and  Dahse  : so  we  must  suppose,  since  these 
lands  were  always  reckoned  in  the  Kushan  dominions. 
The  conquest  of  Kabul  was  the  last  of  Kozoulo's  exploits ; 
''  it  was  only,”  says  Fan  Ye,  ''  when  the  Yue-che  had 

^ Gntridriss  : ‘‘Indiaa  Coins,’’  by  E.  J.  Rapson,  p.  4.  Y.  Smith  to 
the  same  effect,  JRAS.,  1903,  pp.  4-5  ; but  see  my  remarks  on  the 
subject  of  the  aurei  in  Fart  II. 

- None  of  Kozoulo  Kadphises’  rivals  appear  to  have  claimed  the 
dignity,  and  the  bulk  of  the  Tochari  tribe  which  pastured  its  flocks  by 
the  Oxus  banks  submitted  to  Kozoulo  Kadphises  without  any  opposition. 
Tiie  last  member  of  the  old  royal  houste  whom  we  liear  of  is  a queen  ; 
with  her  perhaps  the  royalty  became  insignificant  or  extinct.  But  our 
knowledge  of  Scythian  history  in  Turkestan  in  the  first  century  b.c.  is 
almost  7uL 


JRAS.  1912. 


44 


680 


TiiE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 

triumphed  over  Ngcm-si  (Parthia)  that  for  the  first  time 
they  took  possession  of  Kabul/'  But  from  whom  did 
Kozoulo  Kadphises  take  it  ? From  the  Parthians,  says 
Fan  Ye.  But  the  Arsacids  never  held  Kabul.^  Fan  Ye’s 
Parthians  must  therefore  be  the  Indo-Parthians,  and  as 
the  only  Indo- Parthian  who  ever  ruled  in  Kabul  was 
Gondophernes,^  and  the  date  of  Gondophernes  is  known, 
we  have  here  a clear  note  of  time,^  We  know,  moreover, 
from  the  Takht-i-Bahai  insciaption  that  in  the  year  103 
of  ‘'the  continuous  era",*^  that  is  in  46  a.d.,  Gondophernes 
was  master  of  the  lower  Indus  valley,  and  commanded 
the  communications  between  Kabul  and  Kashmir.  The 
conquest  of  these  countries  by  Kozoulo  Kadphises  must 
therefore  be  posterior  to  46  a.d.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
must  have  taken  place  either  during  Gondophernes’  life- 
time or  shortly  after  his  death.  We  know  from  the 
PeviphbS  that  soon  after  this  event  the  power  of  the 
Indo-Parthians  had  greatly  declined,  a decline  which  must 

^ The  map  given  in  Wroth’s  Catalogue  of  the  Parthian  coins  (Greek) 
in  the  British  Museum  shows  the  extent  of  the  Parthian  dominions  both 
in  Bactria  and  west  of  Kabul.  St.  Thomas  was  the  apostle  of  the 
Parthians,  but  his  visit  to  Gondophernes  the  Indo-Parthian  was  the 
subject  of  the  legend.  Thus  the  word  Parthian  was  used  in  a much 
wider  sense  than  Arsacid. 

2 For  Gondophernes  and  Kabul,  v.  Cunningham,  ASI.,  vol.  ii,  p.  59, 
and  “ Coins  of  the  Sakas”,  Class  B,  p.  20  {Ntmi.  Ohroii.^  ser.  rii,  vol.  x, 
pp.  105  If.). 

I assume  (1)  that  the  attribution  of  Gondophernes  to  the  first  half- 
century  of  the  Christian  era  is  certain  ; (2)  that  the  year  103  of  the 
Takht-i-Bahai  inscription  is  to  be  calculated  from  58  b.c.  ; (3)  that 
M.  Boyer  has  proved  beyond  reasonable  doubt  that  the  Western 
Ksatrapas,  presumably  Nahapana,  instituted  the  Saka  era.  Reams 
have  been  written  regarding  all  three  subjects,  but  I think  that  the 
above  commands  the  general  consensus  of  scholars.  The  reasons  in 
support  of  each  proposition  are  strong,  and  I have  never  seen  anything 
of  weight  to  the  contrary.  For  M.  Boyer’s  article  v.  JA.,  1897,  ii, 
pp.  120  ff.  For  the  identity  of  the  Mambanos  of  the  Feriplus  and 
Kahapana,  v.  M.  Boyer,  op.  cit.,  pp.  134-8,  and  Fleet,  JR  AS.,  1907, 
p.  1043. 

^ The  words  “ the  continuous  era’*  are  in  accordance  with  M.  Senarfs 
reading  and  translation  of  the  text ; JA.,  1890,  pt.  i,  p.  123. 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


681 


be  attributed  in  part  to  tlie  campaigns  of  the  Kiislian 
monarch.  We  have  therefore  both  an  anterior  and 
a posterior  limit  of  time  for  the  conquest  oE  Kabul  by 
Kozoulo  Kadphises,  and  we  shall  perhaps  not  greatly 
err  if  we  attribute  it  to  the  year  {circa)  60  a. D. 

3.  Kozoulo  Kadphises  must  have  been  elderly  when 
he  conquered  Kabul;  he  died  when  he  was  over  80, 
and  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Wema  Kadphises.  Our 
notices  of  Wema  Kadphises  ^ are  very  brief,  but  we  learn 
that  he  conquered  Tden-chou  (India)  and  appointed 
a viceroy  to  govern  it.  The  Chinese  applied  the  term 
Tden-chou  in  a very  vague  fashion ; indeed,  wo  are  told 
that  there  were  five  Tden-chou.  With  Pan-ku  and 
Fan  Ye  it  usually  means  the  Indus  Valley ; but  in  this  case 
it  is  clearly  distinguished  and  means  the  Eastern  Punjab 
from  the  Jhelam  River  to  the  Jamiia.  Ptolemy,  writing 
a few  years  after  Pan  Yong  and  using  native  sources, 
calls  it  the  kingdom  of  the  Kaspeiraioi  or  Kashmiris ; 
he  makes  it  to  extend  from  the  Bidaspa  and  Eutliyrnedia 
(Euthydemia)  to  Mathura  and  the  Jamna.-  At  the  time 
when  Pan  Yong  made  his  report — say  120  A.D.  — the 
country  was  governed  by  a Kushan  deputy ; at  some 
subsequent  period  it  became  independent,  and  would 
appear  to  have  been  both  powerful  and  famous.  There 

^ Wema  Kadphises  was  a very  powerful  prince  according  to  Fan  Ye. 
He  is  probably  the  Yue-che  prince  referred  to  in  Fan  Ye^s  biography  of 
Pan-Tcli‘ao  (32-102  a.d.),  translated  by  M.  Chavannes  from  the  .seventy- 
seventh  chapter  of  the  History  of  the  Later  Han  ( ser.  n, 
vol.  vii,  No.  2 ; reprint  by  Brill,  Leiden,  1906).  Before  88  a.i>.  the 
Yue-che  were  friendly  to  the  Chinese,  and  had  given  them  important 
aid  in  the  attack  on  Turfan  ; they  sent  presents  in  88  a.d.  to  the  Court 
of  China,  and  asked  for  a Chinese  princess  in  marriage,  Pan-Tchkio 
stopperl  the  embassy,  and  two  years  later  (in  90  a.d.)  the  Yue-che 
l>rince  sent  his  viceroy  Bie  with  70,000  men  across  the  Pamirs  to  attack 
Pan-Tchhio.  Pan-Tch‘ao  devastated  the  country,  and  Sie,  unable  to 
support  his  army,  was  glad  to  make  a safe  I’etreat,  Peace  was  restored, 
but  in  114-16  the  Yhie-che  again  sent  an  army  across  the  Pamirs  to 
support  a claimant  to  the  throne  of  Kashgar. 

* Ptolemy,  Geog.,  vii,  §§  47-50  ; of.  McCrindle,  Ancient  India  as 
described  by  Ptolemy^  pp.  124  ff. 


682  THE  SECRET  OP  KANISHIvA 

are  four  ''sons  of  heaven ’V  says  a Chinese  translator  in 
the  year  392  A.D. : there  is  the  Chinese  emperor,  ‘'son 
of  heaven”  of  the  Tsin  (i.e.,  says  M.  Levi,  of  the  Eastern 
Tshi  dynasty,  317-420  a.d.)  ; in  the  south  there  is  the 
"son  of  heaven”  of  T'ien-chou  (India),  famous  for  its 
elephants ; in  the  west  the  " son  of  heaven  ” of  the  Romans  ; 
and  in  the  north-west  the  "son  of  heaven”  of  the  Yue-che, 
rich  in  horses.^  As  the  title  "son  of  heaven”,  borrowed 
from  the  Chinese,  was  assumed  only  by  the  Yue-che 
among  the  foreign  invaders  of  India,  we  have  here 
sufScient  evidence  to  show  that  the  Tochari  viceroys 
not  only  made  themselves  independent,  but  established 
a powerful  and  famous  kingdom — a kingdom  which  lasted 
until  the  Guptas  overthrew  it  in  the  fourth  century  a.d. 
The  kingdom  of  Magadha  acknowledged  its  supremacy  ; 
its  court  must  have  maintained  some  kind  of  barbaric 
splendour,  and  as  long  as  it  existed  the  Yue-che  continued 
their  missionary  efforts  ; it  was  only  after  its  downfall  that 
Chinese  pilgrims  visited  India.  But  its  coinage,  -which 
follows  that  of  Vasudeva  in  an  ignorant  fashion,  and  also 
shows  traces  of  Sassanian  influence,  proves  the  barbarism 
of  the  foreigners ; nor  did  the  Tochari  in  India  leave 
any  permanent  mark  of  their  rule  on  the  populations  they 
governed.  One  thing,  however,  is  clear : from  the  middle 
of  the  first  century  of  our  era  to  the  middle  of  the  fourth 
century,  the  whole  of  Northern  India  was  under  the  rule 
of  foreigners.  What  the  Mahakshatrapas  of  Surashtra 
do  not  hold,  the  Tochari  hold ; and  Magadha,  the  onl}" 

^ Dans  le  Jambudvxpa  il  y a . . . 4 fils  du  ciel.  A Test  il  y a le 
Fils  da  Ciel  des  Tsin  ; la,  population  y est  tres  prospM'e.  Au  sud  il 
y a le  Fils  du  Ciel  du  royaume  T*ien-tchou  (Inde) ; la  terre  produir 
beaiicoup  d’elephants  renommes.  A Roues t il  y a le  Fils  du  Ciel  de 
Ta-Tsin  (I’empire  Romain) ; la  terre  produit  de  Tor,  de  Targeut,  des 
pierres  precieuses  eri  abondaiice.  Au  nord-ouest  il  y a le  Fils  du  Ciel 
des  Yue^tchi ; la  terre  produit  beaucoup  de  bons  chevaux  ” (S.  Levi, 
“Notesurles  Indo-Scythes,’^  JA.,  neuv.  ser.,  vol.  ix,  pt.  i,  p.  24,  note, 
1897).  The  Turcoman  horses  were  famous  in  antiquity  ; Alexander  took 
them  for  remounts  for  his  cavalry,  and  in  India  they  ax’e  famous  still. 


THE  SECBET  OF  KANISHKA 


68^ 


semi-independent  kingdom  of  importance,  acknowledges 
its  dependence  on  its  Tochari  suzerains. 

I have  traced  at  length  the  history  of  the  kingdom  of 
Kanishka,  as  well  as  of  the  great  Knshan  kingdom 
founded  by  Kozoulo  Kadphises,  and  related  by  the 
liistorian  of  the  Later  Han  (25-220  A.D.).  Were  the  two 
kingdoms  independent  of  each  other  ? Was  Kanishka  the 
hrst  Yue-che  viceroy  of  the  Panjab  who  made  himself 
a king  ? If  vso,  it  must  have  been  after  the  date  of  Pan 
Yongs  report,  i.e.  after  120  a.D.  ; and  as  his  coins  and 
those  of  his  successors  bear  only  Greek  legends,  Greek 
must  have  been  spoken  in  the  Panjab  througliout  the 
second  century  of  our  era.  Or  are  we  to  put  Kanishka  and 
his  line  before  the  conquest  of  Kabul  and  Kashmir  by 
Kozoulo  Kadphises?  The  line  of  Kanishka  lasted  for 
100  years,  and  as  we  have  dated  the  conquests  of  Kozoulo 
Kadphises  in  the  middle  of  the  first  century  A.B.  we  must 
carry  Kanishka  back  to  the  middle  of  the  preceding 
century.  On  general  grounds  the  answer  is  not  doubtful, 
but  apart  from  these  general  considerations  we  have  quite 
sufficient  evidence  to  give  the  priority  to  Kanishka. 

1.  A passage  of  a Buddhist  work,  the  Samy^iJddgama, 
quoted  in  a Chinese  compilation  of  the  fifth  — sixth 
century  a.d.,  mentions  four  nations  as  reigning  simul- 
taneously : the  Yavanas  in  the  north  (i.e.  in  Kabul),  the 
Sakas  in  the  south  (Indo-Scythia),  the  Pahlavas  in  the 
west  (Asia  and  Arachosia),  and  the  Tushtoxs  in  the  east.^ 
There  must  therefore  have  been  a Tushara  03*  Kushan 
kingdom  in  the  Panjab  and  at  Mathura  when  Greek 
princes  reigned  in  Kabul.  But  we  have  seen  that  Kozoulo 
Kadphises  took  Kabul,  not  from  the  Greeks,  but  from  the 
Indo-Parthians,  and  in.  this  enterpiuse  Hermmus,  the  last 

^ S,  Levi,  Notes  sur  les  Indo-Scythes,”  JA.,  1897,  pt.  i,  p.  10,  note: 
^ ' Chez  les  bonddhistes,  un  passage  du  Samyixktagania,  cite  dans  une 
compilation  chinoise  du  v-vi®  siecle — predit  la  domination  simultanee 
des  Ye-po-no  (Yavanas)  au  nord,  des  Che-hia  (Sakas)  mi  sud,  des  Po-la-p^o 
(Pahlavas)  a Touest,  des  Temt-tha-lo  (Tusaras)  a Test.” 


684 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 

of  the  Greek  princelings  of  Kabul,  whose  name  he  associates 
with  liis  own,  was  his  friend  and  ally.  Clearly,  tlien, 
a Kiishan  kingdom  existed  in  India  before  the  time  of 
Kozoulo  Kadphises,  that  is  to  say,  before  the  middle  of 
the  first  c^mtmy  of  our  em. 

And  here  I shall  make  a short  digression.  Fan  Ye  lias 
told  us  that  Then-chou,  Ki-pin,  and  Ngan-si  had  successively 
attempted  to  conquer  Kabul,  but  that  in  the  end  Ngaii-si 
(Parthia)  held  it.  Ngan-si,  as  we  have  seen,  means 
Gondophernes ; does  Ki~pin  (Kashmir)  mean  Huvishka  ? 
It  is  true  that  Fan  Ye  Bfxys  the  Yue-che  never  held  Kabul. 
Permanently  they  never  held  it.  But  the  Ward ak  vase 
would  certainly  suggest  that  it  was,  in  part  at  least, 
temporarily  occupied  by  Huvishka.  Pan-ku  may  not, 
therefore,  have  been  altogether  wrong  in  making  Kal^ul 
subject  to  the  Yue-che,  while  Fan  Ye,  who  ignores 
Kanishka  and  his  successors  altogether,  would  be  ignorant 
of  the  fact.  Huvishka’s  occupation  was  certainly  very 
brief;  it  must  have  occurred  just  before  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Christian  era ; and  it  would  appear  to  have 
ushered  in  the  downfall  of  the  Greeks. 

2.  Pan-ku,  describing  Ki-pin  (Kashmir)  in  the  first 
century  B.C.,  says  that  it  had  a gold  and  silver  currency, 
which  circulated  not  only  in  Ki-pin  but  in  Woo-y  ih-shan4i 
(Asia  and  Western  Arachosia).^  The  Kushans  alone  of  all 
the  Indian  monarchs  of  the  time  struck  a gold  coinage  ; 
therefore  there  must  have  been  Kushan  kings  in  Kashmir 
in  the  first  century  n.c.  It  is  of  course  true  tliat  the 
Kushans  issued  no  silver  coins,  and  for  obvious  reasons. 
Their  gold  coinage  was  meant  for  purposes  of  foreign 
trade ; the  silver  coinage  already  in  circulation  met  all 
local  wants.  We  must  suppose  that  the  silver  coins  of  the 

^ A.  Wylie,  “ Hotes  on  the  Western  Regions,  etc.”.*  Journ.  Anthrop. 
Inst.,  vol.  X,  pp.  35,  39,  1880,  According  to  Pan-ku,  Woo-yih-shau-H 
bordered  on  Ki-pin  ; the  currency  in  both  countries  was  the  same ; the 
Ki-pin  currency  therefore  obtained  throughout  the  whole  region  from 
Kashmir  to  Herat. 


685 


■ ' secret.-.  0E  /KA:NISHKA 

Greek  and  Indo-Scythic  princes  whicii  liad  circulated  in 
the  Panjab  before  Kushan  times  continued  to  circulate 
under  the  Kushans,  precisely  as  the  coins  of  Menander  and 
Apollodotus  circulated  in  the  bazars  of  Barygaza  at 
a later  dated  Indeed,  they  must  have  done  so,  since  tlie 
local  medium  of  exchange  was  necessarily  silver.  If,  then, 
local  chiefs  in  Kushan  times  struck  silver  coins,  they  would 
naturally  copy  the  local  type  of  silver  coinage.  If,  for 
instance,  Eajuvula  imitated  the  coinage  of  Strato  II,  it 
follows  that  the  coins  of  Strato  II  were  common  in  the 
bazars  of  Mathura,  but  it  does  not  necessarily  follow^  tliat 
Raj  uvula  succeeded  Strato  II  immediately  in  point  of  time.“ 

The  evidence  I have  adduced  is  in  my  opinion  sufficient 
by  itself  to  waarrant  the  attribution  of  Kanishka  and  liis 
Kushans  to  the  first  century  B.c.  But  if  so,  two  inferences 
necessarily  follow — 

1.  Either  Kanishka  is  Pan-ku’s  Yin-mhli-foo,  or  Yin- 
muh-foo  Avas  Kanishka  s viceroy  in  Kashmir.  The  story 
of  Yin-mtih-foo  is  w^ell  known,  and  I sliall  not  repeat  it.^ 
I need  only  point  out  that  the  years  of  Yin-muh-foo  agree 

^ In  the  same  the  gold  darics  of  the  Acha?menids  continued  to 
circulate  in  Asia  Minor  for  a hundi’ed  years  after  Alexander  (Reinach, 
Llihfoire  par  les  2Ionnaies,  1902,  p.  59). 

“ Cunningham  has  suggested  that  the  gold  darics  of  the  Achoimenids 
were  still  in  circulation  ; but  this  is  not  only  a pure  guess,  it  is 
contradicted  by  the  scarcity  of  gold  before  Kanishka’s  time,  as  we  shall 
presently  see.  The  real  difhcalty  lies  in  Pan-ku's  description  of  the 
coins  in  circulation.  He  sa.ys  that  both  in  Ki-pin  and  Woo-yih-shan-li 
the  coins  represented  a horseman  on  one  side  and  a nuin’s  head  on  the 
other.  The  horseman  type  shows  at  once  that  Pan-ku  is  talking  of  the 
silver  8aka  or  Indo-Parthian  coinage,  but  the  maiiA  liead  does  not 
apparently  occur  except  on  the  copper  coins  of  the  namekiss  king. 
Possibly  a bust  is  meant.  A siixiilar  difficulty  occurs  in  Pan-ku's 
description  of  the  Parthian  coinage,  which,  he  says,  has  the  king’s  liead 
on  the  obverse  and  a woman's  on  the  reverse.  This  is  true  only  of  the 
brief  reign  of  Phraataces  and  Musa  (2  b.c. -4  a.d.)  and  on  some  rare 
bronze  coins  of  Gotarzes  (40-51  a.d.).  Pan-ku  must  in  each  case  have 
seen  or  heard  of  only  some  exceptional  specimens,  but  he  could  not  be 
mistaken  as  to  the  metals  used  in  the  currency. 

For  the  story  of  Yin-muh-foo  see  “Wylie’s  translation  of  Pan-ku 
(Journ.  Anthrop.  Inst.,  1880,  p.  36). 


6S6 


THE  SECKET  OF  KANISHKA 


with  those  of  Ivanishka.  Yin-miih-foo  sent  an  embassy 
to  the  emperor  Yuen-te  (48-32  B.C.),  and  he  had  Jiad 
a considerable  history  before  he  sent  that  einbass3\ 
Anotlier  embassy  came  from  Ki-pin  to  China  in  the  reign 
of  the  emperor  Ohing-te  (32-7  B.c*),  but  apparent!}^  by 
this  time  Yin-miih-foo  was  dead.  The  date  of  that 
embassy  is  not  given,  but  if  it  came,  let  us  say,  from 
Huvishka,  about  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  it  would  suit 
the  exigencies  of  the  case  excellently  well.  The  riddle, 
however,  is  one  which  only  a Sinologist  can  solve. 

2.  It  further  follows  that  the  so-called  Vikraraa  era 
originated  with  Kanishka.  The  years  of  Kanislika  and 
his  successors  are  dated  in  an  unspecified  era.  We  have 
seen  that  the  Tusharas  ruled  in  Nortliern  India  from,  say, 
58  B.c.  to  about  340  a.d.,  when  Samudragupta  put  an  end 
to  them.  The  interval  between  Vasudeva  and  the  first 
of  Wema  Kadphises’  viceroys  was  very  short,  and  tliese 
viceroys  would  naturally  continue  the  reckoning  they 
found  in  vogue.^  But  this  is  not,  I think,  a sufficient 
explanation.  The  fact  is  that  58  B.o.  marks  the  date  of 
the  Buddhist  Council  of  Kashmir,  Most  eras  of  long 

^ We  have  an  inscription  of  the  year  122  which  mentions  a Kushan 
king  whose  name  is  lost  (Cunningham,  ASI.,  v,  p.  61).  Di\  Fleet  has 
furnished  me  with  the  following  list  of  inscriptions  with  dates  higher 
than  the  year  100  : — “ KharOshthi  inscriptions.  Ymr  lOS  (Takht-i-Bahai 
inscription  of  Gondophernes)  : Cunningham,  ASI.,  v,  p.  59;  Senart  in 
JA.,  1890,  pt.  i,  p.  123  (also  Fleet,  JBAS.,  1905,  p.  229).  Year  111 : 
R.  I).  Banerji,  lA.,  1908,  p.  64.  Year  113:  ibid.,  p.  66.  Year  133: 
Cunningham,  ASI.,  v,  p,  61,  i3l.  xvi ; certainly  seems  to  mention 
a ‘ great  king,  the  Gushana  . . . ’ whose  name  is  lost,  {a)  Year  3 IS : 
Senart,  JA.,  1899,  pt.  i,  p,  528  ; see  also  Marshall's  Report  for  1903“4, 
p.  251.  [h]  Year3S4>  Biihier,  lA.,  20,  394,  But  the  year  is  WTOngly 
given  there  as  274.  Senart,  I think,  showed  somewhere  that  it  is  384. 
See  also  Marshall’s  Report  for  1903-4,  p.  251.  (c)  Year  399  : Vogel  in 

Marshall’s  Report  for  1903-4,  p.  255.  . The  year  is  unmistakably  309, 
not  179  (or  197)  as  read  there.  From  Mathura  we  have  the  curious 
Brahmi  Jain  (not  Kharoshthi)  inscription  of  the  year  399,  which  omits 
to  give  the  king’s  name  (lA.,  1908,  p.  34).  This  is  the  only  knovm 
record  in  the  third  century  of  the  era.  It  is  a peculiar  record  in  many 
respects.”  For  other  lists  of  dated  inscriptions  see  Y.  Smith,  JRAS., 
1903,  pp.  8 ff.  ; K.  D.  Banerji,  lA.,  1908,  pp.  35,  67. 


THE  SECRET  OB'  KANISHKA 


687 


duration  are  either  astronomical  or  relioious  in  their 

■ o 

inception  ; in  both  cases  they  are  required  either  by  the 
astronomers  or  the  priests  for  practical  purposes.  It  is 
rare  to  meet  with  any  regnal  era  which  survived  the 
dynasty  that  started  it  ; the  Seleucidan  is  the  only  one 
which  occurs  to  me,  and  it  was  kept  alive  only  among* 
certain  classes  and  under  exceptional  circumstances.  Now 
the  era  started  by  Kanishka  was  not  only  a regnal  but 
a religious  one ; it  marks  the  date  of  Kaiiishka’s  conversion 
to  Buddhism  and  the  convocation  of  the  Council,  two 
events  which  followed  the  one  immediately  upon  the  other. 
“ Exactly  400  years,’’  says  Hiuen  Tsiang, ''  after  the  death  of 
the  Buddha  Kanishka  became  sovereign  of  all  Jambudvipa, 
])ut  he  did  not  helieve  in  Kcvrma,  and  he  treated  Buddhism 
with  contumely  ^ and  thereupon  he  relates  the  miracle 
of  Kanishka’s  conversion.  When  Hiuen  Tsiang  comes  to 
describe  tlie  Buddhist  Council,  he  dates  it  in  the  same  way. 

Our  pilgrim  (Yuan-Chuang)  next  j)roceeds  to  relate  the 
circumstances  connected  with  the  great  council  summoned 
by  Kanishka.  The  king  of  Gandhara,  Yuan-chuang  tells 
us,  in  the  four  hundredth  year  after  tlie  decease  of  Buddha, 
was  a great  and  powerful  sovereign  whose  sway  extended 
to  many  peoples.  In  his  leisure  liours  he  studied  the 
Buddhist  scriptures,  having  a monk  eveiy  day  in  the 
palace  to  give  liim  instruction.  But  as  the  Brethren 
tauglit  him  different  and  contradictory  interpretations, 
owing  to  conflicting  tenets  of  sectarians,  the  king  fell  into 
a state  of  hopeless  uncertainty,”  and  applied  to  the 
Venerable  Parsva,  by  whose  advice,  as  Hiuen  Tsiang  goes 

^ T.  Watters,  On  Tuan  Chwang^s  Travels  in  India  (GTE.),  vol.  i, 
p.  '203.  The  word  ‘‘exactly*^  is  not  found  in  the  translations  by  Jiilien 
and  Beal ; and  Dr.  Fleet,  placing  the  death  of  Buddha  in  483  b.(\  and 
the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Kanishka  in  o8  b.c.  , has  taken  the  4U0  as 
a statement  in  round  numbers  for  425  (compare  JHAS.,  1906,  p.  991). 
On  my  view  of  the  matter,  the  400  may  mean  really  400,  whether  there 
is  or  is  not  anything  in  the  original  text  to  justify  the  “ exactly  ”,  or  it 
may  mean  a number  much  closer  to  400  than  4'25  is. 


688 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


on  to  say,  he  convoked  the  Council^  Now  it  is  evident 
that  before  lie  convoked  the  Council  he  must  have  con- 
quered Jainbudvipa,  a feat’whicli  required  a considerable 
time;  and  next  that  as  a foreigner  and  a bis  rule 

was  illegitimate.  It  was  the  convocation  and  patronage 
of  the  Council  which  niade  him  and  his  line  legitimate 
kings.“  He  naturally  dated  his  regnal  jmars  from  it.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Buddhists  would  continue  to  use  the 
era,  once  it  was  started,  without  reference  to  the  reigning 
monarch.  Hence  its  wide  ditfusion,  its  perpetuation,  and 
its  namelessness.  But  these  are  precisely  the  characteristics 
of  the  numerous  inscriptions  of  early  date  which  are 
ascribed  to  this  ei-a.  In  the  Takht-i-Bahai  inscription  it  is 
merely  called  “ the  continuous  era  ’’ ; it  was  never  connected 
in  the  popular  mind  even  at  that  early  period  with  anj-^ 
particular  king;  it  was  at  once  nameless  and  genei’al. 
Although  started  by  a king,  it  was,  strictly  speaking,  not 
a regnal  but  a religious  era:  the  era  of  the  Buddhists. 
And  thus,  by  the  irony  of  fate,  the  Hindus  of  to-day 
preserve  the  memory  and  celebrate  the  birth  of  an  heretical 
and  hostile  sect. 

^ T.  Watters,  On  Tuan  Oliwang-s  Travels  in  India,  vol.  i,  pp.  270-3. 
The  Kashmiri  arhat  who  discovered  Panini  in  his  new  incarnation 
500  years  after  Buddha’s  death  (Watters,  op,  cit.,  i,  p.  222)  does  not 
necessarily  contradict  this,  although  he  explains  that  having  once  been 
a bat,  and  allowed  himself  benevolently  to  be  burnt  to  death,  he  bad 
in  a subsequent  incarnation  attended  the  great  Council.  An  arhat's 
longevity  is  a matter  of  taste.  But  it  is  evident  that  Hiuen  Tsiang 
dated  the  conversion  of  Kanishka,  the  convocation  of  the  Council,  and 
the  reign  of  Kanishka  all  in  the  same  year. 

- See  Kalhana’s  remark,  RT.,  bk.  i,  p.  170  (Stein’s  trans. ). 


( To  be  eontinmd. ) 


SOME  TALAIHG  mSCEIPTIONS  OH  aiAZEB  TILES 
By  C.  O.  BLACIDEN 


TN  the  hiclian  Aniiqiiary  ioY  'DQ<iemhQv,  1898  (vol.  xxii), 
oil.  pp.  343-5,  in  a paper  entitled  ''Notes  on  Antiquities 
in  Rtixuaiifiadesa  (the  Tabling  country  of  Burma)  ” t].iere  is 
a discuvssion  by  Major  (now  Sir)  R.  C.  Temple  on  two 
inscriptions  figured  on  plates  ix  and  ixa  of  the  series 
illustrating  the  paper.  These  plates  represent  two  glazed 
terra-cotta  tiles  found  in  Lower  Burma,  eacli  one  bearing 
in  rather  liigli  relief  two  female  figures  elaborately  robed 
and  adorned  with  bracelets,  necklets,  ear-rings,  pagoda- 
spire-sliaped  liead-coverings,  etc.  The  attitudes  of  tlie 
figures  differ  slightly  in  the  two  plates.  Above  them,  in 
each  case,  is  an  inscription  in  the  native  character  which 
Sir  R.  C.  Temple  has  read  kwan  ^jhran  md  mat  hvat, 
witli  the  alternative  suggestion  of  instead  of  ‘plt^xiu. 
He  has  tried  to  make  sense  of  this  legend  in  Talaing, 
Burmese,  and  Shan,  with  a further  hint  that  it  may 
possiblj’  be  Siamese.  As  a Talaing  inscription  he  interprets 
it  to  mean  something  which,  as  being  " against  e];>igraphic 
experience he  is  " loth  to  accept  ”,  namely,  a vague 
reference  to  a " wife  who  is  a friend  for  ever  ”,  a statement 
which  in  fact  has  no  particular  point.  In  the  otlier 
.a!teriiati\x>  languages  he  makes  it  out  to  bo  a formal 
dedication  (Iwat)  of  the  tiles  by  a nobleman  with  a Siamese 
title  and  a Pali  name,  one  kiomi  phra  Mahcvpamat  to  wit. 
At  the  same  time  he  adds  the  caution  that  the  legend  does 
not  appear  to  be  correct  Siamese. 

In  my  opinion  his  reading  is  wrong  in  three  particulai-s. 
Comparing  plates  ix  and  ixa  1 read  the  legend  on  the 
former  Javan  hran  nm  samat  Iwut,  while  the  latter  lias 


690  SOME  TALAIxNG  ; INSCEIPTIOxVS ' ON  . GLAZED  TILES  : 

the  variant  spelling  /otcM,  and  being  broken  at  the  right- 
hand  top  corner  has  lost  t oi  Iwnt  The  language  is 
Talaing,  and  I take  the  phrase  to  mean  ''young  maiden 
daughters  of  Mara”.  That  is  to  say,  the  words  are 
descriptive  of  the  female  figures  depicted  on  the  tiles ; and 
these  represent  symbolically  the  passions  personified  as 
daughters  of  the  Tempter,  with  special  reference  (probablj^ 
and  almost  certainly)  to  Buddhas  temptation  under  the 
Bodhi  tree.  The  spelling  is  to  some  extent  archaic,  of 
course,  but  its  anomalies  can  be  accounted  for.  I explain 
the  words  as  follows 

• kivan,  kivan  (and  also  a third  variant  lavon),  for  " child  ”, 
occur  in  the  Kalyani  inscription  (last  quarter  of  the 
fifteenth  century).  The  old  spelling  (circa  1100  a.d.)  was 
kon,  and  that  is  also  the  spelling  of  to-day.  It  is  curious 
that  the  fifteenth  century  spelling  introduced  the  w,  but 
it  did  so  in  quite  a number  of  words,  in  some  of  which  it 
has  survived  to  modern  times  ; of  course,  the  modern /acau., 
" village,’'  is  not  in  point  here. 

brcm,  " female,”  does  not  difler  from  the  modern  form  ; 
taken  together  with  the  preceding  word  it  means 
" daughter 

ma  (also  the  same  as  the  modern  form),  " Mara  ” ; not, 
as  Sir  E.  C.  Temple  has  suggested,  a sign  of  the 
nominative  case. 

samat  (again  identical  with  the  modern  form),  " young,” 
" small”  (it  is  also  sometimes  used  as  a substantive  with, 
hrcm  added,  to  mean  " maiden  ”,  "girl”). 

hvut  I take  to  be  the  modern  wut,  " maiden,”  " virgin.” 
I concede  that  there  is  a possibility  of  doubt  here,  for 
I have  not  yet  come  across  a passage  which  definitely 
fixes  the  meaning  of  the  word.  The  Shwezigon  inscription 
has  a passage  in  which  it  says  of  the  Icon  Iwid  of  certain 
kings  or  princes  that  they  shall  be  endowed  with  fragrance 
like  the  fragrance  of  jasmine  flowers  and  with  splendour 
like  the  splendour  of  Alambusa  the  spouse  (?)  of  Indra,. 


SOME  TALAIHa  INSCRIPTIONS  ON  OLAZED' TILES  691 


and  shall  come  to  Pagan  from  seven  cities  (or  countries  ?), 
adorned  with  jewels  of  various  kinds  and  shaded  by 
white  umbrellas.  The  Shwesandaw  I inscription  also 
speaks  of  a certain  kon  Iwut  in  somewhat  similar  terms. 
The  suggested  meaning  is  therefore  appropriate  to  tlie 
context,  and  that  is  the  most  I am  able  to  say  for  it  at 
present,  for  I have  not  met  with  the  expression  elsewhere 
as  jmt. 

The  subject  of  these  plates  seems  to  have  been  a 
favourite  one  for  treatment  on  glazed  terra-cotta  tiles. 
By  the  courtesy  of  the  authorities  of  the  Ethnographical 
Department,  British  Museum,  I have  been  enabled  to  see 
a tile  in  their  possession,  which  is  substantially  identical 
with  the  original  of  Sir  R.  C.  Temple’s  plate  ix a.  The 
inscription  is  the  same,  and  is  broken  off*  at  the  same 
point.  The  word  samat  in  ijb  looks  like  sa/pai,  as  the  m 
has  no  visible  cross-bar.  But  having  regard  to  the  sense 
and  to  the  clearly  marked  m on  plate  ix,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  as  to  srnnai  being  intended.  This  British  Museum 
tile  is  not  at  present  exhibited,  owing  to  lack  of  space. 
Another  tile  of  the  same  general  type  is  to  be  seen  in  the 
Indian  Section  of  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum  (South 
Kensington),  in  Room  16,  Case  8,  No.  173-5.  Like  the 
others  it  represents  two  well-dressed  young  women,  and 
over  their  heads  is  an  inscription  in  round  characters 
reading  himn  hxm  [md],  ''  daughters  of  Mara.”  At 
present  only  the  first  two  words  remain,  the  upper  right- 
liand  corner  of  the  tile  having  been  broken  oft*  at  the  left- 
liand  curve  of  the  the  outer  ridge  of  which  can  just  be 
traced.  The  Exeter  Museum  lias  a considerable  loan 
collection  of  glazed  tiles  excavated  from  the  ruins  of  an 
ancient  liuddhist  shrine  in  dense  jungle  somewliere  in  the 
old  Tabling  kingdom  of  Pegu  (Lower  Burma)  by  Mr-.  W.  N. 
Porter,  to  whom  they  belong.  This  collection  includes 
(J)eside.s  tikes  with  demon-  and  animal-headed  figures)  five 
tiles  of  the  type  now  under  consideration,  of  which  four 


692  SOME  TALAING  INSCRIPTIONS-  '.ON  GLAZED  ;TILES,  --  , 

bear  inscriptions.^  The  inscriptions  appear  to  read  as 
follows  : — 

(1)  hwa/n  hrcm  ma  ma  pa  nip  brau  tacley  (or?  ha  dey)  gd 

(2)  hwon  brail  met  ma  pa  r^jp  hxm  jiimnok 

(3)  kwan  bran  ma  ma  pa  rup  tmi  kwan  bci 

(4)  hwon  bran  md  jamnok 

In  each  case  we  are  again  dealing  with  “ daughters  of 
Mara  ”,  The  words  maparnp  mean  '^  taking  a (particular) 
shape”,  literally  ''who  make  shape  ” (Sanskrit 
The  ma  here  is  the  relative  particle,  pa  the  verb  " to  do, 
to  make  ”.  The  tiles  bearing  this  phrase  therefore  represeiit 
these  female  demons  as  having  adopted  various  forms. 

Some  of  the  legends  oiFer  certain  difficulties  of  reading 
or  interpretation,  and  I referred  them  to  my  friend 
Mr.  Halliday,  the  leading  authority  on  modern  Talaing. 
He  was  kind  enough  to  give  me  the  benefit  of  his  views 
on  the  subject,  as  illustrated  by  the  Talaing  work 
pathama  bodlii,  which  gives  the  version  of  Buddha’s 
experiences  under  the  Bodhi  tree  in  the  form  current  among 
Talaings.  I quote  his  summary  of  the  particular  incident 
with  which  we  are  at  present  concerned : " When  Mara 
returned  from  his  defeat  at  the  Bo  tree,  his  three  daughters 
Tanha,  Raga,  and  Irati  thought  their  charms  might  win 
where  their  father’s  forces  had  failed.  He  tried  to 
dissuade  them,  but  they  would  go.  When  they  reached 
the  Bo  tree,  Buddha  hailed  them  as  three  old  women  and 
asked  what  they  had  come  for.  Immediately  they  became 
old  dames  with  bent  backs,  leaning  on  sticks.  Even  their 
father  did  not  know  them.  On  their  making  themselves 
known,  he  first  reproached  them  . for  not  heeding  Ins 

1 I must  express  my  thanks  to  the  Curator  of  the  Exeter  Aluseuni  for 
his  kindness  in  supplying  me  with  plasticine  casts  of  the  inscriptions  on 
these  tiles  and  causing  the  latter  to  be  photographed  for  me  ; and  to  the 
owner  of  the  tiles  for  permission,  to  publish  such  of  the  photographs  as 
I might  select  for  purposes  of  illustration.  The  accompanying  plate 
shows  the  four  inscribed  tiles  in  this  collection. 


SOME  TALAING'  INSCRIPTIOKS  ;O^N  TILES  ■ 693 

warning  and  then  advised  them  to  go  back  and  make 
offerings  to  Buddha.  On  [their]  doing  so,  he  [i.e.  Buddha] 
addressed  them  as  maidens  of  heavenly  form.  Instantly 
their  aged  looks  disappeared/their  sin  was  forgiven,  and 
they  were  as  the  female  heavenly  miiiistrants.” 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  whereas  the  traditional  number 
of  Maras  daughters  is  three,  not  more  than  two  are 
represented  on  any  of  the  tiles.  I cannot  explain  this 
peculiarity,  unless  it  is  simply  due  to  the  mechanical 
reason  that,  given  the  shapes  and  dimensions  of  the 
tiles  ^ (which  were  doubtless  determined  by  purely  material 
considerations),  there  was  not  convenient  space  for  three 
figures  on  them.  As  regards  the  legends,  Mr.  Halliday 
has  been  good  enough  to  offer  me  translations  and  some 
suggestions,  and  his  brief  summary  of  the  incident  throws 
some  light  upon  them.  No.  1 would  appear  to  mean  ‘Alara’s 
daughters  assuming  the  form  of  beautiful  women”.  The 
phrase  ladey  ga  (if  that  be  the  true  reading)  is  something 
of  a difficulty.  The  suggested  translation  assumes  that 
fiidey  is  a variant  of  “ in,”  and  that  ga  is  connected 

witli  gO’W  Qv  goiv  (ja,  “ beauty.”  (If  we  read  dci/,  the 
meaning  wdll  be  ‘'  Mara’s  daughters  assuming  the  form  of 
two  beautiful  women”:  ba  = “two”.)  I have  come 
across  tirdey  in  a passage  of  the  Shwezigon  inscription 
wntli,  apparently,  the  meanmg  “ in ” or  “in  the  middle  of”. 
But  I do  not  feel  quite  sure  about  the  interpretation. 
No.  2 means,  according  to  Mr.  Halliday,  “Mara’s  daugliters 
assuming  the  form  of  old  women.”  Possibly  tliat  is  what 
is  meant.  Yet  liaving  regard  to  the  appearance  of  the 
ligures  on  the  tiles,  it  seems  at  least  equally  possible  that 
jiiYivnok  (a  derivative  of  “ big”)  here  means  no  more 

than  “ adult”,  “grown  up”.  Neither  in  face  nor  figure  do 
these  particular  damsels  suggest  old  age.  No.  3 probably 
means  “ Mara’s  daughters  in  a new  form,  two  of  them  ”, 


* They  are  all  (roughly)  feet  iu  lengtli  and  1 foot  in  breadth. 


694  SOME  TALAING  INSCRIPTIONS  ON  GLAZED  TILES 

taking  tmi  as  the  modern  tmni,  new.”  ^ Mr.  Halliday 
suggests  that  the  numeral  figure  3 which  is  on  the  tile 
below  the  end  of  the  legend  indicates  that  the  scribe 
remembered  that  the  traditional  story  speaks  of  tliree 
daughters  of  Mara.  Alternatively  he  suggests  that  the 
numeral  figure  might  be  part  of  the  legend,  which  in  that 
ease  might  mean  Maras  daughters  in  a new  form,  with 
two  or  three  children  The  alternative  seems  to  me 
unacceptable,  as  there  is  a full  stop  (||)  after  6a,  and  if 
a reference  to  children  had  been  intended  one  would 
expect  to  see  them  figured  on  the  tile.  I think  the  3 
merely  numbers  the  tile,  with  reference  to  its  eventual 
position  in  some  series.  No.  4 means  Mara’s  elder 
daughters”,  or  (I  would  suggest)  ''grown-up  daughters”, 
in  contrast,  I suppose,  to  the  "young  maiden”  type. 
While  expressing  my  obligations  to  Mr.  Halliday  for  his 
assistance  in  the  interpretation  of  these  legends,  I ought 
to  add  that  he  has  not  had  the  advantage  of  seeing 
photographs  of  the  tiles  themselves. 

Besides  tiles  bearing  a single  figure  or  animal-headed 
figures,  etc.,  the  Horniman  Museum  (Forest  Hill)  possesses 
seven  tiles  of  the  type  now  being  discussed.  There  is 
a pretty  close  resemblance  between  them,  subject  to 
differences  in  the  attitudes  and  other  minor  details  of  the 
figures.  Four  out  of  the  seven  bear  inscriptions,  but 
unfortunately  they  are  all  very  nearly  illegible.  In  the 
process  of  firing  the  glaze  has  run  into  the  incised  letters 
and  almost  filled  them  up,  leaving  only  very  shallow 
depressions.  In  spite  of  kind  assistance  given  me  hj 
the  Oui'ator,  which  enabled  me  to  examine  them  closelj'^ 
and  repeatedly,  I am  unable  to  give  complete  readings  of 

^ On  the  face  of  it,  I should  have  been  disposed  to  interpret  this 
legend  to  mean  “ Mara’s  daughters  in  the  new  form  of  two  children 
But  they  are  represented  on  the  tile  as  women,  not  children.  Perhaps 
we  may  say  “girls”  instead  of  “children”  here.  The  word  tmi  no 
doubt  refers  to  their  transformed  shape. 


SOME  TALAING  IKSGEIPTIONS  ON  GLAZED  TILES  695 

any  of  the  inscriptions.  The  following  is  all  that  I feel 
prett}^-  sure  of:—-: 

1 . [Jcwanl  hraxh  ma  [ . . . . . . . . . . . , . . ] 

2.  kwa\_n^hrcm[  \ . . . . ...  . . ] hrcm  [ . . . . ] 

3.  h%van  hratb  md  [ ....  . . ] hrau  [ . . . . ] 

(There  may  perhaps  be  traces  of  a second  line  here.) 

' ...4,  In  two  lines — ■ 

(1)  [.....  . . . ]hTcmi  ....... ] 

(2)  [ .....  . mal  pa  riip  hrau  [.....] 

The  occurrence  of  the  word  throughout  is  sufficient 
to  prove  the  Talaing  origin  of  these  tiles.  They  are 
attributed  by  the  Museum  authorities  to  Pegu  and  the 
period  of  Dhammaceti,  the  author  of  the  Kalyani  inscrip- 
tion, and  I see  no  reason  to  differ  from  that  view,  wdiich  is 
confirmed  by  the  peculiarity  of  spelling  in  the  word  Javan, 
But,  of  course,  an  established  model  like  this  may  have 
been  copied  time  after  time. 

Lastly,  the  Museum  fttr  Volkerkunde,  Berlin,  possesses 
four  tiles  of  our  type,  be.sides  four  with  animal-headed 
demon  figures.  They  are  stated  to  have  been  found  in 
a heap  of  ruins  in  the  jungle  about  four  miles  (?  German 
or  English)  from  Pegu  near  the  Tjaipong  ” pagoda,  and 
were  acquired  from  Dr.  Jagor.  The  four  tiles  -with  female 
figures  are  inscribed,  but  their  inscriptions  are  in  much 
tlie  same  state  as  those  of  the  last-mentioned  collection. 
On  the  first  of  the  series  (counting  from  left  to  right,  as 
exhibited)  I can  read  Icivan  hraii  md  . . . hran  . . . and 
on  the  fourth  \]ava']n  bran  md  . . . , but  on  tlie  other 
two  only  a letter  or  two  can  be  made  out. 

All  this  evidence  appears  to  me  to  fix  the  general 
meaning  of  these  tiles  (juite  definitely  and  to  exclude  all 
possibility  of  either  of  Sir  E.  C.  Temple’s  interpretations 
being  right.  I fear  the  nobleman  with  the  Siamese  title 
and  the  Pffii  name  must  be  relegated  to  the  limbo  of  dis- 
proved liypotheses.  Also  it  is  evident  that  the  tiles  are 


JRAS.  1912. 


45 


696  SOME  TALAIXG  INSGRIPTIOHS  ON  GLAZED  TILES 

all  articles  of  genuiiiely  Talamgvnianiifactiire.^  M.  Huber  in 
BEFEO.,  tome  xi,  No.  1,  1911,  has  shown  that  the  inaking 
of  glazed  tiles  for  the  purpose  of  decorating  pagodas  is  an 
ancient  Taking  industry.  It  was  carried  to  Pagan  in  the 
eleventh  century,  and  the  so-called  Ananda  pagoda  in  that 
ancient  Burmese  capital  is  adorned  with  a large  nuinber 
of  such  tiles  bearing  Taking  legends  and  evidently 
made  by  Taking  craftsmen,  who  were  doubtless  imported 
for  the  purpose  becaxise  they  knew  the  technique  of  the 
craft  and  the  Burmese  of  those  days  did  not.  M.  Huber 
seems  to  think  that  the  use  of  the  Taking  language 
instead  of  Burmese  indicates  that  the  latter  was  still  in 
an  unformed  state  unsuitable  for  epigraphic  purposes. 
Having  regard  to  its  use  in  the  Myazedi  inscriptions 
a few  years  later,  I do  not  think  such  a view  at  all 
tenable,  but  there  seems  little  doubt  that  the  Takings 
were  at  this  period  the  more  highly  civilized  people  of 
the  two. 

M.  Huber  in  his  interesting  article  gives  a few  illustrations 
and  readings  of  the  Ananda  pagoda  tile  legends.  On  these 
I would  offer  the  following  remarks  : — 

For  mar  hal  read  marabaL  Talaing  syntax,  both 
ancient  and  modern,  would  not  permit  the  order  mar  hal 
for  Mara’s  host  ” ; it  would  have  to  be  bal  mar.  There- 
fore we  must  take  it  to  be  marabal,  i.e.  a loanword  from 
Sanskrit  or  Pali,  compounded  according  to  Indian  rules, 
which  are  contrary  to  Talaing  syntax.  I note  tliat  the 
b has  a very  peculiar  shape.  For  batdy,  “hare,”  read 
(possibly)  patdy  on  account  of  the  shape  of  the  initial 
letter,  which  differs  from  the  other  b's  given  in  thes(‘ 
illustrations.  But  the  modern  form  has  b.  For  iit, 
“camel,”  read  ot  (certainly);  though  modern  Talaing  lias 
the  former,  there  can  be  no  two  opinions  as  to  the  letter 
represented  in  the  plate.  It  is  curious  that  a earned  sliould 
be  figured  among  the  mounts  for  Maras  soldiers.  The 
animal  does  not,  of  course,  exist  in  Indo-Clffna,  and  we 


.SOME  TALAING  INSCR  ON  GLAZED  TILES  697 


have  here  a case  of  direct  Indian  influence,  I suppose. 

I would  also  venture  to  add  a caveat  against  M.  Huber’s 
somewliat  premature  parallel  between  tlie  Talaing  relative 
particle  ma  and  the  ma-prefix  of  Old  Cham  and  Old 
Javanese.  In  Old  Talaing  ma  is  a distinct,  separable 
word,  as  also  in  Bahnar ; besides,  the  force  of  the  two  ^na’s 
is  not  the  same.  It  is  not  safe,  as  yet,  to  identify  them. 
M.  Huber’s  series  of  Mara’s  soldiers  with  animal  heads 
serves  to  explain  the  animal-headed  demons  in  Sir  B.  0. 
Temple’s  plates  and  on  the  tiles  of  the  museums,^-  for  the 
legends  on  the  Ananda  pagoda  tiles  distinctly  say  that 
these  animal-headed  demons  are  members  of  Mara’s  host. 
And  I think  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  M.  Huber  is  right 
in  suggesting  that  all  these  figures  are  put  there  to  remind 
the  2^t3ople  of  the  legendary  episodes  of  the  clays  that 
Buddlia  spent  under  the  Tree  of  Enlightenment. 

They  tlius  help  to  conflrm  the  explanation  I have 
attempted  to  give  above  of  the  tiles  with  female  figures. 
Tlie  latter,  it  may  be  noted,  are  of  two  distinct  racial 
types,  one  typically  Indo-Chinese,  with  broad  round  faces, 
flat  noses,  and  thick  lips,  the  other  with  long  prominent 
and  pointed  noses,  rather  long  faces,  getting  narrower 
towards  tlie  chin,  and  somewhat  less  developed  lips.- 
Whether  the  latter  is  intended  to  represent  a demon  ty pe- 
er merely  a foreign  (Indian)  one,  I am  not  prepared  to 
say.  Perhaps,  from  the  Indo-Chinese  point  of  view,  it  is 
not  very  material.  By  some  of  the  artists  the  daughters 
of  Mfira  may  have  been  naturally  conceived  as  foreign 
personages,  whom  it  would  be  appropriate  to  portray 
under  alien  forms.  In  the  same  way  the  puppets  of 
the  Javanese  shadow-play,  which  represent  Raimlyana 
characters  and  the  like,  are  endowed  with  impossibly  long 

^ The  British  Aliisemn  and  the  Indian  Section  (South  Kensington)  each 
have  two  tiles  with  animal-headed  figures.  The  former  also  has  one  with 
a (lemon  carrying  a club. 

- See  the  plate  illustratuig  the  four  Exeter  tiles  : Nos.  2 and  4 repre- 
sent the  Indo-Chinese  type,  Nos.  1 and  3 the  other  one. 


698  SOME  TALKING  INSGEIPTIONS  ON  GLAZED  TILES 

noses  and  otliei^  prominent  features,  contrasting  strongly 
with  the  native  racial  type.  On  the  other  hand  some 
craftsmen  may  have  desired  to  indicate  the  assumption 
by  Mara’s  daughters  of  the  appearance  of  comely  j^oung 
women,  in  conformity  with  Indo-Chinese  ideas  of  beauty. 
It  is,  however,  difficult  to  satisfy  oneself  that  a consistent 
principle  runs  through  their  treatment  of  the  subject.  If 
the  suggested  interpretation  of  the  Exeter  tile  No.  1 is 
right,  the  ladies  thereon  depicted  should  be  intended  to 
be  beautiful,  but  I must  confess  my  ignorance  of  any 
standard  of  good  looks  under  which  they  could  reasonably 
claim  that  qualification. 


MISCELLA  NEOUS  COMMUNICATIONS 


Seals  eroh  Harappa 

Harappa  is  a village,  having  a station  on  the  North- 
Western  Eailway,  in  the  Montgomery  District,  Panjab: 
it  is  situated  in  lat,  80°  38',  long,  72°  52V  on  the  south 
bank  of  the  Ravi,  some  fifteen  miles  towards  the  west- 
by-south  from  Montgomeiy.  The  place  is  now  of  no 
importance  : but  extensive  ruins  and  mounds,  one  of  which 
rises  to  the  height  of  sixty  feet,  indicate  that  the  case  was 
otherwise  in  ancient  times  ; and  it  has  yielded  thousands 
of  coins  of  the  ‘‘ Indo-Scythians and  their  successors.^ 
Amongst  other  objects  of  interest  from  this  place,  there 
are  the  three  seals,  full-size  facsimiles  of  which  are  given 
in  the  accompanying  Plate.  The  original  seals  are  now 
in  the  British  Museum,  in  the  Department  of  British  and 
Mediaeval  Antiquities  in  charge  of  Mr.  Read.  In  all  three 
cases,  the  substance  of  these  seals  seems  to  be  a claystone, 
liardened  by  heat  or  some  other  means.  In  the  originals, 
the  devices  and  characters  are  sunk  : the  illustrations  repre- 
sent impressions  from  the  originals,  -with  the  devices  and 
characters  reversed,  as  compared  with  the  way  in  which 
they  lie  in  the  originals,  and  standing  out  in  relief.  The 
animal  on  A has  been  held  to  be  a bull,  but  not  an  Indian 
bull,  because  it  has  no  hump  : another  opinion,  however, 
is  that  it  may  be  a male  deer  of  some  kind.  The  animal 
on  C has  a tail  of  such  a nature  as  to  suggest  that  this 
creature  cannot  be  a deer.  On  A the  hind  legs  were  not 
fully  formed  ; and  it  is  possible  that  a similar  tail  has 
been  omitted  there. 

A. — This  seal  was  presented  by  Major  (General)  Clark. 
It  was  found  in  or  before  1872-73,  in  circumstances  whicli 


^ See  Cunningham,  Reports,  voL  5 (1875),  p.  105  ff. 


700  SEALS  FROM  HARAPPA 

are  not  known.  It  lias  been  figured  hy  Cunningham  in 
his  PiCporU,  vol.  5 (1875),  plate  33,  fig.  1,  and  in  liis 
Inscriptions  of  Asoha,  Oorjx  Inscr.  Indie.,  vol.  1 (1877), 
plate  38  : and  another  illustration  of  it,  to  accompany 
a note  by  Mr.  Dames,  has  been  given  in  Ind.:  Ant.,  vol.  15 
(1886  ),  p.  1,  fig.  1.  It  is  about  -J''  thick  : and  on  the  back, 
of  it  there  is  an  arched  protuberance,  of  about  the  same 
height,  at  right  angles  to  the  direction  of  the  inscription, 
through  whicli  there  is  a small  hole,  in  the  direction  of 
the  inscription,  evidently  for  inserting  a string  with  a view 
to  carrying  it.  It  is  illustrated  now  from  a plaster  of 
Paris  impression  for  which  I am  indebted  to  Mr.  Read. 
The  fii’st  and  last  letters  of  the  inscription  were  not 
formed  as  fully  and  deeply  as  the  others : also,  owing  to 
the  sliadow  thrown  by  the  rim  of  the  impression,  part 
of  the  last  letter  is  indistinct : the  full  form  of  this 
letter  is 

B.  — This  seal  has  been  presented  by  Mr.  J.  Harvej^  of 
Ballycastle,  co.  Antrim,  Ireland,  formerly  of  the  Indian 
Educational  Service.  In  December,  1885,  when  he  was 
inspecting  the  school  at  Harappa,  a local  agriculturist 
came  in,  bringing  various  things,  one  of  which  Avas  this 
seal ; and  it  was  obtained  by  purchase  from  him  : but  the 
circumstances  in  which  it  was  found  are  not  known.  This 
seal  was  first  brought  to  notice  by  Mr.  Dames,  in  his  note 
published  in  the  Ind.  Ant,  vol.  15  (1886),  p.  1,  where  it 
was  unfortunately  figured  upside-down  and  without  being 
reversed.  I illustrate  it  from  an  impression  which  Mr.  Read 
kindly  caused  to  be  made  for  me.  At  the  ends  the  original 
is  about  i"'  thick.  From  each  end  the  back  slopes  up  to 
a height  of  about  //  at  the  middle:  and  it  is  there 
perforated  by  a small  hole,  from  front  to  back,  for  inserting 
a string.  The  edges  pf  the  seal  are  not  quite  as  sharp  in 
the  original  as  they  are  in  the  illustration. 

C.  — This  seal,  which  is  now  brouglit  to  notice  for  tlie 
first  time,  has  been  presented  by  Mr.  Dames.  It  was  dug 


Scale  .20. 


THE  SARNATH  INSCEIPTIOX  OF  ASVAGHOSHA  701 

Up  by  Mr.  T.  A.  O’Counor,  District  Superintendent  of 
Police,  apparently  in  or  shortly  before  August,  1886;  and 
Mr.  Dames  obtained  it  from  him.  It  is  not  quite  thick. 
As  in  the  case  of  A,  on  the  back  of  it  there  is  an  arched 
protuberance,  about  high,  at  right  angles  to  tlie 
direction  of  the  inscription,  perforated  bj^  a small  liole,  in 
the  direction  of  the  inscription,  for  inserting  a string.  It 
has  been  damaged  at  the  lower  corner  on  the  right.  The 
illustration  has  been  made  by  photographing  the  seal 
itself ; with  the  result  that  the  devices  and  letters  do  not 
show  their  relief  in  the  manner  in  which  this  detail  can 
be  seen  in  figures  A and  B. 

Tlie  inscriptions  on  these  three  seals  have  remained,  so 
far,  undeeiphered.  Cunningham,  indeed,  in  his  treatment 
of  A,  tliough  holding  originally  that  the  cliaracters  are 
■’certainly  not  Indian  letters’’,^  proposed  in  his  second 
notice  to  treat  them  as  ''archaic  Indian  letters  of  as  early 
an  age  as  Buddha  himself”,  and  to  interpret  them  as 
giving  the  woitI  And  on  such  an 

assumption  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  find  on  C the  word 
KaAo-mo-lo-fjuAa.  But  it  is  hardly  possible  to  take  the  / 
inscriptions  really  in  this  way.  The  present  facsimiles  are 
published  in  the  hope  that  recent  discoveries  in  various 
directions  may  give  a clue  to  the  true  nature  of  the 
chara-cters  and  tlie  meaning  of  them. 

J.  F.  Fleet. 

Note  ox  the  Sarnath  Ixscriptiox  of  Asvaghosha 

Towards  the  end  of  last  year  I drew  the  attention 
of  Dr.  J.  Ph.  Yogel,  Officiating  Director-General  of 
Arcliaiology,  to  the  existence  of  certain  letters  on  the 
Asoka  Pillar  at  Sarnath  and  in  a line  continuous  with 
the  inscription  of  Asvaghosha,  which  he  liad  edited  in 
Ep’ujrapJda  Indica,  vol.  viii,  pp.  171-2.  Dr.  Vogel  kindly 

^ lUpori^,  voL  5,  p.  108.  . , Insets,  of  A soha^  p.  61. 


702  THE  SARNATH  INSCRIPTION  OF  ASVAGHOSH A 

gave  me  an  impression,  part  of  wliicli  is  jiere  reproduced  : 
see  the  Plate  at  p.  700  above.  His  reading  of  the  previous 
words  is 

rparigeyhe  rajfia  Asvaghoshasya  chatarise  savachhare 
hematapaklie  prathame  divase  dasame. 

And  following  in  a continuous  line  are  aksharas  which 
I read — 

sutithaye  4 200,  9. 

Intentional  injury  would  seem  to  have  been  the  cause 
of  both  the  complete  obliteration  of  the  opening  letters  of 
the  Asvaghosha  epigraph  and  the  blurring  of  tlie  letters 
which  are  the  subject  of  this  note.  Examination  of  the 
stone  further  shows  that  the  second  aksliara  is  really  ti, 
though  in  the  facsimile  it  looks  like  vi ; and  the  third 
akshara  is  tha,  as  the  dot  within  the  circle  is  deep-cut. 
For  the  rest,  my  reading  is  frankly  conjectural  and  invites 
correction. 

To  interpret  these  newly  observed  letters  I assume  that 

(1)  they  are  a part  of  the  Asvaghosha  document,  and 

(2)  the  date  209  belongs  to  the  Malava-Vikrama  era. 
The  record  would  thus  read : ‘‘  in  the  fortieth  year  of 
Rajan  Asvaghosha,  in  the  first  fortnight  of  the  Hemanta 
season,  on  the  tenth  day,  on  the  auspicious  tithi,  the  fourth  : 
in  the  year  209.”  * It  is  found  that  the  fourth  day  of  the 
bright  half  of  Margasirsha  of  the  Malava  year  209  current 
coincides  with  the  tenth  day  of  the  first  fortnight  of 
Hemanta  in  the  year  74  current  of  the  Baka  era.  For 
this  calculation  I am  indebted  to  Mr.  Ohhote  Lai  (Executive 
Engineer  P.W.D.,  Benares),  who  as  “Barhaspatya  ” is  well 
known  by  his  contributions  to  Indian  astronomy.  The 
question  whether  this  coincidence  throws  any  light  on  tlie 
method  of  recording  seasonal  dates  in  early  times  is  one 
with  which  I am  not  competent  to  deal.  But  returning 
to  my  assumption  of  the  Malava  era  209  current,  the 
equivalent  151  a.d.  would  be  the  date  of  the  Sarnath 


THE  SARNATH  IX$CBIPTION  OF  ASVAGHOSHA  703 

inscription,  and  111  A.D.  would  be  the  date  of  Asvaghosha’s 
accession  as  Raja.  His  name  is  found  again  on  a bi'oken 
slab  at  Sarnath  {E.I.,  loc.  cit.)  ; but,  unfortunately,  the 
record  is  too  fragmentary  to  admit  of  reconstruction. 

Arthur  Venis. 

Government  Sanskbit  College,  Benahes. 

September  26^  1911. 


Remaeks  on  Professor  Venls’  Note 

The  jjroposal  made  by  Professor  Venis  for  fixing  tlie 
date  of  the  Raja  Asvaghosha  is  based  on  tl.ie  result,  given 
to  him  by  Mr.  Chhote  Lai,  that  in  A.D.  151  the  fourth 
day  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  the  month  Margasirsha 
was  the  tenth  day  of  the  season  Hemanta.  Wo  cannot 
do  anything  towards  exactly  testing  this  result,  because, 
not  only  are  we  not  told  the  bases  on  which  it  rests  and 
the  tables  or  process  by  which  it  has  been  worked  oxat, 
but  also  the  most  essential  item,  the  Englisli  date  (month 
and  day),  has  not  been  given.  On  this  point  I can  only 
sa}^  that  I cannot  find  any  means  by  which  such  a result 
may  be  arrived  at.  As  to  the  proposed  reading,  I have 
to  sa}'  here  (1)  that,  if  a titlii  were  intended,  we  ought 
to  have  an  equivalent  of  the  locative  tithoAi ; but  tithaye 
can  only  be  the  dative  : (2)  that,  from  the  same  point 
of  view,  it  is  very  strange  that  the  lunar  month  and  its 
fortnight  should  not  have  been  mentioned  : (8)  that  it  is 
equally  strange  that  the  year  should  have  been  stated 
as  the  final  item,  after  the  tithi.  However,  the  matter 
lias  to  be  dealt  with  on  other  considerations. 

The  stated  result  assumes  the  use  in  the  second  century 
A.D.  ot  a solar  calendar  alongside  of  the  lunar  calendar. 
Now,  tlie  Hindus  liave  had  from  very  ancient  times 
the  system  of  lunisolar  cycles,  made  by  the  combination 
of  solar  years,  regulated  by  the  course  of  the  sun,  and 
lunar  years,  regulated  by  the  course  o£  the  moon,  but 
treated  in  sucli  a manner,  by  the  periodical  intercalation 


704  THE  SAKN-ATH  INSCRIPTION  OF  ASA'ACaiOSHA 


(and  in  later  times  the  occasional  omission)  of  lunar 
months,  as  to  keep  the  beginning  of  the  lunar  year  near 
the  beginning  of  the  solar  year,  or,  as  perhaps  may  be 
more  properly  said,  to  keep  the  lunar  months  as  closely 
as  is  possible  in  agreement  with  the  natural  seasons.  But 
tliere  is  a Avide  difference  between  (1)  the  astronomical 
use  of  a solar  year  for  such  a purpose  as  that,  and  (2)  the 
practical  use  of  a solar  calendar  with  tlie  details  of  solar 
montlis  and  seasons.  The  Hindus  now  have  such  a double 
calendar,  solar  and  lunar  : one  item  of  their  solar  calendar 
is  that  the  season  Hemanta  begins  when  the  sun  enters 
the  zodiacal  sign  Vrischika  (answering  in  a general  way 
to  Scorpio)  : this  occurs  in  the  or  synodic  lunar 

month  Karttika,  next  before  Margasirsha : and  so  it  may 
liappen  at  any  time  that  the  civil  day  of  the  fourth  titlvi 
or  lunar  day  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Margasirslia  is 
the  tenth  civil  day  of  the  season  Hemanta.  But  the  use 
of  this  solar  calendar  is  traced  only  from  the  teiitli 
century,  in  two  Chola  dates,  one  of  Avhich,  belonging 
to  A.D.  943,  mentions  the  solar  month  Makara,  and  the 
other,  belonging  to  either  A.D.  919  or  946,  mentions  the  solar 
month  Karkataka.^  We  have  no  reason  for  expecting 
to  trace  it  back  to  any  appreciably  earlier  time.  And  it 
certainly  cannot  have  existed  in  the  second  century ; 
because  the  signs  of  the  zodiac,  by  which  it  is  regulated, 
were  not  then  known  in  India. 

On  the  other  hand,  everything  that  we  learn  about  the 
earlier  Indian  calendar  makes  it  abundantly  clear  tliat, 
before  the  time  Avhen  the  Greek  astronomy  Avas  introduced 
into  India,  the  only  calendar  year  in  practical  use  for  all 

^ For  the  date  in  a.d.  919  or  946,  see  Kielhorn’s  List  of  the  Inscri})tions 
of  Southern  India,  EpL  Ind,,  vol.  7,  appendix,  No.  091  ; for  the  date  in 
A.D.  943,  see  Epi,  Ind.,  vol.  8,  p.  261,  A;  it  has  been  noticed  b^’  me 
in  this  Journal,  1911.  691,  (4).  The  month  Makara  begins  at  the 
Hindu  winter  solstice,  when  the  sun.enters  the  sign  Makara  (Capriconuis): 
the  month  Karkataka  begins  at  the  Hindu  summer  solstice,  when  the 
sun  enters  the  sign  Karka  (Cancer). 


THE  SARXATH  INSCRIPTION  OF  ASVAGHOSHA 


705 


<j;*enera]  purposes,  including  datings  such  tliat  in. 
Sarnatli  record  of  Asvaghosha,  was  tlie  lunar  year  of 
twelve  or  thirteen  synodic  months,  wliich  was  treated  in 
two  ways.  Astronomically,  and  for  the  sacrificial  calendar, 
it  was  a Magliadi  year,  a year  beginning  witli  Magha 
sukla  1,  the  first  day  of  the  briglit  fortnight  of  Maglia : 
it  was  bound  to  and  regulated  by  a solar  year  beginning 
at  the  winter  solstice,  the  arrangement  being  tliat  the 
solstice  was  ill  ways  to  occur  in  the  cwidnta  Magha ; and 
apparently  it  might  measure  354  or  355  days,  or  383 
or  384  days,  according  to  circumstances,  suliject  to  a total 
of  1830  dajvs  in  five  years.^  But  in  practical  general 
use  it  was  treated  on  tlie  hard  and  fast  lines  of  making 
it  consist  always  of  354  days  wlien  it  comprised  onlj" 
twelve  lunar  months,  and  of  384  days  wdien  a month 
was  intercalated.-  Further,  the  seasons  were  treated, 
unscientifically,  as  lunar  seasons,  governed  by  the  moon 
and  coinciding  with  two  or  four  lunar  months ; and  in 
.such  a way  that  Hemanta  consisted  of  3Iargasirsha  and 
I^iusha  when  the  seasons  were  counted  as  six,  and  of  those 
two  montlis  with  also  Magha  and  Phalguna  wdien  the 
seasons  were  counted  as  only  three  in  number.  Also, 
the  juxars  were  not  necessarily  Maghadi : for  clironological 
purposes  use  was  made  of  regnal  years,  begi,nning  with 
the  day  and  its  successive  anniversaries  of  the  accession 
or  the  anointment  of  any  particular  king.  Not  only  do 
we  learn  such  details  from  the  books,  but  also  we  trace 
tlie  use  of  tliis  lunar  calendar  with  lunar  seasons  down 
to  almost  the  latest  of  the  records  included  in  Professor 
Liiders’  List  of  the  Brahmi  Inscriptions  from  the  Earliest 
Times  to  about  A.D.  400,  in  wliich  tins  Sarnatli  inscription 

^ Wo  learn  these  and  various  other  details  from  the  Jyotisha-Vedahg'a. 

“ This  was  done  by  making  the  bright  fortnights  of  Phrdguna, 
Vaisilkba,  Asliiidha,  Bhadrapada,  Karttika,  and  Pausha,  consist  of  only 
14  days  ; all  the  other  fortnights  having  15  dayseaeli : vsee  the  Kaiitiliya- 
Arthasfistra,  ed.  R.  Shamasastry,  p.  <50,  the  last  three  line.s.  For  other 
information  al)oiit  the  calendar  see  p.  108. 


706  THE  SARXATH  INSCEIPTION  OF  ASVAGHOSHA 


stands  as  No.  922.^  And  in  that  calendar  the  fourth  day 
of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Margasirsha  could  only  be  tlie 
fourth  day  of  the  season  Hemanta,  and  the  tenth  day  of 
the  season  Hemanta  could  only  be  the  tenth  day  of  the 
briglit  fortnight  of  Margasirsha.  In  no  circumstances, 
could  the  tenth  day  of  Hemanta  be  the  fourth  day  of 
Margasirsha. 

It  seems  pi'obable  that  the  words  on  the  Stoiath  pillar 
which  somehow  or  other  were  overlooked  previously  and 
have  been  brought  to  notice  by  Professor  Venis,  really  are 
part  of  the  record  of  Asvaghosha.^  But,  on  tlie  analogy  of 
all  the  similar  records  in  the  List  of  Brahmi  Inscriptions,, 
we  may  be  sure  that  the  date  ends  with  tlie  word  dasmne : 
that  the  text  says: — ‘‘In  the  fortieth  year  of  the  Raja 
Asvaghosha,  in  the  first  fortnight  of  Hemanta,  on  the 
tenth  day  ; ” and  that,  interpreted  in  other  terms,  it  means 
“ on  the  civil  day  of  the  tenth  tithi  or  lunar  day  of  the 
bright  fortnight  of  the  month  Margasirsha.”  It  wmuld 
be  very  satisfactory  if  we  could  determine  an  exact  date- 
A.D.  for  Asvaghosha  ; and  in  view  of  a certain  feature  in 
the  record,  namely,  the  mention  of  the  first  fortnight 
insteiid  of  the  first  month  of  the  season,  I should  not  have 
any  objection  to  raise  if  good  reason  could  be  shown  for- 
placing  him  in  A.D.  111-51  or  at  any  time  thereabouts.. 
But  that  cannot  be  done  by  the  means  proposed  by 
Professor  Venis. 

It  is,  no  doubt,  easier  to  criticize  Professor  Venis’  pro- 
posal for  reading  and  applying  the  words  which  he  has. 
brought  to  notice,  than  it  is  to  say  what  those  words  really 
are.  But  it  may  be  remarked  that,  as  has  been  suggested 
to  me  by  Professor  Luders,  the  first  four  syllables,  wdiich 

^ Epi,  Ind.^  voL  10,  appendix. 

“ Dr.  V ogel  has  asked  me  to  explain  that  these  additional  words  were 
not  included  in  the  estampages  from  which  he  dealt  -with  this  record  in 
Epi.  Ind.,  vol.  8,  p.  171,  and  that  he  had  not  been  able  to  supervise 
in  person  the  preparation  of  the  estampages  or  to  compare  them, 
afterwards  with  the  original. 


ANCIENT  TERRITOKIAL  DIVISIONS  OF  INDIA 


707 


Professor  Venis  would  read  as  sutithaye,  might  very  well 
be  read  siikhathaya,  and  be  taken  as  meaning  siihJi-artliaya, 
for  the  sake  of  happiness  '' : or,  again,  in  accordance  with 
suggestions  by  Dr.  Vogel,  they  might  be  read 
and  be  taken  as  meaning  su-vUhaye,  “ for  a good  road 
How  the  remaining  letters  should  be  read,  I do  not  venture 
to'say. 

J.  F.  Fleet.  , . 


Ancient  Territorial  Divisions  of  India 


Inscriptions  from  Mysore  and  many  other  parts  of 
Western  India  and  from  some  neighbouring  localities, 
ranging  from  the  seventh  or  eighth  century  A.B.  onwards, 
mention  various  ancient  territorial  divisions  liaving 
numerical  appellations,  such  as  the — 

Eattapacli  750,000  Kavadidvipa  125,000 

Gaiigavadi  96,000  Nolambavadi  32,000 

Banavasi  12,000  Toragale  6000 

Karahata  4000  Krindi  3000 

Tardavadi  1000  Kohkana  900 

Eamapuri  700  Panumgal  500 

Belvola  300  Aiikottaka  84 

Kisukad  70  Bage  50 

Vodasirasatka  48  Sarthatailatakiya  42 

Karividi  30  Yavvulatalla  12 

Most  of  these  territorial  divisions,  with  many  others, 
have  been  noticed  and  identitied  in  my  Notes  on  Indian 
History  and  Geography  in  the  volumes  of  the  Tndian 
Ant iqtuiry  for  1900  to  1903.  We  are  concerned  here,  not 
with  any  identitications,  but  with  the  meaning  itself  of 
tla.-^se  numerical  appellations. 

Commenting  on  the  third  and  fourth  of  the  names  given 
a]>ove,  the  Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India  (1908)  says  C — 
These  numerical  designations,  almost  invariably  attached 

^ VoL  iO,  p.  291,  note;  vol.  12,  p.  131,  note. 


708  ANCIENT  TERRITORIAL  DIVISIONS  OF  INDIA 

to  the  names  of  ancient  divisions  in  Mysore,  apparently 
refer  to  their  revenue  capacity  or  to  the  number  of  their 
nacW  [nad,  ^ distiict,  ^ Rice 

lias  said  in  liis  Mysore  and  Coorg  from  the  Inscriptions 
(1909),  p,  174,  that  the  numbers  denote  ''  revenue  value  ”, 
and  that  " the  figures  apparently  indicated  rua/Jta-s* 
And  Mr.  S.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar  has  said  in  his 
Ancient  India  {1^11),  p.  78,  note,  that  the  numbers  seem 
to  indicate"  either  the  revenue  paid  or  the  value  of  the 
produce  ”,  or  " sometimes  the  quantity  of  seed  re€[uired 

As  regards  these  statements,  which  are  quite  wrong  and 
misleading,  excuses  may  be  made  for  the  writer  in  the 
Imperial  Gazetteer  and  the  author  of  Ancient  India.  But 
the  same  cannot  be  said  on  behalf  of  the  remaining 
writer  ; because  he  claims  to  know  the  inscriptions  them- 
selves, and  the  inscriptions  from  all  parts  have  furnished 
ample  proof,  for  some  forty  years  past,  by  the  attachment 
of  the  word  grama,  ' village,'  to  many  of  these  appella- 
tions, that  these  names  always  mark  tlie  numbers  of  the 
cities,  towns,  and  villages  assigned  to  each  territorial 
division  : the  larger  numbers  are,  no  doubt,  conventional  or 
traditional,  and  must  be  at  any  rate  greatly  exaggerated ; ^ 
but  the  smaller  numbers  are  probably  in  many  cases 
actual  ones. 

An  interesting  confirmation  of  what  I say  and  always 
have  said  on  this  point  ^ has  been  lately  furnished  by 
Mr.  R.  Narasimhachar,  the  oflicer  in  charge  of  Arcliseology 
in  Mysore,  in  para.  79  of  his  Annual  Report  for  the  year 
ending  30  June,  1911.  He  has  there  brought  to  notice  a 
new  inscription  of  A.D.  902,  from  Bandalike,  which  speaks 
of  the  Mahdsdmanta  Lokateyarasa,  son  of  Baiikeyarasa, 

* See  some  figures  given  in  my  Dynasties  of  the  Kanarese  Districts, 
Bombay  Gazetteer,  vol.  1,  part  2 (1896),  p.  298,  note  2. 

- I explained  in  1873,  in  Ind,  AnL,  2.  297,  that  the  term  ‘ ’Belvola 
300”  means  “the  Bejvola  district  consisting  of  300  villages.”  I had 
met  in  1870  with  the  expression  HttvvaUi-dvddasci-fjrdma,  “the  Hul>]i 
12  villages”  (JBBRxAS,  9.  247,  lino  9) ; and  that  had  given  the  clue. 


ANCIENT  TEKRITOEIAL  DIVIsSIONS  OF  INDIA 


709 


tlie  lineage  of  Kaludevayya,” ^ as  governing  “the 
31,102  villages  (bada)  comprising  the  Banavasi  12,000, 
the  Palasige  12,000,  the  Manyakhecla  6000,  the  Kolanu  30, 
the  Lokapura  12  and  the  Toregare  60/' 

Plainer  evidence  than  this,  as  to  the  meaning  of  all  tlie 
similar  designations,  could  hardly  he  wished  for:  but,  as 
I have  indicated,  it  only  confirms  what  has  been  certain 
for  some  forty  years  past.  This  statement  in  detail, 
however,  further  helps  to  explain  two  other  epigrapliic 
statements  whicli  have  been  hitherto  obscure : namely,  the 
mention  of  “30,000  villages  of  which  Vanavasi  is  tlie 
foremost"  in  a record  of  A.D.  860  (El,  6.  35,  verse  21)  ; 
and  the  mention  of  apparently  “ the  Banavasi  32,000 
province"  in  a record  of  A.D.  919  (lA,  1903.  225).  These 
statements  were  puzzling,  because  the  Banavasi  province 
is  mentioned  in  so  many  other  records  always  as  a 12,000 
province.  But  we  can  see  now  liow  they  may  be 
accounted  for. 

An  interesting  reminiscence  of  one  of  these  numerical 
names  has  survived  to  the  present  day  in  the  title 
Murusavirad-ayya,  '[the  Ayya  of  the  3000",  which 
belongs  to  the  Ayya  or  Jangam  priest  (Lihgayat)  of  the 
Murusavirada-matha  at  Hubli  in  the  Dharwar  District:^ 
evidently  his  predecessors  were  the  pontiffs  of  some  great 

^ Lokateyarasii,  whose name  is  found  in  also  the  Sanskrit  form 
Lokaditya,  was  a prince  of  the  Mukula  or  Chellaketana  family, 
regarding  which  see  my  note  in  Ind.  A7it,,  1903.  221-7.  The  name  of 
the  ancestor  Kaludevayya  is  a new  item,  now  brought  to  notice  by 
Mr.  Narasimhachar. 

- These  details  add  up  to  30,102  : but  the  record  gives  the  total  as 
31,102.  Either  the  writer  made  a wrong  addition,  or  else  lie  carelessly 
omitted  to  mention  a one-thoxisand  district ; perhaps  the  Tardavadi  1000. 
The  text,  as  given  to  me  by  Mr.  Karasimhacliar  in  answer  to  a reference 
on  this  point,  runs  : — 

Banavasi ‘pannirchchhasiramum  Palasige-pannirchchhasirainuiu  Manya 
khedam-arusasiramuih  Kolanu- mu vattuiii  Lokapuraiii-panueradiiiii  Tore- 
garey-aruvattuiii  intu  muvatt-or-chchhasirada  nurreradii  badamaiii 
Lokateyarasar  ale. 

^ See  Ind,  Ant,,  vol,  29  (1900),  p.  280,  and  note  38, 


710  A COPI>ER-*?LATE  GEANT  FROM  EAST  BENGAL 

Saiva  establishment  in  the  Kundi  3000  province,  and  one 
of  them  migrated  to  Hiibli  (which  was  not  in  that  province) 
and  settled  there.  Another  survival  of  an  ancient  appel- 
lation is  probably  found  in  the  name  of  the  Yelusavira- 
sime,  '‘  the  7000  country  ’',  which  is  a part  of  Ooorgd 
The  names  of  the  Chalisgaum  taluka  of  the  Khandesli 
District  and  the  Ohoi*asi  taluka  of  Surat  distinctly  seem 
to  commemorate  original  groups  of  40  and  84  villages. 
And  the  name  of  Nalatwad,  a large  village  in  the 
Muddebihal  taluka  of  the  Bijapur  District,  is  plainly 
a corruption  oi  %aZvattu-vada  (b  ‘ forty -town and 
seems  to  mark  the  place  as  having  been  at  some  time  tlie 
chief  town  of  a circle  of  40  villages. 

This  new  inscription  from  Bandalike  is  also  of  interest 
in  showing  that  Manyakheta  was  the  chief  town  of  a 6000 
province.  This  city,  which  is  the  present  Malkhgd  or 
Malkhed  in  the  Nizam's  Dominions,  was  the  capital  of  the 
Eashtrakuta  dynasty  in  the  9th  and  10th  centuries  a.d. 

J.  F.  Fleet. 


A CoppEE-PLATE  Grant  r'ROM  East  Bengal  alleged 
TO  BE  Spurious 

In  the  last  Report  of  the  Archaeological  Survey  of 
India,  that  for  the  year  1907-8  (p.  255),  is  published 
a notice,  with  a transcript,  of  a copper-plate  grant  found 
in  the  south-west  corner  of  the  Faridpur  District  in  East 
Bengal  The  notice  was  written  by  the  late  Dr.  T,  Bloch, 
and  he  pronounced  the  grant  to  be  spurious  ; but  it  is  not 
spurious,  and  I may  be  permitted  to  draw  attention  to  it 
with  a few  remarks. 

Three  copper-plate  grants  were  found  in  that  district 
during  the  years  1891  and  1892,  and  were  given  to  me  bj" 
Dr.  Hoernle  to  be  deciphered  in  1908.  At  tliat  time  this 
fourth  plate  was  discovered  and  was  brought  to  our 

^ Rice,  Mysore  (1897),  vol.  1,  p.  o74. 


CULIKAPAISACIKA  PRAKRIT  711 

notice  by  Dr.  Bloch.  He  said  it  wonld  be  published  in 
the  Arch.  Keport  for  1907-8,  and  I proceeded  with  the 
decipherment  of  the  three  earlier  grants,  but  a photograph 
of  that  grant  was  sent  me  by  the  kindness  of  a friend. 
Those  three  grants  were  published  by  me  in  July,  1910,  in 
(vol.  xxxix,  p.  193).  The  fourth  plate 
was  published  by  Babu  E.  D.  Banerji  in  1910  in  the  Journal 
of  the  Beng.  As.  Soc.  (vol.  vi,  p,  429),  under  the  title 
“The  Kotwalipara  spurious  grant  of  Samacara  Deva'' 
I then  took  up  the  matter  of  this  grant,  and  published 
a paper  dealing  fully  with  it  in  that  Society's  Journal  last 
year  (voL  vii,  p.  475),  under  the  title  “The  Ghagrahati 
(Kotwalipara)  gx^ant  and  three  other  copper-plate  grants". 
While  that  paper  was  in  the  press  the  Arch.  Report 
came  out  with  Dr.  Bloch's  notice  of  the  grant. 

Both  Dr.  Bloch  and  Babu  R.  D.  Banerji  have  pronounced 
this  fourth  grant  to  be  spuiious,  but  they  had  not  the 
advantage  of  seeing  the  three  other  grants,  whereas  I had 
the  advantage  of  reading  all  four  before  pronouncing  any 
opinion  on  any  one  of  them.  These  grants  are  of  a some- 
what new  kind.  They  ai'e  not  royal  deeds,  but  are  grants 
of  lands  by  private  persons  to  brahmans.  I only  wish  now 
to  draw  attention  to  the  genuineness  of  this  fourth  grant, 
and  anyone  who  may  be  interested  in  this  question  will 
find  it  dealt  with  fully  in  my  article  in  the  Jouimal  of  the 
Bengal  Asiatic  Society. 

F.  E.  Pargiter. 


CULIKAPAISACIKA  PrAKRIT 

Dr.  Grierson,  in  a paper  entitled  “ Paisaci,  Pisacas,  and 
modeim  Pisaca",^  deals  with  the  three  kinds  of  Paisaci 
Prakrit,  of  which  two  are  named  Chli-iMpa  iidci/t’a- : and, 
discussing  the  question,  “ Who  were  the  Pi.4acas  ? " comes 
to  the  conclusion  that  they  were  originally  an  actual 

^ ZBMG.,  vol,  Ixvi,  p.  49. 


JRAS.  1912. 


46 


712  CULIKAPAISACIKA.  PBAKRIT 

people,  probably  of  Aryan  origin,  who  inhabited  the  north- 
west of  India  and  the  neighbouring  parts  of  the  Himalaya, 
and  were  closely  connected  with  the  Khasas,  Nagas,  and 
Yaksas.  His  method  of  treating  that  question  seems  to 
me  sound,  and  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  their 
character  as  demons  or  goblins  was  a later  perversion  of 
their  real  nature.  There  remains  the  question,  what  is  the 
meaning  of  the  word  Owlika  in  the  name  Gulikapaisacikay 
and  I would  offer  a few  remarks  on  this. 

There  was  a tribe  named  the  Culikas  or  Oulikas,  as  the 
following  texts  show : “ Tusaras,  Yavanas,  and  6akas  with 
Culikas  occupied  the  right  flank  of  the  army  ’’  (MBh.  vi, 
75,  3297),  Culikas  founded  some  sort  of  kingdom  in 
India  during  the  dark  times  of  the  Kali  age,  according 
to  the  reading  in  the  Calcutta  and  Ananda&^ama  editions 
of  the  Matsya  Parana  {50,  76).  Certain  MSS.  of  that 
Parana  that  I have  consulted  give  the  name  as  Dhulika, 
Puliha,  Calika,  Valinka,  and  Balhika,  The  Yayu  has 
the  same  passage  (99,  268),  but  reads  Ttdikas  instead, 
while  various  MSS.  of  it  that  I have  consulted  give  the 
name  as  Guliha,  Vulika,  Fum/ca  (or  perhaps  Vutilm),  and 
Vrulika.  There  can  be  little  doubt  from  all  these  readings 
that  Gulika  is  the  best  supported  form  of  the  name,  and 
many  of  the  variations  are  easy  misreadings  or  corruptions 
of  it.  Both  the  Puranas  couple  the  Yavanas  with  them  in 
this  passage  as  having  also  founded  a kingdom  in  India 
during  that  time. 

The  Markandeya  Purana  mentions  the  Culikas  or 
Culikas  as  a border  tribe ; placing  the  Culikas  along 
with  the  Lampakas,  Kiratas,  Ka^miras,  and  other  less 
known  tribes  in  the  region  bordering  India  on  the  north 
(57,  40);  and  the  Culikas,  along  with  the  Aparantikas, 
Haihayas,  Pahcadakas  (read  probably  Pahcanadas),  Tarak- 
suras  (read  perhaps  Turuskakas),  and  other  tribes  who 
cannot  be  identified,  in  the  very  west  of  India  (58,  37). 
These  Culikas  and  Culikas  are  no  doubt  one  and  the  same. 


CULIKAPAISACIKA  PEAKRIT 


713 


for  accuracy  cannot  be  expected  in  Indian  versions  o£  the 
names  of  border  tribes,  and  a position  in  the  north-west 
■would  satisfy  both  these  passages,  because  ancient  writers 
had  not  an  exact  knowledge  of  geography. 

The  Matsya  and  Vayu  Puranas  have  a passage  corre- 
sponding to  the  former  of  these  passages  in  the  Markandeya, 
and  the  Vayu  has  a further  passage  corresponding  to 
Markandeya  57 , 41,  which  mentions  Bulilcas  as  another 
tribe  in  the  same  northern  region.  Corresponding  to  the 
Culikas  of  the  Markandeya,  the  Vayu  reads  Pidikas  in 
the  Calcutta  edition  and  two  MSS.  of  the  Anandasrama 
edition,  and  Oudikas  in  two  other  MSS.  of  that  edition 
(45,  119),  while  the  Matsya  reads  Sainikas  (11 
Cidika  and  Cudika  may  be  mere  variations  of  the  same 
name,  as  nearly  as  the  geographical  compilers  could  get  it ; 
but,  whether  that  be  so  or  not,  the  Vayu  reads  (in  all  the 
editions  and  MSS.  mentioned)  Culikas  instead  of  Sulikas 
in  the  second  corresponding  passage,  so  that  the  Vayu 
certainly  places  the  Ciilikas  as  a tribe  in  the  northern 
region. 

All  these  references  to  the  Culikas^  would  be  satisfied, 
if  we  place  them  (say)  along  the  Gonial  Kiver  and  pass  on 
the  extreme  west  of  the  Panjab,  for  in  such  a position  they 
might  be  reckoned  as  falling  within  the  northern  region 
or  within  the  very  western  region,  and  would  be  in  close 
proximity  to  the  tribes  with  whom  they  are  specially 
associated.  Such  a position  also  brings  them  into  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Pisacas,  as  Dr.  Grierson  has  located 
the  latter. 

If  this  be  reasonable  it  may  help  to  explain  the  name 
Ctilikcipaisdcika,  w^hich  might  then  mean  the  Paisaci 
language  as  spoken  by  the  Culikas.  The  precise  formation 
of  the  word  is  uncertain.  Culika  can  hardly  denote  the 

^ The  R.  Calalvii  mentioned  in  MBh.  vi,  ,9,  S28,  is  different,  and  should 
probably  be  connected  with  the  Cola  people,  as  it  is  placed  in  South 
India. 


714  TENGALAI  AND  VADAGALAI 

Culika  women ; nor  can  it  well  mean  the  country  o£  the 
Culikas,  because  I can  think  of  no  country  which  has 
a feminine  name.  It  might  mean  the  Gulika  town,  or 
the  whole  word  might  perhaps  be  derived  from 
Paisdci,  these  two  words  being  run  into  one  with  the 
affix  ka  added,  before  which  the  ^ would  be  shortened. 

F.  E.  Paegitee.  : 


Tengalai  and  Vadagalai 

A note  has  been  received  from  A.  Govindacharya  Svamin 
discussing  various  references  to  theTehgalais  and  Vadagalais 
made  by  Dr.  Grierson  in  his  Introduction  to  the  Svtoiin’s 
translation  ot  the  Artha-pancaka  on  pp.  565  ff.  of  the 
Journal  for  1910.  The  note  is  too  long  to  publish  in  its 
entirety,  but  the  following  is  an  abstract  of  the  more 
important  points  raised  by  him,  so  far  as  they  have  not 
appeared  in  other  papers  by  its  author  which  have  been 
issued  of  late.  The  longer  note  may  on  a future  occasion 
be  useful. 

p.  666.  Differences  between  tlie  so-called  ISlorthern 
(Vadagalai)  and  Southern, 6ri-Vaisnavas.  The 
names  “Northern"’  and  “Southern”  must  be  confined  to 
the  tract  of  country  comprising  the  Dravicla,  between 
the  Tirupati  Hills  in  North  Arcot  and  Cape  Comorin. 
Conjevararn  (Kdlici-puram)  was  the  northern  seat  of 
Samskrit  learning.  Prior  to  Kamanuja,  in  the  days  of  tlie 
Azhvars  and  the  Acaryas  who  preceded  him,  the  neigh- 
bourhoods of  ^^rirahgam  (Trichinopoly)  and  of  Tiru-nel- 
veli  (Tinnevelley)  were  localities  where  Drfivida  (Tamil) 
Scriptures  were  largely  studied.  If  a line  were  drawn 
across  the  Peninsula  along  the  parallel  of  latitude  crossing 
Conjevararn,  all  the  tract  north  of  it  up  to  the  Tirupati 
Hills  would  be  the  Northern  division,  and  all  to  the  south 
of  it  the  Southern.  It  is  a purely  local  denomination 
which  did  not  come  into  vogue  till  two  generations  or  so 


TENGALAI  AND  VADAGALAI 


715 


after  Ramanuja ; and  except  that  they  have  Vedantacarya 
and  Raiiiya-jamatr-muni  ^ as  their  respective  pontiffs,  the 
two  divisions,  in  ethnic,  philosophic,  ethic,  religions,  and 
social  affairs,  constitute  one  Sri- Vaisnava  body. 

p.  566.  Co-operative  grace,  and  Irresistible  grace.  The 
Saiiiskrit  terms  for  these  are,  respectively,  sa-hetukaAioya 
and  nir-JieUbka-^^^  i.e.  grace  sought,  and  grace  unsought. 
The  sa-hehika-krpa  implies  that  the  asking  for  grace  by 
the  soul  is  the  reason  that  compels  grace.  The  nir-heUika- 
krpa  leaves  God's  grace  unaffected  by  any  savour  of 
barter  or  bargain,  such  as  is  involved  in  the  contention 
that  grace  is  contingent  on  first  being  initiated  by  the 
soul’s  asking,  and  that  without  this  demand  gi*ace  would 
remain  inoperative. 

p.  566.  The  views  expressed  regarding  ^ri.  She  is 
not  a mere  “form  or  phase  of  the  Supreme",  as  stated 
by  Dr.  Grierson.  As  shown  in  the  paper  on  The 
PMcaratras  or  Bhagavat-sastra,  in  the  number  of  this 
Journal  for  October,  1911,  She  is  a distinct  personality. 
This  is  true  for  both  schools,  according  to  whom  She 
belongs  to  the  category  of  the  Eternals  (nityas,  see  JRAS., 
1910,  573).  The  authority  for  both  schools  is  Visnu 
Purana,  I,  viii,  17 

NiUjaivaisa  jagan-mata  Visnos  Srlr  an-a^jAyinl  j 
Yatha  sarva-gato  Vismts  tathakv^yam,  dvijottamaW 

“ Maitreya,  the  Mother  of  the  universe,  is  eternal,  and 
never  separable  from  Visnu.  As  Visnu  is  omnipresent,  so 
also  is  She.” 

Sri,  for  both  schools,  fulfils  the  function  of  mediation. 

For  the  doctrinal  differences  betAveen  the  two  schools 
regarding  Sri,  see  JRAS.,  1910,  p.  1104.  To  these  it  may 
be  added  that  the  Vadagalais  ascribe  Causation  (i.e.  the 
being  the  cause)  of  the  universe  also,  to  Her,  and  ascribe 
further  the  characteristic  of  “ in  - dwelling  ” or  “ in- 
ruling ” (antar-ydmitva) ; whereas  the  Tehgalais  refer 
^ Or  Manavala  Mahamuni. 


716 


TENGALAI  AND  VADAGALAI 


both  these  attributes  to  God  alone.  According  to  the 
latter  the  function  of  Sri  is  that  of  i.e.  Mediator 

or  Saviour  alone.  ^ 

p.  567.  LoMcarya  was  not  ‘'  the  first  great  teacher  of 
the  Tengalai  school  'h  In  his  day  there  was  no  distinction 
of  such  schools.  If  any  schism  arose  in  virtue  of  differences 
of  interpretation,  it  is  in  all  probability  to  be  attributed  to 
the  time  of  Ved4nt4carya  (or  Ved^ntadesika,  1268  A. a), 
who  lived  a generation  after  Lok^cary a.  In  V ed^ntacary a's 
works  such  differences  in  interpi’etation  of  the  teachings 
that  pi'e vailed  before  his  day  are  clearly  discernible.^ 

p.  567.  As  to  Ramananda,  there  is  proof  that  he 
belonged  to  the  Tengalai  school,  if  such  a school  could  be 
predicated  as  existent  in  his  time.  His  date  is  uncertain. 
In  the  list  of  his  apostolic  predecessors  given  by 
Dr.  Grierson  in  the  Indian  Antiquary,  vol.  xxii, 
pp.  265-6,  1893,  the  name  of  Vedantacarya  does  not 
occur,  although  there  are  two  Lokacaryas,  the  second  of 
whom  is  the  author  of  the  Artha-q^ancaka,  the  first  being 
Nambillai. 

p,  567.  The  statement  that  the  Vadagalais  stop  at 
hhakti  is  not  correct.  Frapatti  and  dcdryahhimana,  as 
well  as  hhakti,  are  common  to  both  schools.  The  w^ord 
prapatti  is  rendered  better  by  ''  resort  to  ” or  “ refuge  in  ” 
God,  rather  than  by  its  radical  sense  of  mere  “approaching”: 
and  the  corresponding  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  soul 
is  passive  accoxMing  to  the  Tengalai  school,  and  active 
according  to  the  Vadagalais.  Both  these  characteristics 
pertain  to  prapatti, — ^not  the  former  to  prapatti  and  tlie 
latter  to  hhakti.  Who  the  Northern  commentators  are 

^ To  the  credit  of  VedAnt4carya,  however,  it  must  be  said  that  he 
looked  upon  the  opinions  of  those  from  w’hom  he  differed  as  simply  due 
to  specialization  of  certain  aspects  of  truth  : — 

Mahatdm  a/pi  hesdrhcid  ativciddh  prthaf/’vidhclij  | 
Tat-tad-artha~praTcd§ddi’  tatparatixld  ahddhifdh  1 1 

lStotm‘Bhds]/a  53.  ] 

JSTo  odnwi  theologicim  could  be  imputed  to  him. 


TENGALAI-AND  VADAGALAI 


717 


that  equate  bliakti  with  'prapatti  must  first  be  ascertained, 
but  the  equation  is  wrong.  The  radical  meanings  of  the 
two  words  are  entirely  different.  Blmj  = adore,  and 
2jad  = go,  or  throw  oneself  at  or  on.  The  former  (bhaldi) 
requires  active  concenti’ation  on  God  on  the  part  of  the 
soul  (adoration) ; whereas  the  latter  {iwapatti)  simply 
demands  resignation  or  unconditional  capitulation,  making 
no  terms  with  God,  but  variegated  by  the  two  attitudes, — 
(1)  active,  or  aggressive ; and  (2)  passive,  or  expectant,  on 
the  part  of  the  soul.  Ramanuja’s  commentary  on  the 
Bhagavacl-GUci  must  be  studied  together  with  his  Oadya- 
tray  a,  before  venturing  on  the  remark  made  by  Dr.  Grierson 
that  his  commentary  is  much  to  the  same  effect 

p.  568.  Dr.  Grierson’s  correction  as  to  the  meaning  of 
Kaival^^a  is  not  complete.  Kevalas  might  employ  other 
means  besides  knowledge,  jfwwa,  for  their  soul -realization. 
They  might  also  resort  to  bhaldi,  prapatti,  or  dedry dbhi~ 
mdna,  provided  they  resort  to  one  or  other  of  them  as 
long  as  their  goal  is  no  other  than  that  isolate  state. 


Note  by  Dr.  Geiersox  on  the  above 

Every  student  of  Vaishnavism  will  be  grateful  to 
Govindacliarya  Svamin  for  the  light  thrown  by  him  in  the 
above  notes  on  a most  obscure  branch  of  the  subject. 
Space  will  not  allow  me  to  discuss  them  here,  and  I am 
ready  to  assume  that,  so  far  as  doctrines  of  Southern 
Vaishnavism  are  concerned,  the  corrections  are  all  justified. 
I therefore  content  myself  with  two  remarks.  As  regards 
Ramanuja’s  explanation  of  the  word  prapadyaie  in 
Bhagavad-GUd,  vii,  19,  it  is  translated  ‘^worships”  by 
the  Svamin  himself  in  his  excellent  English  version  of 
the  poem  with  Ramanuja’s  commentary.  In  the  famous 
earama-doka  (xviii,  66),  which  Vaishnavas  look  upon  as 

^ See  pp.  127  ff.  of  my  Tathidra-7nata-dtpikct,  just  out. 


718 


TENGALAI  AND  VADAGALAI 


containing  the  quintessence  of  the  teaching  of  the  poem, 
we  have — 

sarva-dharman  farityajya  mam  eham  saranmii  vraja 
‘'Renouncing  all  Dharmas,  hold  Me  as  thy  sole  refuge/’ 


On  this  Ramanuja  says:  All  Dharmas  ~ AM  the  patJis 
of  righteousness  inculcated  in  the  Bhagavad-gUa  s.s  means 
to  moksa,  viz.,  karma-yoga,  jfiana-yoga,  and  bhakti-yoga. 
Renouncing  = The  practising  of  these  means  as  modes 
of  my  worship,  and  in  love;  but  entirely  renouncing  the 
fruit  theveoil{]pliala4yaga),  the  personal  ownership  of  the 
act  (karma-tyaga),  and  personal  authorship  of  act  (Jmrtrtva- 
tydga)!'  To  this  the  Svamin  adds  in  a footnote:  "Ramanuja 
gives  here  the  ordinary  interpretation  meaning  hliakti, 
whereas  a higher  interpretation  is  The  rest  of 

R/s  commentary  on  this  verse  is  most  instructive.  It  is  plain 
that  he  considered  that  Krsna  instructed  Arjuna  to  hold  to 
Him,  so  as  to  enable  Arjuna  to  " launch  on  bhakti-yoga  ”, 
the  only  means  of  salvation.  I have  not  seen  the  Gadya- 
tray  a,  but  it  is  plain  that  in  his  commentaiy  to  the 
Bhagavad  - gitd  Ramanuja  either  ignored  the  modern 
prapatti  altogether,  or  else  considered  it  as  included  in 
the  term  '‘bhakti'\  This  is,  of  course,  not  the  only 
interpretation  of  the  verse,  which  has  probably  had  more 
treatises  written  concerning  it  than  any  other  passage  in 
the  poem. 

As  regards  the  Kevalas,  see  the  Svamin’s  description  of 
them  on  p.  575  of  the  Journal  for  1910.  " These  are  tlie 

men  who  embark  particularly  upon  the  path  of  jndna  yoga, 
which  is  chiefly  the  means  to  secure  this  coveted  ' zoistic  ’ 
state.”  The  fact  that  they  can  also  employ  the  other 
means  is  an  interesting  addition  to  our  knowledge. 

G,  A.  G. 

Cambekley. 

December  5,  1911. 


KASMIEI  ALMANACS 


719 


Kasmiei  Almanacs 

In  Kasmiri  the  word  nsually  means  stale being 
the  equivalent  of  the  Hindi  hasl.  The  word 
(nakmtrcqxdrika)  means  “ almanac  ’'.  Bds\ 
therefore  apparentl}?'  means  “ a stale  almanac  Inquiries 
from  Kasmir  reveal  that  it  means  nothin^:  of  the  sort. 
BosyiB  here  a derivative  of  Bhdskari,  “ of  or  belonging  to 
Bhaskara.”  Bhaskara  Razdto  was  a noted  Easmiri 
Jyotisi,  and  the  change  of  sk  to  s,  as  well  as  the  elision 
of  r,  has  many  parallels  in  the  language.  The  following 
is  an  abstract  of  an  account  of  the  origin  of  these  almanacs 
given  to  me  by  Mahamahopadhyaya  Mukundarama  Sastri, 
who  is  himself  a follower  of  the  rules  laid  down  in  the 
Bos^  Passages  enclosed  in  square  brackets 

are  additions  of  mine.. 

In  former  times  in  Kahnir,  commencing  with  the  &ika 
year  587  (665  A.D.),  almanacs  were  comihled  according 
to  the  rules  laid  down  in  Brahmagupta’s  karanct,  the 
iniandakhady^  a work  based  on  the  Brahmasiddhanta 
with  corrections  from  the  Aryasiddhanta. 

As  time  went  on,  actual  observation  showed  the  existence 
of  small  accumulating  errors  in  the  tables  of  this  work, 
which,  after  a lapse  of  thirty  to  thirty-six  years,  amounted 
to  as  much  as  one,  two,  or  three  ghatikCis  [one  ghatikd  = 
24  minutes].  As  necessity  ai'ose,  these  were  corrected 

^ [The  KhxwilaMuldya  was  written  in  Saka  587.  See  Sndhukara 
Dvivedi,  Ganakatarangim^  p.  IS.  As  regardvS  the  connexion  of  the 
Khandalcliddya  with  the  Aryasiddhanta — that  is,  the  First  Aryasiddhanta, 
the  Aryabhatlya  of  Aryabhata  {a.d.  499),  — cf.  the  same  wox'k,  p.  19, 
and  also  Thibaiit  and  Sudhakara  Bvivedi,  Pancaskldhantihl^  p.  xx.] 
According  to  the  sCmma  ^^kiTnagirinikatasthflh  prdriudJq/dly\  in  former- 
times  all  almanacs  in  eastern  and  northern  countries  were  based  upon 
the  Aryasiddhanta.  Up  to  a short  time  ago,  in  Camba,  Suket,  Mandi, 
Gbazlpur,  Kanauj,  and  the  neighbouring  countries,  all  almanacs  were 
based  on  the  Khanddkhddya*  [The  Pandit  is  not  certain  about  the 
Xxresenfc  day,  and  adds  that,  owing  to  the  wide  distribution  of  printed 
almanacs,  local  variations  and  locS,l  customs  are  falling  into  disuse.] 


Y20 


KASJVriRI  ALMANACS 


with  the  aid  of  the  Madhyama  Sdrain'^  mid  oilier  similar 
works.  Finally,  during  the  reign  of  King  Rajadeva  of 
Kasmir,  after  1242  a.d,  Vimalacarya  wrote  a corrected 
edition  of  the  Khcmdakhady a mid  a new  jS^arari^,  which 
are  still  authoritative,  and  on  which  most  modern  Kasimiri 
almanacs  are  based. 

Things  thus  went  on  for  sevex'al  centuries,  Hindu 
learning  being  impeded  by  the'Muhammadan  conquest.  But 
in  the  year  1758  A.D.,  in  the  reign  of  King  Sukhajivana, 
an  eclipse  of  the  sun  occurred  at  a time  so  widely  different 
from  that  predicted  by  the  almanacs  that  they,  and  the 
revised  KhanclaJchadya  on  which  they  w^ere  founded,  fell 
into  disrepute.  A Pandit  named  Bhaskara  Razdan  then 
showed  that  if  the  calculations  had  been  made  according 
to  the  Grcthcddghava,  eb  karana  written  by  Gane& 
Daivajha,^  they  would  have  agreed  with  the  actual 
occurrence.  He  therefore  rejected  the  Khandakhddya,  Sbnd 
prepared  an  almanac  based  on  the  Grahaldghava.  In  the 
course  of  two  or  three  years  this  became  accepted  all  over 
Kasmir,  but  after  only  three  or  four  years  it  was  discovered 
that  the  observed  times  of  the  rising  and  setting  of  the 
planets  did  not  agree  with  the  times  given  by  it.  It  was 
also  found  that  this  difference  would  not  have  been  so 
great  if  the  calculation  had  been  made  according  to  the 
Khandakhadya,  and,  moreover,  that  it  could  be  corrected, 
with  the  aid  of  Sdranls,  There  thus  arose  a schism 
amongst  the  Kai^miri  astronomers,  some  advocating  a 
return  to  the  Khandakhadya,  while  Bhaskara  Razdan 
and  his  friends  obstinately  opposed  this,  and  advocated 
the  permanent  adoption  of  the  GrahaldghavcL  The 

^ A Sdranl  is  a kind  of  ready  reckoner,  a book  of  tables  for  the  rapid 
calculation  of  astronomical  moments,  such  as  the  commencement  of 
a tUM  or  the  like. 

® [See  GanaJcatamngini,  58.  The  date  of  the  Qralialdgliam  was 
1520  A.D.  There  was  an  annular  eclipse  of  the  sun  visible  in  India  on 
December  30,  1758,  N.s.  The  conjunction  occurred  6 hours  17  minutes 
after  sunrise  {Lanka  time).] 


VEDIC  SYNTAX 


721 


majority  adopted  the  former  course,  but  a small  minorit}’^ — 
about  one  per  cent  of  the  Kasmiri  Hindus — follow  Bhaskara 
down  to  the  present  day. 

There  are  thus  now  two  sets  of  almanacs  current  in 
Kasmir, — the  des%  neohapat^ri^  based  on  the  JiTAa/n 
khddya,  and  the  Bos^  nMutpcd^r'^^  based  on  the  Graha- 
Idghava.  Between  these  two  there  may  be  as  much  as  two 
or  three  glmtihds  difference  in  calculating  the  commence- 
ment of  a lunar  day.  Hence,  sometimes,  according  to  one 
a lunar  day  may  commence  in  one  weekday,  and  according 
to  the  other  in  another.  In  this  w^ay  the  followers  of  the 
respective  almanacs  sometimes  keep  fasts  or  festivals  on 
different  days.  The  dates  given  for  the  entry  of  a planet 
into  one  of  the  signs  of  the  zodiac  may  differ  so  much  as 
two,  four,  or  even  eight  days. 

G.  A.  Grierson, 

Camberley. 

March  24,  1912. 


Notes  on  Vedig  Syntax 

1.  In  a notice^  of  my  work  on  the  Aranyakas  of  the 
JRgveda,  Dr.  Caland  has  raised  a point  of  some  interest  as 
to  the  use  of  the  verb  %ipa-vas.  In  the  Smikhdyana 
Aranyaka,  xii,  8,  occurs  the  phrase  bhutikdmah  piispena 
tTirdtTopo^itah,  which  in  my  translation  I rendered  ''  a man 
who  desires  prosperity  should  fast  on  flowers  for  three 
days  To  Dr.  Caland  this  appears  comic,  and  the  obvious 
reading  is  piisyena,  under  the  Naksatra,  Pusya.” 

Now  that  a sentence  out  of  what  is  virtually  a Sutra 
should  seem  comic  is  hardly  a reason  to  find  another 
reading  obvious,  for  e.g.  Dr.  Caland’s  own  renderings  of 
the  Kcmfika  and  VaitdTia  Siitras  frequently  seem  too 
absurd  to  be  possible,  and  yet  it  wmiild  be  wrong  on  that 

^ Archiv  flir  JRaligionsmimemchaft,  xiv,  508,  n.  1.  I am  indebted  to 
the  author  for  sending  it  to  me. 


VEDIC  SYNTAX 


account  liglitly  to  reject  them.^  Piisyena  is  palaeo- 
graphically  so  obvious  that  it  might  have  occurred  to 
Dr.  Calancr  that  there  was  some  reason  for  it  not 
appearing  in  the  text.  And  the  reavSon  is  that  it  would 
be  very  hard  to  find  in  Vedic  Sanskrit/ probably  also  in 
classical  Sanskrit,  any  real  parallel  for  such  a use  of  the 
instrumental : trirdtro-positaJi  is  of  course  equivalent  to 
trirdtram  or  trirdtrena  thpositali^  and  the  instrumental 
as  denoting  “duration”  is,  if  not  exactly  very  common, 
still  Vedic and  classical.^  But  on  what  authority  is 
the  instrumental  equated  to  'binder  the  Naksatra,  Pusya”  ? 
The  best  case  I can  conceive  for  the  rendering  is  to  regard 
Pusya  as  here  equivalent  to  the  month  Pausa,  and  to  render 
“ for  three  nights  during  the  month  Pausa”.  But  against 
that  rendering  tells  {a)  the  fact  that  Pusya  is  not  found  in 
this  sense  in  the  Vedic  literature,  so  far  as  I know  ; the 
St,  Petersburg  Dictionaries  give  nothing  earlier  than  the 
Vimm  PuTdnci\^  and  (6)  the  fact  that  such  a use  of 
the  instrumental  is  not  known  to  me  to  have  a parallel 
in  the  Vedic  texts,  and  for  these  reasons  I did  not  read 
piis^yena,  nor  can  I even  accept  the  emendation  now,  until 
it  is  shown  to  be  syntactically  probable. 

I consider  that  is  best  taken  as  an  instrumental 

denoting  what  nourishment  the  sacrificer  was  to  enjoy 
during  his  ritual  fast  (it  need  hardly  be  said  that  such 
fasts  were  by  no  means  absolute),  and  tiiis 

connexion  is  surely  adequately  defended  by  pwpdiin  in 
Vismi  Smrtij  xcv,  7;  presumably  the  sacrificer  partook 
of  some  decoction  of  flowers  in  place  of  the  milk  which 
might  have  formed  his  diet.  But  the  passage  as  a whole 
is  obscure,  and  I regret  that  Dr.  Caland’s  acquaintance 

^ See  now  Bloomfield,  GGA.  1912,  pp.  1 seqq. 

^ See  examples  in  BR.  s.v. 

^ Belbriick,  AUind.  Bynt.  p.  130. 

^ Speyer,  Vedisclie.  wnd  Banskrit-ByiitaXi  p.  13. 

Bol]fcliiigk,  s.v.  Ic. 


VEOIC  SYNTAX 


723 


witli  the  Siitras  should  not  have  been  able  to  throw  light 
upon  it. 

2.  Dr.  Caland  seems  to  me  more  happy  in  his  second 
conjecture  that  in  Aitareya  Ar  any  aka,  1,  4,  and 
Sdiihliayana  Aranyahay  Yii,  10,  in  pHliivl  tvd  devata 
risyati  we  should  see  drisyati,  the  future  to  the  preceding 
aorist  draJi.  It  may  be  that  arisyati  or  dri^yati,  is 
concealed  in  the  phrase,  but  it  is  not  certainly  the  case. 
Sayana  takes  risyati  as  hinasti,  and  the  fact  that  the 
active  sense  of  the  verb  is  specially  Vedic  ^ led  me  to  think 
he  was  right.  As  for  the  future  sense  of  the  indicative,  it 
is  of  course  perfectly  normal,  and  is  adequately  illustrated 
by  Delbrtick^  and  since  the  date  of  my  book  by  Bloomfield.^ 

3.  On  the  other  hand,  Dr.  Caland’s  criticism  of  my 
rendering  of  the  presents  with  ha  sma  of  Aitareya  Aran- 
yaka,  i,  1.  3,  and  Sdnlchdyana  Aranyaha^  iv,  7 by  English 
presents  is  in  part  an  error,  in  part  apparently  founded  on 
a misunderstanding  of  the  use  of  the  English  language. 
In  the  former  passage,  as  can  be  seen  from  my  translation, 
I use  the  historic  present  as  the  nearest  equivalent  to  the 
Vedic  present  with  ha  sma.  The  alternative  was  to  render 
with  Delbriick^  ''  was  wont  to  '’,  and  against  this  use,  in 
my  opinion,  there  is  to  be  set  the  fact  that  it  would  be 
necessary  then  to  render  different! jq  e.g.,  Adnhhdyana 
Araniyaka,  vii,  5-7,and  11, 12,  and  13.  All  these  passages 
give  views  of  authorities  : the  first  tliree  have  simplj^^  iti 
wuth  the  name;  11  has  atha  khalv  dlmr  nirhhtcjfivaJdjxth, 
and  12  and  13  have  iti  ha  smdha:  to  render  them 
differently  is  not,  in  my  opinion,  consistent  with  the  use 
of  English.  In  the  case  of  Sdnhhdyana  AQXiijyaJca,  iv,  7, 

^ RY.  viii,  48.  10 ; AV.  xiv,  1.  30.  Later  the  word  as  active  seems 
artificial. 

^ Op.  cit.  pp.  278,  279.  Cf.  Gildersleeve,  Greek  § 194. 

JAGS,  xxix,  294,  29o.  See  also  my  criticism  of  Dr.  Caland  in 
JRAS.  1909,  p.  753. 

Op.  cit.  PP-  502,  503  ; Sy7it.  Forsch.  ii,  129.  For  English  see 
Kellner,  English  Syntax,  § 368. 


"724 


VEDIC  SYNTAX 

the  matter  is  complicated  by  the  use  of  aharot  later  with 
vriikte,  ihQ  former  in  the  protasis,  the  latter  in  the  apodosis 
of  a relative  sentence,  and  Dr.  Caland  has  evidently 
neglected  to  read  the  note  on  p.  xiv  of  my  translation,^ 
though  it  is  referred  to  in  my  note  on  the  passage,  or  the 
note  on  the  historic  present  at  p.  245  of  mj  Ait arey a 
Army  aka,  which  shows  not  only  knowledge  of  the  Vedic 
idiom  but  also  compares  it  with  the  Homeric  and  Latin. 
I should,  however,  add  that  the  cases  where  ha  sma  are 
used  with  aha  and  similar  perfects  with  normally  present 
sense  are  of  great  interest,  for  they  lead  to  the  use  of 
uvdca  in  such  cases,  and,  as  the  use  has  two  aspects — 
(a)  the  fact  that  the  dictum  exists  up  to  the  present  and 
is  in  English  rendered  as  a present,  (b)  the  fact  that  the 
utterance  was  actually  in  the  past — the  use  of  leads 

to  the  narrative  perfect  gradually  invading  the  Brahmana 
prose;  cf.  JEAS.  1909,  p.  150.  The  use  of  the  present 
in  citing  authorities  no  doubt  assisted  in  the  development 
of  the  use  of  the  present  in  the  sense  “was  wont  to''. 
A good  case  of  the  development  of  the  usage  is  seen  in 
Kdthaha  Samhitd,  xxxiv,  17,  where  etacl  ha  vd  uvdca  is 
followed  by  sa  ha  sma  vai  . . . somam  pihati  and  tarn 
ha  s'ina  yad  dlmh  and  ahravlt 

4.  One  or  two  minor  points  may  also  be  mentioned. 
It  would  certainly  be  a gross  error  to  translate  djya  in 
Aitareya  Amnyaka,  i,  1. 1 and  2 as  “ghee  offering",  when 
it  means  djyaSastra,  but  my  rendering  is  “recitation  with 
the  ghee  offering  ",  which  is  the  English  for  djyasastra, 
and  in  my  note  I gave  the  references  to  the  hymns. 
Nyuna  does  not  mean  “ leer  " in  Aitareya  Aranyaka,  i,  4.  2, 

^ See  also  Delbriick,  VergL  Synt.  ii,  261  seqq. 

- But  liardly  so  gross  as  Caland  & Henry’s  rendering  [U Agni-sffima, 
p.  305)  of  the  unaccented  vdvrdhe  in  Taittirlya  Samhitd,  i,  4.  20,  as 
‘'qui  ...  a grandi”.  Ydh  in  the  first  part  of  the  verse  has  no  predicate 
expressed,  but  this  common  ellipsis  (Delbriick,  Altind.  Bynt.  p.  11) 
should  not  have  misled  the  translators,  •who  cannot  be  unaware  of  the 
rules  of  the  Vedic  accent.  And  what  of  the  rendering  at  p.  411  of 
djydnim  in  Taittirlya,  Bamhitd,  ix3,.3.  Sf  as  “ les  beurres  ” {djyctni)  ? 


VEDIO  SYNTAX 


725 


for  it  would  spoil  the  sense  so  to  take  it,  and  in  i,  1.  2 the 
sense  small  is  quite  satisfactory ; saclas  is  correctly 
rendered  “ seat  ” as  a techiiical  term  of  the  sacrifice,  while 
rnamscmdcmci  and  sthdll-paha  are  given  con\"entional 
ineanings;^  if  phrases  iti  Aitareya  ATcmyaJca,  v,  1. 1 and  2 
are  misinterpreted,  the  correct  renderings  should  be  given, 
but  to  judge  from  the  other  corrections  offered  they  will 
require  careful  scrutiny.  Nor  do  I see  sufficient  reason 
to  retain  the  I of  the  single  MS.  in  place  of  the  I {cl), 
Lindner,  in  his  edition  of  KausUctki  Brdhmcmci,^  has 

followed  the  practice  of  restoring  and  (ZA  with  his 
MS.  M and  other  authority,  and  I prefer  this  to  the  I of 
the  edition  of  the  ^raiUa  Sutra, 

5.  I have  noticed  all  the  points  explicitly  dealt  with  by 
Dr.  Caland  and  would  now  correct  two  errors  of  his.  I am 
glad  to  see  his  recognition  of  the  merits  of  Friedltoder's 
work  on  the  Mahavrata,  which  had  been  unaccountably 
overlooked  by  scholars  until  I drew  attention  to  its  vrorth. 
Friedlander,  however,  has  not  translated  the  section  on 
the  Mahavrata,  but  only  the  first  (and  rather  the  smaller) 
part,  so  that  the  less  favourable  impression  caused  by  the 
later  version  must  be  due  in  part  only  to  imagination. 
Secondly,  it  is  not  true  that  Adhyayas  vii-xv  were 
unknown  until  edited  by  me.  Weber  had  made  some  use 
of  them  and  had  cited  them  once  or  twice ; and  what  is 
more  important,  not  only  have  I explicitly  stated,  but  the 
most  cursory  reading  would  have  shown,  that  their  contents 
do  oiot  coincide  with  those  of  the  Aitareya  Arccyyaka ; 
the  similarity  ends  with  viii,  and  ix-xv  are  quite  new,  as 
was  made  clear  long  ago  by  Weber.'^ 

^ It  is  quite  impracticable  to  avoid  using  conventional  renderings 
unless  the  Sanskrit  is  always  kept,  and  Dr.  Caland  himself  does  so 
elsewhere.  For  saclas  as  properly  and  originally  seat”,  see  SatajHitha 
Brdhma/ja,  iii,  6.  1.  1 ; sthulipdka  is  dealt  with  in  my  Aitctreya  Arcui’ 
yaJca,  p.  2o4. 

- p.  xii.  Cf.  Wackernagel,  AUind.  Gramm,  i,  222  ; Macdoneil,  Vedic 
Gra')mn,  p.  45. 

Indian  Literaturei  p.  50,  n.  37. 


726 


AGE  CRITERIA  IX  THE  RIGVEDA 


6.  I take  this  opportunity  of  claiming  the  support 
of  Dr.  CalancD  for  the  criticism  which  I made‘^  of 
von  Schroeder’s  argument,  in  favour  of  the  theory  of  the 
early  Vedic  drama,  that  the  gods  were  conceived  as 
dancing  in  mimetic  dances.  He  regards  the  use  of  the 
word  '' dance ’’  as  quite  inadequate  to  show  that  this  is 
the  case.  I agree  also  with  the  criticism  '^  of  the  theory 
of  the  Lopamudra  and  Agastya  hymn,  but  the  author  has 
overlooked  the  fact  that  his  argument  from  the 
was  anticipated  in  1909  by  myself  ^ as  well  as  independently 
by  Oldenberg.'^ 

A.  Beeeiedale  Keith. 


Age  Criteria  ix  the  Kigveda 
Professor  Bloomfield  has  in  an  article  in  the  JAOS.^' 
brought  forward  some  important  cases  where  there  is 
conclusive  evidence  of  imitation  and  therefore  of  relative 
chronology  in  ih.%  Rgveda,  It  is  of  interest  to  consider 
how  far  these  instances  bear  out  the  results  achieved 
by  metrical  and  linguistic  tests  by  Professor  Arnold  in 
his  Vedio  Metre. 

It  is  beyond  reasonable  doubt  that  the  absurd  anasvo 
jato  cmabMmr  arva  in  i,  152.  5 is  an  imitation  of 
anasvo  jdto  anahMsilr  ulcthyb  of  iv,  36.  1 : now  the 
metrical  tests  and  the  linguistic  assign  i,  152  to  the 
strophic  period,  which  is  the  second  of  Professor  Arnoldts 
periods,  and  iv,  36  to  the  normal,  the  third  of  the  periods. 
It  is  certain  that  i,  92.  11  and  12  ai*e  modelled  on 
i,  124.  2,  which  Professor  Bloomfield  rightly  calls  “the 

^ Archiv  fur  Edigionmisaenachaft,  xiv,  500.  ® JRAS.  1911,  p.  99S. 

3 Op.  eit.  p.  502.  4 JRAS.  1909,  p.  205,  n.  2. 

^ GGA.  1909,  p.  77.  I take  this  opportunity  of  observing  that 
Bloomfield’s  criticism  of  Caland’s  rendering  of  maryah  in  the  Vaiklna 
(GGA.  1912,  p.  19)  might  perhaps,  be  modified  in  view  of  the  use  of 
rtcdryah  in  Aitareya  Aranyaha,  iii,  2,  0;  Sdnkhdyana  Arayyahi,  viii,  11 ; 
cf.  my  translation  of  the  latter  work,  p.  56,  n.  3. 

^ xxxi,  49-69, 


AGE  CRITERIA  IN  THE  RIGVEDA 


727 


high-water  mark  o£  Vedic  composition  ; but  metre  alone 
reduces  i,  92  to  the  normal  period,  the  linguistic  tests 
assign  it  to  the  strophic,  while  both  combine  to  place 
i,  124  in  the  cretic,  the  , fourth  period.  In  viii,  56.  1 the 
third  Pada  is  clearly  a mere  solecism,  adapted  absurdly 
from  i,  8.  5 ; yet  the  former  is  assigned  to  the  strophic 
period  without  hesitation,  while  the  latter  is  only  assigned 
to  it  on  metrical  grounds.  Again,  in  iii,  32.  7 and- 
vi,  19.  2 is  found  a Pada  applicable  to  Indra  (brhcmtam 
T^vam  ajdram  ytivanam),  which  in  vi,  49.  10  is  trans- 
ferred wdth  the  less  happy  stimonndon  for  yuvdnam  to 
Rudra ; , yet  metrical  and  linguistic  tests  assign  iii,  32 
to  the  normal  period,  and  metrical  tests  assign  vi,.  19  to 
the  same  period,  while  both  sets  assign  vi,  49  to  the 
archaic  period.  In  i,  30.  21  the  attracted  vocative  dsve 
nd  citre  artisi  is  clearly  derived  from  iv,  52.  2,  asveva 
citrdms'l  ; yet  the  tests  set  the  former  in  the  strophic, 
the  latter  in  the  normal  period.  Again,  in  viii,  13.  19 
Professor  Bloomfield  sees  the  explanation  of  the  odd 
description  of  the  poet  as  mcih  pdvakd  iicyate  so 
ddblmtah  in  the  fact  that  the  writer  has  plundered 
ix,  24.  6 (of  Somou),  MciJi  2^d,vakd  dcIbMitah,  and  ix,  24.  7, 
mciJi  iMvahd  iicyate,  Aufrecht  long  ago  saw  the  trutli 
in  this  case ; yet  metrical  and  linguistic  tests  assign 
viii,  13  to  the  archaic  or  oldest  period,  and  ix,  24  to  the 
normal,  a division  two  periods  later.  Finally,  in  i,  1.  8 
and  i,  45.  4 we  have  the  phrase  rdjantam  adhvardnmn 
contorted  in  i,  27.  1 to  samrdjmitam  adlivarandm,  and 
in  viii,  8.  18  applied  to  the  Asvins  in  the  dual  ; yet  the 
tests  place  the  last  three  passages  in  the  strophic  period 
and  the  first  in  the  normal  period. 

What,  on  the  other  hand,  is  found  to  accord  wdth  the 
metrical  tests  ? iv,  3.  10  (strophic)  borrows  from  vi,  66.  1 
(archaic) ; iii,  40.  6 (assigned  by  metre  alone  to  the 
strophic)  is  used  in  i,  10.  7 (normal),  but  it  should  be 
noted  that  the  linguistic  tests  give  exactly  the  opposite 
jBAs.  1912.  47 


728  AGE  CRITERIA  IN  THE  RIGVEDA 

result,  making  the  latter  the  earlier  passage;  x,  96.  2 
(popular)  borrows  (though  there  is  no  cogent  proof)  from 
iii,  60.  3 (cretic);  i,  39.  6 (assigned  by  metre  alone  to  the 
archaic  period)  is  used  in  viii,  7.  28  (strophic) ; iv,  17.  3 
(normal)  is  used  in  X,  28.  7 (popular). 

Other  cases  are  indecisive  either  way : i,  22.  21  borrows 
from  iii,  10.  9,  both  are  referred  to  the  same  iionnal 
period  ; in  Professor  Bloomfield's  view  i,  80.  10  is  derived 
from  iv,  18.  7 and  iv,  19.  8 ; the  tests  assign  i,  80  to  the 
normal  period  (the  linguistic  tests  to  the  strophic),  iv,  18 
to  the  popular,  and  iv,  19  to  the  normal;  here  also  may 
be  reckoned  the  case  of  i,  1.  8 ; i,  45.  4;  i,  27.  1,  and 
viii,  8.  18  above,  while  i,  124,  3;  v,  80.  4,  and  x,  66.  13, 
which  borrow  from  the  former,  are  put  in  one  period  by 
the  tests. 

These  are  all  the  cases  adduced  by  Professor  Bloomfield 
which  he  regards  as  cogent;  he  suggests  that  viii,  72.  18 
is  derived  from  vii,  55.  2,  whereas  the  tests  assign  the 
former  to  the  archaic,  the  latter  to  the  popular  period, 
but  the  case  is  not  to  be  relied  on ; Professor  Bloomfield 
also  puts  i,  144.  7 before  viii,  74.  7,  while  the  tests  reverse 
the  order,  making  the  first  strophic,  the  second  archaic  ; 
on  the  other  hand,  he  makes  x,  63.  13  (cretic)  use  i,  41.  2 
(strophic)  and  viii,  27.  16  (archaic),  but  these  cases  do  not 
stand  on  the  same  basis  of  certainty  as  the  others. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  as  to  the  conclusion  to  be 
drawn  from  this  winter’s  enumeration  : in  six  cases  at 
least  the  metric  and  linguistic  tests  break  down  hopelessly, 
and  in  the  residue  of  cases  they  are  frequently  indecisive. 
That  in  some  cases  they  agree  with  the  results  of 
Professor  Bloomfield  is  what  Avas  to  be  expected  ; and 
even  then,  of  the  four  or  five  cases  of  agreement,  one  is 
rendered  useless  by  the  conflict  of  the  two  tests ; two  are 
cases  of  hymns  in  the  later  tenth  book.  The  total  result 
is  therefore  that,  while  there  are  certain  metrical  and 
linguistic  tests  of  real  validity,  the  refinements  on  these 


THE  SUFFIX  SAT 


729 


tests  suggested  by  Professor  Arnold  are  not  consistent 
with  the  new  and  clear  evidence  adduced  hy  Professor 
Bloomfield;^  which  is  all  the  more  valuable  as  that  scholar 
does  not  himself  connect  his  discussions  with  the  data  of 
Professor  Arnold. 

A.  Berriedale  Keith. 


The  Suffix  sat 

Professor  Speyer  has  recently^  made  an  ingenious  effort 
to  explain  the  origin  of  the  suffix  by  finding  in  it  an 
abbreviation,  of  a popular  and  perhaps  originally  local 
character,  of  the  word  used  as  part  of  a compound, 

which  through  its  recognition  by  Paniiii  ^ secured  a place, 
even  if  a somewhat  feeble  one,  in  the  classical  literature 
of  India. 

The  theory  is  an  interesting  one  and  deserves  careful 
consideration,  since  there  is  no  obvious  explanation  of  the 
appearance  of  the  suffix,  which  has  nothing  corresponding 
to  it  in  tlie  Vedic  language  projper,  as  Whitney  ^ long  ago 
pointed  out.  But  it  seems  very  doubtful  if  the  theory  can 
be  said  to  attain  the  degree  of  probability  which  its  author 
claims  for  it. 

Professor  Speyer,  in  the  first  place,  considers  that  all  the 
examples  adduced  by  the  commentators  on  Panini  and 
from  the  literature  ^ can  be  reduced  to  cases  of  the  categoric 

des  possessive!!  resp.  partitiven  Genitivs  ”,  and  he 
compares  the  German  ‘‘jemandem  verfallen, — zu  eigen 
geworden  ”,  adding  that  in  Latin  the  simple  genitive 
would  almost  always  be  adequate. 

But  this  statement  of  the  case  seems  open  to  great 

^ See  also  JRAS.  1906,  pp.  484-90,  716-22;  my  A itare^a  Araj^'^aka^ 
p.  203. 

^ ZDMCt.  Ixv,  313-15,  ^ V,  4.  52-4. 

Sanskrit  Grammar^  § 1108. 

^ Summarized  neatly  by  Whitney,  ioc.  eit.,  to  whose  account  there  is 
really  nothing  to  add. 


730 


THE  SUFFIX  SAT 


doubt:  the  Kasikdy  following  Panini,  in  effect  gives  two 
classes  of  cases  where  the  suffix  is  employed.  It  allows  it 
with  the  verbs  /cr;  and  as  to  express  totality 
and  with  these  verbs  and  sam2^ad  to  ex];>Tess  abhivid^^ 
The  distinction  between  these  two  cases  is  not,  as  Prof essor 
Speyer  seems  to  take  it,  that  between  a complete  change  of 
substance  and  a partial  one  : if  the  change  is  only  partial, 
according  to  the  Kasikd  the  suffix  cannot  be  used,  and  for 
that  reason  it  shows  that  an  adjective  cannot  be  used  with 
sdty  that  is,  we  must  say  sukUbhavatiy  not  suklasad 

bhavati;  the  difference  between  kdrtsnya  and  abhividhi 
is  between  a change  which  is  universal  and  a change  whicli 
affects  and  transforms  all  the  substances  in  question  (sarvd 
prakrtir  vikdram  dpadyate)  and  not  merely  an  attribute, 
but  only  takes  place  in  certain  circumstances.  Thus,  on 
the  one  hand,  we  have  agnisdd  bhavati  ktstraoiiyiidakasdd- 
bhavati  lavaiiamiy  and  on  the  other  asydm  sendydm 
utfdtena  sarvani  sastram  agnisdd  bhavati  (sam^Kidyate), 
vansdsn  sarvam  lavanam  ndalmsad  sampadyate.  In  both 
cases  the  prakrti  is  completely  changed,  but  in  tlie  one 
the  essence  of  the  matter  is  regarded  as  the  cluxnge  of 
the  whole  substance,  in  the  other  the  change  of  all  the 
substances.  The  distinction  is  clearly  an  intelligible  one ; 
it  accords  adequately  with  the  use  of  abhividhi  elsewhere 
in  Panini,^it  accounts  for  the  form  of  the  examples  adduced 
in  the  Kdiilcd,  and  it  seems  to  relieve  Panini  of  the  charge 
of  having  ignored  the  fact  that  the  adjective  could  not  be 
used  with  the  suffix. 

The  second  category  of  cases  is  that  where  the  suffix 
shows  that  the  relation  is  one  of  dependence  {tadadhlna- 
vacane),  and  examples  are  rdjasdt  karotiy  rajasdd  bhavati^ 
rdjasdt  sydty  rdjasdt  sampadyate.  It  will  be  noted  that 
the  form  sydt  and  not  asti  is  quoted,  but  it  is  hardly 
correct  to  say  that  the  optative  alone  is  intended ; the 
essential  use  of  the  whole  construction  is  to  express  some 


THE  SUFFIX  SAT 


731 


action  on  the  part  of  the  subject,  and  therefore  syat  is 
naturally  more  suited  as  an  example  than  asti,  but 
Panini  would  not  have  considered  incorrect  the  example 
quoted  from  the  Mahabhdrata  by  Whitney : yasya 
brdhmanasdt  sarvam  vittam  dsU, 

The  literature  bears  out  the  grammar.  Neglecting  the 
later  texts,  which  are  under  the  suspicion  of  the  influence 
of  Panini,  the  Mahdbhdrata  gives  bJtasmasdt  with  as,  hhU, 
hr,  and  also  with  gam,  yd,  and  n%,  in  the  sense  of 
become  ashes  ” or  ^‘reduce  to  ashes”,  while  on  the  other 
hand  it  gi  ves  us  loho  'yam  dasy^isdd  bhavet,  kdriisdd 
gamayad  drcbvyam,  and  repeatedly  brdhmanasdt  kr}  It 
is  important  to  note  that  the  cases  of  these  uses  are  not 
confined  to  an}^  special  section  of  the  work : the  Mahd- 
bhdrata knows  and  frankly  uses  the  idiom,  and  supports 
the  \'iew  that  it  was  well  known  and  current  in  the 
languao'e  of  the  time  of  Panini. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  reduce  the  first  category  to  that 
of  a possessive  or  partitive  genitive ; the  second  category 
is  clearly,  as  the  grammarians  took  it,  a possessive  relation, 
but  while  it  is  easy  to  say  that  agnisad  bhavati  means 
becomes  the  fire’s  ”,  it  is  more  difficult  to  admit  the 
accuracy  of  the  assertion.  There  is  no  evidence  in  the 
actual  usage  to  raise  it  from  the  position  of  a mere 
conjecture. 

In  tlie  second  place,  Professor  Speyer  sees  the  explana- 
tion of  sdt  in  the  use  of  sdtmiblm  or  sdtmtkr,  which  is 
ignored  by  Panini,  but  which  occurs  in  the  epic  and  which 
is  found  frequently  in  Buddhist  texts  like  the  Jdtakamdld, 
But  tliis  does  not  help  us  much : in  the  ^atapatha 
Brdhmana^  and  in  other  Vedic  texts  ^ we  find  sdtmatd 
used  with  the  genitive  in  the  sense  of  attaining  union 
with  a deity,  a sense  which  persists  in  the  epic  and  later. 

^ For  the  references  see  St.  Petersburg  Dictionary,  s.vv.  ; Speyer, 
Sanslcrit  Syntax,  § 309. 

“ xi,  0.  6.  9.  ^ Sayujya  is  used  with  much  the  same  sense. 


THE  SUFFIX 


I do  not  know  that  in  any  Vedic  text  the  word  is  com- 
pounded with  a preceding  noun,  and  it  probably  is  not, 
but  ill  the  Ilahdbhdrata^  it  is  so  found  compounded. 
But  to  say  that  devasdd  bhavaM  (which  in  the 

Mahdbhdratci  '^)  is  identical  in  sense  with  devdnam  eti 
scdmatdin  is  not  correct : ‘Ho  become  a god  ” is  one  things 
“ to  attain  union  of  essence  with  the  gods  ” is  another. 
Moreover,  the  idiom  with  sdtmatd  in  all  the  places  known 
to  me  in  the  early  texts  is  used  with  verbs  of  motion 
{goAU,  i,  m),  as  indeed  the  accusative  renders  necessary, 
and  it  is  exceedingly  hard  to  see  how  devasdtmatdm  eti 
(which  does  not,  so  far  as  I know,  actually  occur,  but  is 
a possible  assumption  in  favour  of  Professor  Speyer)  can 
give  devasad  bhavath 

The  difficulty  is  diminished  by  Professor  Speyer,  who 
relies  on  the  forms  sdtmibJm  and  sdtmikr  for  the 
transition  stage,  and  who  asserts  that  examples  of  these 
forms  can  be  found  in  the  St.  Petersburg  Dictionaries  from 
the  MahdbhdTata  and  the  Blidgavata  P'urdna.  But  this 
statement  appears  to  be  due  to  some  confusion,  for  these 
dictionaries  do  not  give  a single  example  of  either  form 
from  either  work,  either  in  their  main  notice  or  in  their 
numerous  addenda,  and  Monier -Williams'  Dictionary  is 
naturally  likewise  barren.  This  fact  disposes  for  the  time 
at  least  completely  of  Professor  Speyer's  contention,  for 
it  has  plausibility  only  if  we  can  suppose  that  forms  like 
sdtnnbhuta  were  common  and  so  could  be  through  popular 
corruption  a source  of  "’sad  hhavatL  But  the  facts  as  yet 
available  show  sdtmlbhwta  and  sdimikHa  as  much  later 
in  the  literature  than  Panini ; so  far  they  are  only  quoted 
from  the  medical  work  of  Su^ruta  and  the  Buddhist  texts 
like  the  JdtaJcamdld,  and  Professor  Speyer's  hypothesis 
rests  only  on  the  earlier  evidence  like  sdtmatdm  gachati, 
which  is  quite  insufficient  to  support  it.  Nor,  must  it  be 
added,  is  the  sense  of  adtmibhilta  and  sdtomkrta  when 
^ xii,  2328  {a  late  passage).  “ vii,  8687. 


THE  SUFFIX  SAT 


733 


actually  found  really  the  same  as  that  of  hr  or  ""sad 
him.  The  meaning  is  both  in  Susruta  in  a medical  sense 
and  in  the  Jdtalcamdla  ^ practically  ''  become  one  s second 
nature”,  as  in  the  JdtoJcamdld  ahhydsayogdcl  hi  mhhd- 
mhhdni  karmdni  adtmy  eva  bhavcmti  ; this 

sense  is  very  different  from  ''become  one’s  property”,  as 
in  idttam  brdhmcmasdd  dsUy  or  irom  "become  completely 
changed  into  ”,  as  in  bhasmasad  bhavati,  and  a final 
discrepancy  even  between  the  late  usage  and  that 
necessary  for  the  theory  is  that  the  late  usage  does  not 
appear  to  occur  with  the  noun,  denoting  the  person — 
much  less  the  thing  — whose  second  nature  anything 
becomes,  in  the  form  of  a compound. 

It  seems  to  me  hardly  necessary  to  add  anything  further 
against  the  theory,  which  cannot  be  supported  on  the 
evidence  yet  adduced,  but  it  may  be  well,  in  view  of 
Whitney’s  dictum,  accepted  by  Professor  Speyer,  that  the 
Vedic  literature  contains  nothing  to  cast  light  on  the 
origin  of  the  use, to  remember  that  theVdjasaneyi  Samhitd'^ 
has  sdrvam  tain  bhasmasd  Imriv:  there  are  variants  of  tliis 
form  ; the  Atharvavedcc^  has  the  form  ojuuwiasd  in  scirvdn 
ni  maamasdlmram  draddd  hhdlvdn  iva ; in  the  parallel 
passage  to  the  Vdjasaneyi  the  Taittirlya  Samhitd^  has 
miasmasd,  the  Kdthaka^  hm  masmasa^  which  is  also  read 
by  the  Taittirlya  Aranyakad  md  the  MaitrdyamA  has 
onrsmTsd : it  should  be  added  that  the  Vdjamneyi  Prdti- 
sdlchya,^  some  MSS.  of  the  and  the  Satajiatha 

Brahmana^^  have  nnasmasdAor  hliasmasd.  The  generally 
accepted  view^^  now  appears  to  be  that  these  forms  are  all 
onomatopoetic  and  that  mctsmasd  should  be  read  in  the 

^ See  the  St.  Petersburg  Dictionaries,  s.v,  sdtml,  and  Professor  Speyer's 
own  quotations,  ZDMG.  Ixv,  $14. 

- Of.  also  Speyer,  Vedische  und  Sanskrit  Syntax^  p.  46,  n.  1. 
xi,  SO.  4 23.  8.  » iv,  1.  10.  3. 

^ xvi,  7.  ii,  5.  2.  ® ii,  7.  7.  ® v,  37. 

vi,  6.  5.  10.  Eggeling,  SBE.  xli,  259,  renders  '‘burn  thou  to  ashes'’. 
St.  Petersburg  Diet.  s.v.  Masmasd  ; Bloomfield,  SBE.  xlii,  455. 


734  SUPPLEMENTABY  -NOTES  ON  THE  MEGHADUTA 

Yajasmieyi  Bmihita,  or  at  any  rate  that  hhasmasd  is 
merely  a phonetic  variant  for  masmasa}  Accepting  this 
theory,  yet  it  seems  far  from  improbable  that  this  use 
(which  is  clearly  a popular  phrase,  and  which  therefore 
appears  only  incidentally  in  the  Vedic  ritual)  helped  the 
development  of  the  use  of  sat,  especially  in  hlmsmasdt 
itself.  Moreover,  there  is  an  obvious  source  from  *which 
the  t could  have  been  assisted  in  entry,  namely,  the 
frequent  use  in  the  epic  of  sat  hrta,  sat  hr,  and  even 
hmlimanasatkartf : such  a fact  might  result  in  a con- 
tamination of  the  phase  Imru,  The  hypothesis 

would  demand  (1)  that  a bhasmasa  Imru,  originally 
perhaps  onomatopoetic,  was  popularly  regarded  as  ''  reduce 
to  ashes”,  (2)  that  by  analogy  to  °sat  hr  it  was  changed 
to  hliasmasat  Jcuru,  and  (3)  that  on  analogy  it  was  the 
source  of  new  and  varied  forinations  with  other  verbs  and 
nouns,  developing  on  the  two  lines  of  change  of  substance 
and  dependency.  Such  a development  is  perfectly  possible,^ 
but  in  the  absence  of  all  convincing  evidence  I prefer  to 
regard  the  suffix  sat  as  of  unknown  and  uncertain  origin, 
though  I think  that  hhasmasd  hum  cannot  have  been 
without  effect  on  the  development. 

A.  Berriedale  Keith. 


Supplementary  Notes  on  the  Meghaduta 

To  my  remarks  on  the  Jaina  poem  Nemiduta  on  p.  vi  f. 
of  the  preface  to  my  edition  of  Kalidasa  s Meghaduta  the 
following  may  now  be  added.  No.  18  of  the  series 
" Sriyasovijayajainagranthamala  ” contains  the  text  of 

^ Cf.  Wackernagel,  Altwd.  Gramm,  i,  18 ; Macdonell,  Vedic  Grammar , 
p.  431. 

- See  St.  Petersburg  Biot.  s.v. 

^ Possibly  the  fact  that  the  s is  not  liable  to  lingualization  is  to  be 
connected  with  the  fact  that  in  sat  hr  is  nob  liable  to  change  as  not 
being  an  ordinary  suffix.  , - , 


SUPPLEMENTAEY  NOTES  ON  THE  MEGHADUTA  735 


the  SUadiita  by  Charitrasundaragani  (Benares,  Vira- 
Saiiivat  2436),  a Jaina  poem  which  was  composed  at 
Cambay  in  Vikrama-Samvat  1487.  The  fourth  line  of 
every  stanza  of  this  little  work  is  identical  with  the  last 
line  of  one  of  the  stanzas  of  tlie  MeghadutcL  The  sub- 
joined table  shows  the  coiTespon deuce  of  verses  in  both 
poems,: — ■ 


SlLADUTA. 

Meghabuta. 

SlLABUTA. 

Meghadiita, 

.SlLABUTA. 

MeGHxVBUTA. 

1-8 

1-8 

■■■:73"" 

70  ' 1 

,■■101 

86 

9-11 

10-12  ■ ' 

. 74  : : 

69 

102-111 

92-101 

12 

•. 

75,  76  ' 

: vi,  ix  ! 

112 

104 

1:1-17 

13-17 

k.77.  ■ 

■ 68  ; 

113 

102 

18 

■ 78 : 

AGii  ; 

114 

xiii 

19-22 

.18-21 

^ 79'7.'  '^- 

. .67  ■ .1. 

115,  116 

' 105,  106 

2:1 

ii'. 

80 

X'  i 

117 

103 

24-;i3 

.22-31 

81-95 

. 71-85 

118,  119  ■ 

107,  lOS 

84,  35 

iii,  iv 

96 

.88  i 

120 

110 

30-69 

32-05 

97,  98 

87,89 

121 

xiv 

70,  71 

V,  vii 

99 

91 

122,  123 

109,  111 

72  . ■ 

06 

lOG 

90 

124,  125 

xvii,  xviii 

Page  X of  Preface,  note  2 : Vallabliadeva  mentions  his 
U'padhydya  Prakasavarsha  also  in  his  commentary  on 
Magha,  xvi,  17,  and  xx,  71.  At  xx,  54  he  criticizes  an 
earlier  commentator  on  the  Simpdlavadha,  \vhose  name 
was  Bhatta-Saiiikara. 

The  following  references  in  Yallabhas  commentary  on 
Magha’s  poem  have  to  be  added  to  those  which  I have 
noted  on  p.  xf.  of  the  Preface:  Amara  (xvii,  35  ; xviii,  9, 

15) ,  KdtJtalia  (xvi,  50),  Kimtd'rjiinlya  (xx,  71),  Kautilya 
(xx,  23),  Jayaditya  (xx,  79),  TantrCtkhydy  ika  (xvi,  25  ; 
xviii,  78;  xx,  72),  Devesvara  (xx,  74),  Dharmakirti  (xx, 

16) ,  JBhagauadgitd  (xix,  98,  114;  xx,  79),  Malidhhdrata 
(iv,  4;  xi,  66;  xiv,  70;  xv,  23;  xx,  66,  79),  B<o.ghuvarhkb 
(xvi,  55;  xix,  116;  colophon,  5),  Rudrata  (xix,  3),  Vtoiana 
(xx,  79),  and  Betiihandha  (xvii,  4).  Besides,  the  following 
persons  are  named  as  ''  good  poets  (s-ukavi)  in  the 


736 


BUDDHIST  MONASTIC  TERMS 


-comnieiitary  on  the  last  verse  of  the  coloplion : Yararuchi, 
Sul3andhu,  Kalidasa,  Bharavi,  Bhatta-Bana,  and  Mayiirad 

Pa^^e  8 of  the  text,  verse  11  : For  asdbandlia  see 
Kalidasa’s  Sahuntald,  ed.  Cappeller,  p.  49,  verse  85. 

Page  8,  note  1:  Add  a reference  to  JCdcdxi,  ed,  FansboH, 
vol.  ii,  p.  363,  h 23  f. : haldkd  cha  7idvia  wiegha-saddemh 
gahbham  ganhanti. 

Page  23,  note  1.  The  verse  nidrd,  etc.,  is  quoted  by 
Yailabha  also  in  his  commentary  on  Magha,  xx,  24. 

: ."..E.  Hultzsch. 


The  Buddhist  Monastic  terms  samatittika,  safadaxa, 

AND  VTTABI-BBAI^GA. 

These  are  terms  which  have  been  much  discussed 
without,  as  yet,  reacliing  any  satisfactory  conclusion.  In 
my  collection  of  Central  Asian  manuscripts  there  is 
a fragment  whicli  settles,  at  least,  the  problem  of  saina- 
tittika.  It  shows  that  that  word  represents  tbe  Sanskrit 
samadikiika  (savia-tiktaka).  The  fragment  in  question, 
on  the  whole  exceedingly  well  preserved,  is  a leaf  of  the 
Yiiiaya.  It  was  found  in  1907,  with  many  otlier  frag- 
ments, near  a place  called  Jigdaliq,  about  a day’s  niarcli 
from  Bai,  in  the  Kuchar  district.  It  is  written  in  tlie 
Indian  upright”  Gupta  characters  of  tlie  fourth  to  fifth 
centuries  A.D.  Its  contents  coincide  substantially  with 
those  of  Cullavagga,  viii,  4,  clauses  3-5  ; and  tlie  passage 
which  conceims  us  particularly  runs  as  follow^s  : — 

Pioida^pata-vritam  kataram.  Satkrtya  hliiksiuid 
pindajmtah  pratigfhitavydli  savadamarJi,  scfrmiAiktikam 
scmna-siipikarh  mmprajdnena  (read  samprajnmiena) 

^ Pandifc  Durgaprasad’s  edition  inserts  Somanatba,  B}iaval>huti,  and 
Krldananda  after  Subandhu,  and  Bilhana  after  Kalidasa.  Of  tliese 
Bilhaiia  belongs  to  the  eleventh  century  and  thus  lived  a few  generations 
after  Vallabhadeva. 


BUDDHIST  MOlSrASTIC  TERMS 


737 


- upastldta-smrtinoj  aviksipta-cittena  avikirata  1 fdratta- 
kan-ca  pratigrMtavyarh  ydvoMake  samya\jj-h]ic(kti]r^ 
hhavati,  Idam-iicyateinndapata-vrttam,  10  2(i.e.  12)|i 

That  is  : ''  (Clause)  12.  What  is  tlie  regnhition  con- 
cerning' alrns-foocl  placed  in  a (monk’s)  bo\Yl  ? Witli 
due  care  the  monk  should  receive  alms-food  into  his 
bowl,  inclusive  of  (every)  individual  (i.e.  without  any 
being  passed  over),  with  the  proper  amount  of  condi- 
ments, with  the  proper  amount  of  cooked  split  peas, 
with  circumspection,  with  ready  recollection  (of  his 
duties  as  to  food),  with  unbewildered  mind,  hot  scattering 
(any  particles  of  the  food).  Just  so  much  should  he 
receive  as  will  make  a perfect  distribution  (among  the 
whole  of  the  assembled  monks).” 

With  this  extract  the  directions  in  Cullavagga,  clauses 
4 and  5,  in  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  vol.  xx,pp.  287-8, 
may  be  compared.  They  refer  to  the  conduct  of  the 
monks  when  assembled  in  the  Arama  (monastery)  at  the 
appointed  time  of  receiving  their  meal.  The  portion  of 
the  word  samyalg-hliaktilr  enclosed  in  square  brackets 
is  illegible;  but  that,  or  $amyak-2^urtir,  or  some  similar 
word  is  required  by  the  context. 

The  true  spelling  of  the  Pali  word,  whether  samcdittika 
or  samatitthika,  has  been  discussed  by  Professor  Rhys 
Davids  in  his  translation  of  the  Tevijja  Sutta,  i,  24,  in 
SEE.  xi,  178,  footnote  1.  He  decides  for  savuitiitika  as 
the  true  spelling,  on  the  ground  that,  while  in  the  Burmese 
script  the  two  conjuncts  and  tth  are  so  much  alike 
that  they  may  be,  and  often  are,  confounded,  they  are 
thorouglily  distinct  in  the  Singhalese  script  : and  in 
Singhalese  manuscripts  the  word  is  invariably  spelt 
with  tt  He  proposes,  hesitatingly,  the  Sanskrit  equivalent 
samatijJfika,  equally  full,”  apparently  suggested  by  the 
explanation  sama-bhdrita  of  the  Samanta  Pasadika  (see 
SEE.  xiii,  p.  62,  footnote  5).  But,  as  our  fragment  now 


738 


BUDDHIST  MONASTIC  TERMS 


shows,  the  true  Sanskrit  equivalent  is  samatiktika,  “ con- 
taining a right  proportion  of  pungent  things,”  i.e.  of 
condiments.  The  real  fact,  however,  is  that  there  exist 
in  Pali  two  entirely  different  words,  one  spelt  mma- 
tittika,  the  other  scmnatiithika.  The  former  occurs  only 
as  a term  of  food  (alms-food),  and  represents  the  Sanskrit 
sama-tiktika  {samciW^^  containing  a right  amount 

of  condiments  ” ; the  other  represents  the  Sanskrit  savia-- 
Urihika  (sama4wthaka),  ‘‘level  with  the  bathing-place,”' 
properly  used  of  a flooded  river,  or  pond  (as  in  Maha- 
vagga,  vi,  28,  11,  ed.  p.  230 ; Tevijja  Sutta,  i,  24,  transl. 
p.  178;  Smaller  Sukhavati  Vytiha,  clause  4,  in  Anec\. 
Oxon.,  p.  93 ; Lalita  Vistara,  ch.  26,  ed.  Lefmann,  p.  407,, 
1.  2),  but  also,  in  a looser  way,  of  brimful  vessels  or  bowls 
(as  in  Lalita  Vistara,  ch.  24,  p.  387,  1.  3 ; Jataka,  vol.  i, 
p,  393,  11.  17,  26  ; p.  400,  1.  1).  It  was  the  existence  of 
these  two  words  in  Pali,  nearly  identically^  spelt,  which 
appears  to  have  caused  all  the  confusion  in  the  manuscripts 
and  the  uncertainty  in  their  interpretation. 

The  true  Sanskrit  equivalent,  o the  Pali 

sama-tittika,  as  applied  to  alms-food,  and  as  found  in  our 
fragment,  is  readily  intelligible  from  the  passages  in  the- 
Pali  Vinaya,  which  describe  the  ordinary  constituents  of 
that  food.  The  ordinary  food  of  a Buddhist  monk  con- 
sisted of  three  ingredients:  (1)  boiled  rice  (odana,  or 
hhcokta),  (2)  cooked  split  peas  (siipa),  (3)  condiments 
{vyanjaoia,  or  tUtari-bhanga).  Thus  in  Cullavagga, 
ch.  viii,  sect.  4,  clause  4,  5 (ed.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  214-15),  we  have 
the  following  passage  : — 

(4)  Odane  diyyamdne  ubhohi  hatthehi  paitam  iKi- 
" \ riggahetva  odanopatiggahetabbo;  snpassa  okdso  kdtabbo  ;■ 
; sacee  hoti  sappi  vd  telaifi  vd  nttari-bhangam  vd,  therena 
vattabbo  ‘ sabbesam  samakam  sampadehi'  iti ; samasTi- 
pako  pindapdto  patiggalietabbo,  samatittiko  p)indapCttO' 
patiggahetabbo ; (5)  sakkaceam  pindapdto  bJmnjitahbo, 
na  supamvavyanjanamvaodamnapaticchadetabbam  I1 


BUDDHIST  MONASTIC  TERMS 


739 


That  is,  ‘'When  the  boiled  rice  (odana)  is  given  out, 
the  monk  should  hold  his  bowl  with  both  hands,  and 
receive  the  rice  (odana)  into  it ; room  should  be  left  for 
the  cooked  split  peas  (supa);  if  there  is  ghee,  or  oil,  or 
condiments  (uttari-hhcmga),  the  senior  monk  should 
say,  ‘ give  out  a proper  quantity  (samaka)  to  all/  The 
alms-food  is  to  be  taken  with  the  proper  quantity  of 
cooked  split  peas  {sama-stipika),  and  with  the  proper 
quantity  of  condiments  {sama-tiitika)  ; and  it  should 
be  eaten  in  the  proper  way;  neither  the  cooked  split 
peas  {supa),  nor  the  condiments  {vyanjana),  mtiy  be 
covered  up  (i.e.  mixed  together)  with  the  boiled  rice 
(pdana)!' 

Compare  the  translation  in  SEE.,  vol  xx,  pp.  287-8. 
Notice  also  the  synonyms  uttarihlianga  = tiktika  = 
vyanjana.  Another,  similar  passage  occurs  in  the  Pati- 
mokha,  Sekhiya  Dhamma,  No.  36,  in  SEE.,  vol.  xiii,  jp.  53. 
Compare  also  the  passage  in  Milinda-pahha,  pp.  213-14. 

In  the  SEE.  translation  the  w^ord  svpa  is  always 
rendered  by  “ curry  ”,  but  it  really  means  ''  dal  Eoth 
terms  are  well  known  in  Northern  India  as  the  names 
of  indigenous  Indian  dishes.  Curry  ” is  the  name  of 
a strongly  spiced  flesh  or  vegetable  dish,  while  ''  dal  ” 
signifies  simply  split  pulse  of  various  kinds  (see  Eaja- 
nighantu,  in  scdyadivarga,  xvi).  “ Dal,”  however,  is  also 
the  name  of  a dish,  as  used  in  the  term  “dal-bhat”,  i.e.  dal 
and  rice ; and  in  that  case  dal  ” means  cooked  split  pulse, 
i.e.  dal  boiled  in  water  with  the  addition  of  a little  ghee 
(or  oil)  and  ginger,  asafcetida  (hingu),  etc.  (see  Bhava 
Prakasa,  i,  2,  ed.  Jivananda,  p.  15).  The  commentary  in 
the  Sutta  Vibhanga  (Vin.  Pit,  vol.  iv,  pt.  ii,  p.  190) 
explains  silpa  to  be  either  mwggasTipa  or  Qndsa-sapa, 
that  is,  split  peas,  either  Phaseohis  Mungo  (Skt.  mttdga, 
Hindi  m-umg)  or  Phaseolus  Poxhurgldi  (Skt.  mdsa, 
Hindi  urid). 


740 


BUDDHIST  HON-ASTIC  TEEMS 


The  words  vycmjana  and  ujxiri-hhanga,  above  trans- 
lated by  condiment,  refer  to  what  is  known  in  India  as 
“ chiitnee  ” (ectf  n^,  a vspicy,  hot,  pungent  seasoning  (made 
of  mango,  raisins,  tamarind  juice,  red  pepper,  etc,).  The 
relative  quantities  of  the  three  constituents  of  the  food 
(rice,  dal,  chutnee),  of  course,  vary  according  to  individual 
taste  ; but,  as  a rule,  of  dal  a much  smaller  quantity,  and 
of  chutnee  only  a pinch  is  taken.  At  cook-shops  in  the 
Indian  bazars,  where  the  poorer  class  of  people  buy  ready- 
cooked  food,  the  serving-man  supplies  their  receptacle 
with  rice  and  a smaller  quantity  of  dal  (or  curry),  and 
tinally  places  a pinch  of  chutnee  on  the  top  of  tlie  whole 
supply.  Hence  that  pinch  of  condiment  (chutnee)  is  called 
upari-hlicmga,  or  top-morsel,  a term  which  has  hitherto 
failed  to  be  fully  explained  (see  SEE.  xx,  p.  159,  n.  1, 
and  Childers’  Dictionary,  s.v.).  The  proportion  of  rice  to 
dal  is  said  by  the  commentator  (SEE.  xiii,  p.  62,  n.  4) 
to  be  as  4 : 1. 

From  the  foregoing  it  is  clear  that  the  Sanskrit 
equivalent  of  the  Pali  tittika  in  saona-tittika,  standing 
in  juxtaposition  to  Bilpa  in  smna-SLvpika,  must  be  a word 
synonymous  with  vyanjaoia  and  upari-hhaiiga,  and  be 
expressive  of  condiment  ; and  that  Avord  can  be  only 
tiktika,  pungent,  savoury,  which  is  found  in  our  fragment. 

As  to  the  element  in  the  compound,  the  meaning 

intended  by  it  does  not  seem  to  be  that  of  equality,  but 
rather  that  of  right  measure.  Saona4iktaka  and  sama- 
supika  mean  ''having  a right  measure  of  condiment 
(chutnee)  ” and  " having  a right  measure  of  cooked  split 
peas  (dal)  And  samaka  in  the  distribution  order  (above 
quoted)  has  the  same  meaning  : " Let  the  proper  quantity 
{samaka,  of,  dal  and  chutnee)  be  given  to  everyone.” 
With  the  alternative  meaning  of  equality,  which  is 
adopted  in  the  SEE.  translation,  the  rendering  would  be : 
" Let  an  equal  quantity  be  given  to  everyone,  an  equal 
quantity  of  dal  as  well  as  an  equal  quantity  of  chutnee,” 


BUDDHIST  MONASTIC  TEEMS 


741 


so  tliat  no  one  receives  more  or  less  than  any  other.  But 
tlie  meaning  of  right  measure  seems  to  be  more  appropriate 
to  the  regulation,  for  the  point  is  not  so  much  that  every 
individual  monk  should  have  given  to  him  exactly  the 
same  quantity  of  the  three  constituents  of  the  food  (for 
individual  requirements  might  not  have  been  the  same, 
thus  causing  waste),  but  that  the  two  lesser  constituents 
of  dal  and  chutnee  should  be  given  in  the  right  proportion 
to  the  third  constituent  of  rice  (wdiatever  the  quantity  of 
the  latter,  to  suit  individual  requirements,  might  be). 

More  important  than  the  equality  of  the  share  of  each 
individual  monk  was  that  no  individual  monk  should  be 
passed  over  (accidentally  or  intentionally)  in  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  food.  This  point  is  provided  for  in  the 
regulation  by  the  term  savaddnaon.  The  identity  of  this 
word  is  discussed  by  M.  Senart  in  his  edition  of  the 
Mahavastu,  vol,  i,  f).  595  (see  ibid.,  p.  301,  1.  9 ; p.  327,  L 8). 
He  is  probably  right  in  taking,  not  the  Pali  saixiddnarh, 
but  the  Sanskrit  scivaddnam  to  be  the  original  word. 
The  latter  is  to  be  resolved  into  sa-avaddnam,  ''  with 
divisions (from  root  ava<lo,  to  cut),  that  is,  taking  one 
division  after  the  other,  in  regular  order.  At  first  sight 
it  might  seem  as  if  that  meaning  were  better  expressed 
by  such  a word  as  miavaddnam,  without  division.’' 
But  we  must  remember  the  connexion  in  which  the  word 
originally  occurs.  That  connexion  is  the  going  about  of 
the  monk  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  alms-food.  8aj)a- 
ddnam  caranto  hhikkluw  is  the  monk  who  goes  about 
begging  from  division  to  division  (or  house  to  house)  in 
regular  order,  and  sa^paddna-carik-a/hgam  is  the  regu- 
lation that  ordains  going  about  begging  from  house  to 
house.  The  side  of  an  Indian  bazar  street  is  a continuous 
structure  containing  a number  of  contiguous  rooms  or 
tenements,  and  the  monk  is  directed  to  beg,  not  merely 
in  the  bazar  street,  but  in  it  “with  its  divisions”,  or 
inclusive  of  its  individual  tenements;  that  is,  he  is  to  beg 


742 


THE  SUBHAGABHIKSHUKANYAYA 

in  tlie  street  from  tenement  to  tenement,  in  regular  order, 
not  omitting  any.  From  tins  start  the  word  savacldnmh 
came  to  acquire  generally  the  meaning  of  ''in  regular 
order,  not  omitting  any  And  thus  it  came  to  he  applied 
also  to  the  distribution  of  food  among  the  assembled 
monks,  meaning  that  the  food  should  be  given  them  in 
regular  order,  from  individual  to  individual,  not  omitting 
any.  A very  similar  widening  of  meaning  (from  rivers 
to  vessels)  took  place,  as  above  noted,  in  the  case  of  the 
\Y ord  -sm7ia4vrthika.  As  to  the  Pali  form  sapaddnam, 
it  may  be  a corruption  of  sdjyaddnam,  from  sa-apaddnam, 
for  apaddna  (from  an  " unbelegt”  root  apa-do)  is  the 
regular  Pali  equivalent  of  the  Sanskrit  avaddncL  But 
Childers’  Dictionaiy  (s.v.  sapaddna)  notes  the  word 
padana-cdrl,  Qn%  who  begs  from  house  to  house,  which 
(if  correct)  points  to  the  existence  of  a bye-form  p>oddna, 
.short  for  apaddna.  Analogous  shortened  forms  are  not 
unknown  in  Pali  literature,  e.g.  para.jjhati  and  vcdanjeti 
for  aparajjhati  and  avalanjeti,  etc.  (see  Mliller,  Pali 
Grammar,  p.  24).  With  paddna.>,  of  course,  the  form 
■sa-paddnani  would  be  quite  correct, 

A.  F.  Rudolf  Hoernle. 


Note  on  the  Subhagabhikshukanyaya 

In  the  LauJdkanydyasangraha,  and  at  still  greater 
length  in  his  larger  work,  Raghunathavarma  has  oftered 
two  interpretations  of  the  above  simile.  Those  contained 
in  the  former  will  be  found  in  my  Second  Handful  of 
Maxims  (2nd  ed.),  and  may  be  summarized  as  follows : — 

(a)  Some  hold  that  the  nyaya  is  used  to  indicate 
the  absurdity  of  supposing  that  two  contradictory 
characteristics  can  coexist  in  one  and  the  same  individual, 
as,  for  example,  womanhood  (as  represented  by  Siibhaga) 
and  manhood  (as  represented. by  the  bhiksuka). 

(b)  Others  interpret  it  thil^ : woman  named  Subhaga, 


THE  SXJBHAGABHIKSHUKANYAYA 


743 


and  a mendicant,  through  fear  of  a murderous  opponent, 
fled  to  a certain  man  for  protection  ; and  so  it  became 
necessary  for  him  to  decide  either  to  use  every  means 
in  his  power  to  shield  them,  and  thus*-  avoid  the  crime 
of  driving  away  a saranagata,  or,  on  the  other  hand, 
to  abandon  them  lest  he  himself  should  fall  a victim  to 
their  enemy.  Under  these  circumstances  he  decided  to 
help  the  woman  and  leave  the  man  to  his  fate ; and 
since  the  decision  rested  entirely  with  himself  the  simile 
is  regarded  by  these  interpreters  as  applying  to  cases 
where,  two  courses  being  possible,  it  rests  altogether  with 
the  person  concerned  to  adopt  the  one  which  he  personally 
prefers  I 

We  may  regard  (a)  as  possible,  though  confirmatory 
evidence  of  such  usage  is  not  forthcoming ; but  nothing 
can  be  said  in  support  of  (6),  and  it  may  be  dismissed 
as  ridiculous.  Those  who  desire  to  see  Kaghunathas 
stupid  enlargement  of  (a)  will  find  it  on  p.  314&  of  India 
Office  MS.  582.  He  calls  it  a LcmJciH  gdtha. 

The  real  meaning  of  the  simile  is,  in  my  opinion,  to 
be  found  in  the  following  passage  of  Venkatanatha’s 
philosophical  drama  entitled  SanJcal2Ktswryoclaya  (ii,  92, 
voL  xxxi  of  The  Pandit) : — 

''  See  how  these  Kahu-like  Mimamsakas,  kinsmen  of 
a race  of  night-walkers  (i.e.  of  goblins),  exemplify  the 
story  of  Subhaga  and  the  mendicant ; for  they  stigmatize 
their  opponents  as  abandoners  of  the  Upanisads,  and  yet 
reject  them  also  themselves ! Now  here  we  are  at 
once  reminded  of  an  instance  of  inconsistent  conduct 
adduced  by  Suresvara  in  Naiskarmyasiddhi,  i,  28,  where 
he  says  that  such  behaviour  is  a simile 

which  Js  explained  by  the  commentator  Jnanottama  as 

JBAS.  1912. 


48 


744  ANOTHER  MISUNDERSTOOD  SIMILE 

■ - .-t.  ,■ 

follows  : ''  Aftei'  abusing  her  daughter-in-law  for  refusing 
to  give  alms  to  a wandering  mendicant,  the  mother-in-law 
called  the  man  back,  and,  when  he  had  come,  said  to 
him,  ‘ There  are  no  alms,  be  off ! ’ thus  herself  also  refusing/' 
The  explanation  of  the  given  by  the 

commentator  on  the  drama  coincides  exactly  with  that 
of  Jnanottama,  thus  conclusively  proving  that  the  two 
similes  are  identical.  May  we  not  assume  that  the  drama- 
version,  also  found  in  Udayanas  AtmatciU'mvweka,  is 
the  original,  and  that  the  other  is  a descriptive  title  given 
to  it  by  Suresvara,  in  whose  work  alone  it  has  been 
met  with  ? 

G.  A.  Jacob. 


Another  misunderstood  Simile 

The  nyaya  in  question  is  which,  in  the 

appendix  to  part  iv  of  the  abridged  St.  Petersburg  lexicon, 
is  explained  by  ''  als  wean  man  mit  einem  Stocke  getrieben 
wtirde”,  and,  in  that  of  Sir  M.  Monier- Williams,  by  ‘Mike 
one  driven  by  a stick”.  In  both  cases  the  rendering  is 
supported  by  a reference  to  the  comment  on  Ajmstamha- 
^rautasutra,  xi,  12.  6,  and  -turning  to  the  passage  we 
find  it  embodies  the  ritual  to  be  observed  when  digging 
and  consecrating  four  holes  (technically  termed 
in  the  Havirdhana  containing  the  vSoma  plants  to  be 
used  at  an  Agnistoma  sacrifice.  These  “ sounding-holes  ”, 
as  Professor  Eggeling  calls  them,  are  said  to  intensify  tlie 
sound  caused  by  the  crushing  of  the  Soma  plants  on 
boards  placed  over  them  ; but  there  is  no  hint  of  this  in 
Satapatha  Brdhmana,  3.  5.  4,  where  a diflbrent  reason  is 
given  for  their  being  dug. 

The  fifth  sutra  of  Apastamba's  twelfth  kandika  pre- 
scribes the  final  consecratory  rites,  consisting  in  the  first 
place  of  the  sprinkling  of  all  the  holes  with  water 
containing  barley,  during  which  the  mantra  etc., 


ANOTliER  MISUNDERSTOOD  SIMILE 


745 


ivS  recited  ; after  which  a series  of  acts  is  to  be  performed 
in  connexion  with  one  of  them,  namely,  sprinkling  it  with 
the  remainder  of  the  water,  ponring  in  the  barley,  and 
strewing  it  with  barhis-grass ; the  ceremony  is  then  to 
conclude  with  an  oblation  of  melted  butter. 

The  next  sutra  directs  the  same  procedure  to  be 
followed  with  each  of  the  other  holes  ; and  it  is  on  this 
that  Rudradatta  says  : 11^ 

The  mere  perusal 

of  these  words  is  surely  sufficient  to  show  that  the 
meaning  assigned  by  the  lexicographers  to  the  simile 
contained  in  them  is  altogether  impossible  I What,  then, 
is  its  meaning  ? For  an  answer  to  this  we  must  go  to  the 
Piirva  Mimamsa. 

The  fifth  chapter  of  Jaiminits  is  devoted 

to  the  consideration  of  the  all-important  point  of  the 
order  in  whicli  the  various  parts  of  a sacrifice  are  to  be 
performed,  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  third  Jiada  he 
takes  up  the  case  of  the  Upasads.  These,  as  described  in 
SatapatJut  Bralimivna,  3.  4.  4,  are  three  in  number,  and 
are  offered,  one  by  one,  on  three  successive  days  ; but  on 
some  occasions  the}^  have  to  be  increased  to  six,  or  even 
twelve,  and  then  a question  arises  as  to  the  due  order 
to  be  observed  in  carrying  out  this  extension.  Under 
sutra  5,  3.  2 ^^abara  states  it  thus  : — 

^ \ 

I ^ ff  ^ mxm 

t^:  I! 

We  see  from  this,  the  purvapakm,  that  to  go  tlirough, 
a series  of  acts  once,  and  then  to  adhere  rigidly  to  ilte 
same  order  when  repeating  them,  is  the  method  which  is 
declared  to  be  and  the  additional  exposition 

given  by  Madhava  in  the  Nydyamdldvistara  removes  all 
doubt  as  to  its  meaning.  He  says — 


746 


THE  DALAI  LAMA’s  SEAL 


I cr^  fHfWTOw^t 

w ^%'5rwf|w  5^TEr 

w^fn  w 

As  is  clearly  shown  here,  the  simile  is  that  of  a man 
measuring  [a  ipiece  ol  ground]  ivith  a staff  or  rod,  in 
doing  which  he,  of  course,  moves  the  entire  staff  forward 
each  time.  By  this  method,  Upasad-ofiering  number  one 
would  be  presented  on  the  first  day,  number  two  on  the 
second,  and  number  three  on  the  third ; and  they  would 
be  repeated  in  the  same  order  on  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth 
days.  By  the  alternative  process  termed  , 

“repetition  of  each  from  its  own  place (which,  in  this 
instance,  is  declared  to  be  the  proper  one  to  adopt), 
number  one  would  be  offered  on  the  first  and  again  on 
the  second  day,  number  two  on  the  third  and  fourth  daJ^s, 
and  so  on.  In  the  case  of  the  ceremonies  associated  with 
the  however,  as  Rudradatta  tells  us,  the  former 

method  was  to  be  followed,  and  the  whole  of  the  action 
was  to  be  repeated,  in  the  same  order,  in  connexion  with 
each  of  the  holes.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  for  this 
simile  we  must  give  to  the  root  hal  its  sense  of  “ to  count 
and  thence  “ to  measure  ”,  and  not  that  of  “ to  drive 

G.  A.  Jacob. 


- Another  Version  of  the  Dalai  LaaiaAs  Seal 

The  other  day,  when  examining  an  old  set  of  lantern 
slides  belonging  to  the  Moravian  Mission  College  at 
Niesky,  Upper  Lusatia,  I discovered  another  version  of 
the  Dalai  Lama's  seah  This  old  set  of  lantern  slides 
was  made  from  photographs  collected  by  our  missionary, 
F.  Becker-Shawe  of  . Leh,  during  the  years  1891  to  1895, 
To  serve  as  a specimen,  of  Tibetan  handwriting,  Mr.  Shaw’^e 


THE  DALAI  LAMA'S  SEAL 


747 


seems  to  have  photographed  a letter  from  the  Dalai  Lama 
which  he  found  preserved  in  the  archives  of  one  of  the  old 
noble  families  of  Ladakh.  Below  the  letter  we  find  the 
Dalai  Lama’s  seal  according  to  a different  version  from 
that  published  in  this  Journal,  see  1910,  p.  1205.  The 
present  new  version  has  the  great  advantage  of  being 
quite  clear,  and  no  coi^rections  of  any  kind  are  necessary. 
As  regards  the  Dalai  Lamas  letter,  it  refers  to  the  old 


Government  trade  between  Leh  and  Lhasa,  called  Lopliyag, 
and  I ma}^  still  find  time  to  prepare  a translation  of  it. 
The  seal  reads  as  follows : — 

First  column  , . rDo-rje-  achang 

Second  column  . . Ta-lai-hla-ma 

Third  column  . . yi-tham-ha-rgycd 

Notes,  The  e voweLsign  in  the  syllable  rje  is  different 
from  all  such  signs  as  shown  in  the  specimens  of  my 
previous  article  on  pp.  1211—14.  The  i voweLsign,  how- 
ever, agrees  with  the  form  of  that  sign  as  occurring  in  the 
word  gcig  on  p.  1214.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  prefixed 
r ill  the  syllable  rdo  is  written  in  full. 

As  regards  the  title  rDo-rje-achang,  Vajradhara,  it 
was  given  to  the  Dalai  Lama  by  Altan  Khan,  king  of 
the  Mongols,  in  1575.  (See  Grunwedel’s  Mythologie, 

pp.  81,  82.) 


A.  H.  Francke. 


748 


ARABIAN  POETRY 


Arabian  Poetry 

It  was  with  astonishment  that  I turned  a page  of 
Sir  Charles  Ly all’s  masterly  article  in  tlie  January  number 
of  this  Journal  on  the  pictorial  aspects  of  ancient  Arabian 
poetry  and  found  myself  bracketed  with  Professor 
Wellhausen  as  denying  the  poetic  interest  of  that  poetry 
and  the  artistic  sense  of  the  ancient  Arabs.  In  trutli 
I cannot  yield  a whit  to  Sir  Charles  Lyall  in  my 
appreciation  of  both,  save  in  respect  to  his  enormously 
greater  knowledge  of  the  subject,  I liave  always, 
privately  in  my  teaching  and  publicly  in  lectures — 
Professor  Goldziher  will  remember  one  at  the  Coimress 
of  Arts  and  Science  at  St.  Louis — maintained  exactly  his 
position.  And  if  he  will  refer  to  a file  of  tlie  Ne'w  York 
Nation  for  1904  he  will  find  an  article  there  (vol.  Ixxix, 
pp.  518  f.)  on  the  poetry  of  Arabia  and  tlie  ballad 
problem  which  will,  I think,  convince  him  of  tliis.  As 
for  my  reference  on  p.  23  of  my  Religions  Attiiiide  av.d 
Life  in  Islam,  it  was  reallj:^  the  exact  opposite  of  what 
Sir  Charles  Lyall  finds  in  it.  I speak  tliere  of  the  religious 
authority  and  dignity  surrounding  the  poet  in  ancient 
Arabia : of  his  decisions  and  guidance  being  accepted  as 
a voice  from  the  unseen  world.  And  so,  however  elaborate 
and  beautiful  \vas  his  poetic  art,  however  keen  was  the 
artistic  sense  of  his  hearers,  it  was  not  due  to  such  things 
that,  in  practical  matters,  his  -word  was  accepted  and 
followed,  but  to  the  belief  that  he  was  a man  apart  and 
inspired.  Again,  I recognize,  just  as  much  as  Professor 
Goldziher,  ''  that  the  works  of  the  classical  age  of  Arabic 
poetry  must  be  regarded  as  products  of  art,”  but  I am  not 
speaking  of  that  side  of  the  poePs  life  and  activity,  but  of 
its  obscure  early  source  and  of  the  survivals  from  tliat 
source  which  endured  into  the  classical  period.  If 
Sir  Charles  Lyall  will  replace  the  so  ” before  respected 
their  poets  ” which  he  has  omitted  in  tlie  quotation  from 


SIBAWAIHI  OE  SIBUYAH 


749 


my  book  and  will  refer  it  back  to  the  preceding  paragraphs, 
and  will  also  give  due  weight  to  the  qualification  “ in  the 
first  instance  at  least”,  I think  tliat  iny  meaning  will 
become  clear.  Of  course,  if  he  rejects  Gokkiher’s  whole 
position  as  to  an  original  connexion  between  poetic 
inspiration  and  that  of  soothsayers,  etc.,  I cannot  at  all 
follow  him.  Also  he  will  find  on  p.  20  of  my  book 
full  acceptance  of  the  indubitable  fact  that  the  later 
stoifies  on  the  subject  were  told  in  jest.  As  for  the 
Jamhara  - to  which  he  refers,  I have  been  somewhat 
intimately  acquainted  with  it  for  many  years,  as  I con- 
tributed a description  of  the  Bulaq  edition  to  the 
Proceedings  of  the  American  Oriental  Society  for  December, 
1894,  pp*  clxxv-cxci.  I trust  he  will  believe,  tlien,  that 
I am  ill  no  respect  a partaker  of  the  heresy  of  Wellliausen, 
wliose  position  in  this,  as  in  some  other  things,  I frankly 
cannot  understand. 

D.  B.  Macdonald. 


SiBAWAIHI  OE  SiBUVAH. 

My  friend  Mr.  Krenkow,  on  p.  34  of  his  most  useful 
paper  in  the  January  issue  of  this  Journal  on  the  Tdrihh- 
Baghdad  of  the  Khatib,  speaks  somewliat  severely  of  the 
attempts  made  by  Arabic  writers  (often  Persians  tliem- 
selves)  to  transliterate,  according  to  the  rules  of  Arabian 
speech,  tlie  names  borne  by  their  Persian  co-religionists. 
He  charges  them  with  pedantry,  and  declares  that  it  is 
wrong  to  v'rite  in  their  fashion  Persian  names,  which 
should  be  properly  transliterated  as  they  were  really 
pronounced  by  Persians. 

I have  no  objection  to  make  to  this  principle,  which  is 
that  adopted  by  Professor  Noldeke  in  liis  well-known 
Geschichte  dev  Perser  und  Araber  zur  Zeit  dev  Sasaniden. 
But  I wish  to  point  out  that,  if  we  are  to  follow  it  con- 
sistently, we  must  not  pronounce  these  early  Persian 


750 


SIB AWAIHI  OR  SIBU YAH 


names  as  they  are  pronounced  in  Iran  at  the  present  day, 
but  as  they  were  pronounced  when  the  Arabs  became 
acquainted  with  them.  I£  we  do  so,  we  shall  find  that 
the  Arabic  transliteration  is  no  matter  of  pedantry,  but 
has  good  reason  for  its  procedure. 

Sibawaihi  is  said  to  have  been  so  called  from  the  smell 
of  apples.  This  indicates  that  the  second  syllable  of  his 
name  was  ho,  not  hn,  which  latter  pronunciation  is 
altogether  modern ; ho  in  Pahlavi  is  hoi  (Avesta  SaoicIM). 
The  etymology,  it  is  true,  is  foolish,  because,  as  Mr,  Krenkow 
points  out  in  his  footnote,  Sibawaihi  must  be  formed  in 
the  same  way  as  dozens  of  other  names  of  the  same 
pattern  of  which  5o  is  not  an  element,  and  also  because 
there  is  only  one  5 and  not  two;  but  nevertheless  it  fixes 
the  pronunciation  of  the  vowel  as  o and  not  il. 

If  we  look  into  Sasanian  history,  we  find  several  names 
of  the  same  kind,  some  of  which  were  known  to  the  Greeks 
and  had  accordingly  been  transliterated  by  them.  Thus 
the  Persian  Syriac  (Joshua  the  Stylite,  § 59)  ^o]o,  is 
in  Greek  (Procop.  Pers,  i,  12)  B0979  ; is  in  Greek 

(Noldeke,  Sasaniden,  273) ; SetpoT]^,  Other 

similar  Sasanian  names  are  {op.  cit  92)  and 

(id.  139).^  As  Noldeke  remarks  (op.  cit,  note  to  p.  92), 
all  these  names  are  familiar  or  aftectionate  forms 
(hypocoristiea),  with  an  ending  which  the  Greek  trans- 
literation shows  should  be  rendered  -oe;  accordingly,  in 
the  Geschichte  der  Sasaniden  they  appear  as  Bde,  Bindoe, 
S6rde,  Gurdd^,  Guwande.^ 

^ A number  of  other  names  of  the  same  kind  are  to  be  found  in 
G..  Hoffmann’s  Auszuge  axis  Byriachen  AUen  Peraischer  Martyrtr  (1880). 
Hoffmann  renders  them  BMioxmi 58),  Burzoimi  (93),  Dmidoimi  (o(>), 
Gmhnowai  (70),  N’arsowai  (103),  Berowai  (77)  : these  appear  conclusive 
as  to  the  pronunciation  of  the  last  syllable,  as  wai  or  xve,  not  yah. 

2 Mr.  A.  G.  Ellis  has  reminded  me  that  we  probably  have  an 
Achaemenian  name  of  the  same  fpnnation  in  Bigvai  (Ezra  ii,  2, 14),  which 
seems  to  be  the  Greek  Ba'ycSas,  and  was  most  likely  pronounced  in 
Persian  Baghde ; this  would  be  the  hypocoristic  of  some  longer  name  of 
which  the  first  element  is  , 


ROMANIC  LETTERS  FOR  INDIAN  LANGUAGES  751 


Applying  these  principles  to  the  more  modern  names 
it  is  clear  that  we  should  restore  the  original  Persian 
pronunciation  if  we  transliterated  them  Sehoe^  Muslikoe, 
Khaloe,  JSfaftde,  Durustoe,  etc.  It  would  be  wu‘ong  to 
write  them  as  if  they  were  present-day  Irani  names, 
Slbuyah,  Miishhwyah,  etc.,  because  this  pronunciation  of 
the  onajhul  vowels  did  not  come  in  until  centuries  after 
the  Muslim  conquest. 

We  now  see  at  once  why  the  Arabic  writers  used  the 
termination  -aiociihi  to  render  the  Persian  -de.  These 
two  vowels  do  not,  strictly  speaking,  exist  in  classical 
Arabic,  and  thej?-  are  therefore  called  “ unknown,’' 

as  distinguished  from  and  maVd/,  ''known.”  The 
nearest  Arabic  sound  to  d is  the  diphthong  cm  or  cc^o,  and 
the  nearest  Arabic  sound  to  d is  the  diphthong  ai  or  ay. 
Therefore  the  Arabs  were  quite  correct  in  the  trans- 
literation they  adopted,  according  to  the  principles  of 
their  own  language.  In  all  probability  the  accent  in  these 
hypocoristic  names  fell  upon  the  last  syllable ; and  it  was 
in  order  to  mark  this  that  the  Arabs  expressed  it  by  aihi 
(with  short  /casra/t  at  the  end,  which  would  not  be  heard 
in  pause).  In  modern  Arabic  is  frequently  pronounced 
d,  and  ai  e ; and  Sibawaihi,  thus  rendered,  is  by  no  means 
a bad  equivalent  of  Sehoe. 

C.  J.  Lyall. 


Romanic  Letters  for  Indian  Languages 

The  accompanying  illustration  gives  the  details  of  the 
scheme  of  Romanic  letters  for  Indian  languages,  as 
suggested  in  my  paper  on  ''  An  Imperial  Script  for  India  ” 
read  at  the  East  India  Association.  Romanic  letters 
consist  of  the  ordinary  Roman  letters  supplemented  by 
the  phenotypes  of  Sir  Isaac  Pitman  and  Mr.  A.  J.  Ellis, 
together  with  some  special  letters  for  Indian  sounds 
for  which  English  has  no  equivalents.  The  illustration 


752 


THE  BLTSHELI^  BOWL 


shows  the  printing  types,  the  script  forms  of  the  letters, 
and  the  sounds  assigned  to  the  letters..  I shall  be  glad  to 
send  further  information  and  specimens  of  the  application 

(f  ' 

gf  i 

cofch<d/ 

dh^^/n'W’/ 
p/i^ph/df  hS'-^hhM/mm/ 
yyf  1^/ 
j/f  »s«j/sd/h^/  h^/ 
f/ n « m 

of  the  scheme  to  Indian  vernaculars  on  receipt  oF  address 
and  stamp  for  postage, 

J.  Kxowles. 

“Mowbuay/'  Whitley  Road, 

Eastbourne. 

The  Bushell  Bowl 

I desire  to  correct  an  error  of  translation  near  tlie  end 
of  my  rendering  of  the  Bushell  Bowl  inscription  publislied 
in  the  April  number  of  the  Journal.  The  following  is  the 
passage  in  question : “ On  the  tiTig  yu  day,  a plain  bowl 
being  completed,  was  presented  to  the  King  for  the  favour 
of  his  commands.'’ 

The  error  w^ould  npt.  have  mattered  materially  had  I not 
founded  an  argument  for  the  genuineness  of  the  bowl  upon 


THE  BUSHELL  BOWL 


753 


this  passage,  tliough  fortunately  the  change  of  rendering 
does  not  afiect  the  force  of  the  argument. 

It  has  been  pointed  out  to  me— and  I ought  to  have  seen 
the  difficulty  before— that  the  Marquis  of  Tsin,  Iia ving 
taken  leave  of  the  king  and  returned  home,  where  he 
announced  his  successes  in  the  ancestral  shrine,  could  not 
be  found  immediately  after  again  at  the  Chou  Court,  as 
would  be  implied  by  the  statement  that  he  presented  the 
bowl  for  the  favour  of  the  king's  commands.  Tlie  crux  is 
in  the  character  yll,  'which  I translated  presented  to 
This  character,  however,  has  another  and  opposite  meaning. 
Kanghsi  includes  the  sense  of  '' greeting  " (4'fl  JflJ,  hsiang 
y ing)  Sbinong  those  of  the  character,  and  states  that  the 
latter  is  then  equivalent  to  ya,  -with  the  same 
meaning. 

I w^ould  accordingly  substitute  the  following  rendering : 

On  the  ting  yti  day,  a plain  bowl  having  been  completed, 
the  Royal  commands  were  duly  met  and  received."  The 
argument  on  pp.  445--6  only  needs  qualifying  by  changing 
the  proffering  of  the  actual  bowl  and  requesting  commands 
to  the  formal  greeting  and  receipt  of  their  text,  whicli,  of 
course,  must  have  ended  with  the  words  'kso  will  the  end 
be  peace  I will  venture  to  add,  ''  so  mote  it  be." 

L.  C.  Hopkins. 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


The  Parislstas  of  the  Atharvaveda.  Edited  by  George 
Melville  Bolling  and  Julius  von  Negelein. 

Vol.  I,  in  three  parts;  Text  and  Critical  Apparatus. 

Leipzig,  1909-10. 

Drs.  Bolling  and  von  Negelein  are  fully  justified  in  editing, 
even  from  the  imperfect  MSS.  at  their  disposal,  tlie  text 
of  the  Atharvan  PariSistas.  There  seems  no  reasonable 
probability  of  further  manuscript  material  of  value 
becoming  available  at  any  early  date,  and  while  it  is  true 
that  the  text  cannot  be  definitely  reconstituted  as  a whole 
on  the  basis  of,  the  existing  material,  it  is  clearly  now 
possible  to  give  a version  which  will  render  accessible  the 
contents  of  the  Parisistas  as  a whole.  It  is  true  that  some 
of  the  texts  are  already  accessible  in  satisfactory  versions, 
such  as  those  of  the  AsuHkalpahyMebgom-x}  of  the  Skanda- 
yaga  b}?-  Goodwin,^  the  Ausanasadhliutani  by  Hatfield,'"^ 
the  Sraddhakalim  by  Caland,^  the  Grahayiiddha  by 
Weber who  has  also  utilized  the  Naksaio'^akal^oa^  and 
the  Garanavyulia  ^ ; but  there  is  great  advantage  in  having 
them  edited  collectively  with  full  critical  apparatus  and 
indices,  nor  is  it  doubtful  that  much  has  been  done  by 
the  editors  to  improve  on  the  texts  prepared  by  their 
predecessors.  The  labour  involved  in  all  this  work  must 
have  been  very  great;  in  both  cases  the  fix’st  idea  of 
carrying  out  the  task  was  suggested  as  far  back  as  1898, 
a date  which  reminds  us  of  the  amount  of  the  work 
required  to  produce  so  elaborate  and  valuable  a text. 

Of  course,  the  subject-matter  is  such  as  to  render  it 

^ AJP.  X,  159-97.  JAOS.  xv,  pp.  v seqq. 

^ Ibid.  207-20. 

AlthidisdieT  AhnencuU,  pp.  95  seqq,,  290  seqq. 

® Ind,  Stud.  X,  317  seqq.,  ® See  Naxatra,  ii,  passim. 

^ See  also  Siegling,  Die  RezenBionen  des  Oar miavy  film. 


756 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


needless  to  aim  cit  perfection.  The  texts  are  without  any 
substantial  degree  of  literary  merit,  and  the  care  with 
whicli  the  original  of  good  poetry  and  prose  should  be 
reconstructed  would  here  be  thrown  away.  The  value  of 
the  texts  rests  on  their  interest  as  bearing  on  religion, 
ribual,  magic,  astronomy,  and  grammar,  and  for  those 
purposes  we  can  extract  much  from  the  part  of  the  text 
which  is  certain  without  having  in  all  respects  a perfect 
text  available. 

The  value  of  the  Parisistas  is,  unhappily,  seriously 
diminished  by  the  total  uncertainty  of  their  dated  They 
are  not,  indeed,  quite  modern:  the  quotations  of  Sayan  a 
in  his  commentary  on  the  of  Hemadri 

in  his  Gattorvargcicintmnaiii,  which  the  editors  have 
carefully  recorded,  are  sufficient  to  prove,  what  indeed  one 
could  hardly  doubt,  that  they  are  not  modern  productions. 
General  considerations  are  adequate  to  refer  them  to  the 
period  at  the  end  of  the  Vedic  period  proper,  when  the 
Vedic  tradition  was  becoming  more  and  more  faint  and 
the  verses  were  transferred  to  other  uses,  but  there  is  no 
tolerable  ground  for  fixing  the  date  of  this  period.  Nor, 

^ Fick’s  dictum  in  his  review  of  this  woi'k  (ZDMGr.  Ixv,  839),  ‘‘  bei  den 
Pari^is^s  gi’iechischer  Einfluss  ausgeschlossen  ist,”  is,  of  course,  too  light- 
hearted, and  is  not  really  intended  ; ef.  Yavana  in  1,  2.  4 ; li,  1.  3 ; 3.  3 ; 
Ivi,  1.  5 *,  Ivii,  2.  5 ; and  the  Roman  dlnctra  in  xxxvi,  2h.  3.  He  is  more 
nearly  correct  in  connecting  the  texts  on  omens  with  the  Puranas,  and 
this  might  help  if  we  could  accept  the  view  of  ]\lr.  Pargiter  (JRAS.  1912, 
pp.  254,  255)  that  the  occurrence  in  inscriptions  of  certain  verses  whicli 
are  found  in  the  Pad)na^  Bhavisya,  and  Brahma  Puranas  affords  evidence 
for  the  early  dating  of  these  Puranas.  But  the  only  conclusion  which 
the  data  presented  by  Mr.  Pargiter  admit  of  is  that  there  were  current  in 
India  various  verses  regarding  the  gift  of  land,  and  that  these  are  found 
in  inscriptions  and  Puranas.  That  the  Puranas  did  not  borrow  from  any 
particular  inscription  is  doubtless  true,  but  wdiy  should  we  assume  that 
the  inscriptions  borrowed  from,  these  Puranas?  A common  ancestry  for 
both  is  obviously  to  be  found  in  earlier  Bastras,  not  now  extant,  ami  no 
conclusion  can  be  deduced  for  the  date  of  the  Puranas  from  these  verses. 
To  obviate  misunderstanding  1 may  say  that  I quite  agree  with  ^Ir.  Pargiter 
in  not  thinking  the  Puranas  very  modern  ; cf.  my  Bodleian  Catalogue^ 
Appendix  to  voL  i,  p.  7/ 


THE  PARISISTAS  OF  THE  ATHABVAVEDA 


757 


iio’ain,  is  it  posaible  to  doubt  that  the  Parisisfas  represent 
varying  strata,  and  are  not  all  of  one  time.  Thus  no  one 
will  doubt  that  the  Naksatrahalpa,  wliich  lieads  the  list, 
is  of  considerable  antiquity  and  value:  it  is  not  very 
early,  indeed,  as  its  extended  geographical  knowledge 
shows,  but  it  is  not  all  late  work,  but  a reworking  of 
older  nmterial:  some  of  the  mantras  are  of  Vedic  character. 
But  even  in  cases  where  this  character  is  absent  there  are 
available  criteria  which  will  help  when  systematically 
cxpplied,  as  they  will  no  doubt  be  by  the  editors  in  the 
further  work  which  they  promise,  to  separate  the  several 
pieces  as  of  different  dates. 

Take,  for  instance,  PciTUista  ix,  the  ritual  for  the 
presentation  to  a priest  of  a cow  made  of  sesame  {tila- 
dhemi),  and  Parisista  Ixvii,  the  expiation  of  portents 
(adbhtitascmti).  Both  are  written  in  Slokas  and  have  no 
obvious  Vedic  characteiv  But  the  former  presents  us  with 
\vords  like  (ix,  4.  5),  “ mercenary,''  which  is 

appropriate  to  the  Kavya  style,  and  ptimgava  is  used  in  the 
compound  hvahmana-pumgava  (ix,3. 1)  in  a sense  which  also 
is  not  early.  Moreover,  it  recognizes  the  most  developed 
form  of  Yama's  dead  world,  with  the  asipattravana  and 
other  horrors,  and  the  dogs  (no  longer  two)  which  convey 
terror.  A more  subtle  form  of  comparison  gives  evidence 
of  posteriority.  In  ParUida  ix  there  are  fifty-one  half- 
verses  of  Slokas  : of  these  not  more  than  five  deviate  from 
the  approved  Pathya  type,  the  second  set  of  four  syllables 

having  the  form  w — and  of  these  five  three  are 

of  the  third  Vipula  type  — — , — ). 

There  remain  ix,  2.  16,  which  is  irregular,  running 

— w ww. — : it  will  be  seen  that  the 

line  has  to  contain  stivarnasrngi  Taiipyakliibr  l : then  in 

ix,  3.  26  we  have  — w w w , k>jvrad]ienm}i 

madhudhemim,  where  two  MSS.  .read  raad/iLodhemim, 
restoring  the  metre  at  the  cost  of  usage : yet  the 
irregularity  is  quite  possible.  In  one  other  verse  the 


I 


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text  reads  (ix,  2.  65)  dhemvtvam  na  sa  : this  is 

metrically  -ugly  and  happily  it  is  clearly  not  the  correct 
text : the  verse  is  missing  in  the  MSS.  BCT.,  and  in  ADE. 
the  reading  is  which  the  editors  should  not  have 

altered,  as  it  makes  perfectly  good  sense  and  is  the  less 
obvious  reading  than 

With  this  may  be  contrasted  Ixvii.  It  contains 

ninety-two  half- verses,and  of  these  twenty-one  are  irregular, 
and  what  is  even  moi'e  important  the  irregularities  are 
not  of  the  ordinary  \npula  type.  These  are,  indeed, 
represented,  the  first  Vipula  (^  — w — 
twice,  the  second  — w — ::rr)  thrice,  the 
third  (^r::  — w — — , — — — ) once,  the  fourth 
(irT  ::rr  ::rr  — , — 'w-  — twice.  Then  there  occurs 
once  the  double  iambic  ending ; four  times  in  one  phrase 
the  ending  — — _ w — — without  the 

usual  caesura  which  makes  the  fourth  Vipula ; once 
w — with  irregular  csesura;  once 


an  irregular  third  Vipula.  In  Ixvii,  8.  8,  the  verse  ends 
pratiionrusam  nibodhata  with  nine  syllables.  There  can 
be  no  reasonable  doubt  of  the  earlier  character  of  such 
verse,  for  considerations  of  formal  and  less  formal 
; productions  do  not  here  arise. 

; In  Pariiista  ii,  the  acquisition  of  a kingdom  (^rd^tra 
samvarga),  of  seventy-four  half-verses  seven  only  are 
irregular.  Of  these  three  are  of  the  third  Vipula  type  ; 

? one  is , — an  irregular  third  Vipula  : 

one  is , a fourth  Vipula  with 

irregular  caesura ; and  one  w ^ — an 

irregular  first  Vipula,  with  one  di-iambic  ending.  Again, 
in  one  case  {Samayitd  bmhmaveda-^^  the  compound 
is  broken  by  the  caesura.  Contrast  with  this  Parimta 
i,  5,  where  irregular  verses  ’ are;  almost  the  rule.  In 


THE  PARISISTAS  OF  THE  ATHARVxWEDA 


759 


Farisista  v,  o£  fifty-five  half-verses  but  two  are  irregular, 
being  third  Vipulas,  and  in  one  case  there  is  Sandhi 
between  the  half- verses,  and  in  tliis  Parisista  the  late 
Pauranic  form  cdmara  occurs*  In  Parisista  iii,  the 
coronation  of  a king,  of  eighteen  half-verses  only  one  is 
irregular,  being  a third  Vipula,  and  a sign  of  lateness  is 
visible  in  the  crasis  etd(h)  anvaye  into  etdnvaye. 

In  Parisista  iii,  3,  vv.  3-6  are  a little  hymn  and  can 
be  easily  distinguished  from  the  surrounding  verses  by  the 
metrical  irregularities  (three  in  nine  half -verses)  and  the 
use  of  phraseology  Vike  pdram  a^imahL  In  Parisista  vi, 
the  ceremony  before  a meal  image  of  night,  the  verses 
found  ai'e  all  regular.  On  the  other  hand,  in  ix  of 
twenty-two  half-lines  seven  are  irregular — one  ends  in 

a di-iambus,  two  are  first  Vipulas  ( — w- 

one  is  irregular  (w  — _ one  is  a second 

Vipula,  one  a third,  and  one  is  unusual, w' 

w — ; and  three  in  viii  are  also  irregular;  while  in  xi 

eleven  verses  occur  without  an  irregularity  in  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  weighing  of  the  king;  xii-xixa  yield  little 
useful  material,  but  in  xix6,  the  worship  of  Brahman,  of 

fifty-eight  half- verses  but  one  is  irregular  ( w 

w w'  — ),  cdmara  is  found,  and  the  whole  piece  is  modern 
in  texture.  In  xx,  which  deals  with  the  oifering  to  Skanda, 
of  sixty-four  half-verses  five  are  irregular — one  a regular 

fourth  Vipula,  one  irregular  ( — w — w,  — w ), 

one  a regular  second  Vipula,  one  an  irregular  third  ( 

— — and  finally  one w w w 

— with  nine  syllables.  Parisista  xxi  is  interesting ; it 

does  not  seem  in  contents  (an  account  of  the  objects  needed 
at  a ceremony)  to  be  very  old,  and  of  eighty -two  h^xlf-verses 
four  are  irregular  (a  regular  fourth  Vipula,  two  irregular 
second  Vipulas  ( — w w — and  w w 

— w w — )^  and  a first  Vipula).  There  are  also  two 
cases  of  a di-iambus,  which  normalh^  seems  early  metre. 
But  they  are  peculiar : in  both  cases  they  occur  in  verses 


.TRAS.  mi  9 


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the  first  lialf  of  which  is  a compound  finislied  in  the 
second  lialf  (viz.  sle.widtakarkakantaW^^  ; 

similarly,  there  is  an 
irregular  fourth  Vipula  in  aindrayuclhadh^^ 
Icqxhnchiravarn^^^^  far  from  being  a sign  of  early 
date  they  confirm  the  general  impression  of  late  date  whicli 
the  other  metrical  characteristics  certainly  convey. 

On  tlie  otlier  hand,  xxii,  the  characteristics  of  the  Arani, 
deals  with  a topic  of  which  early  accounts  are  natural,  and 
of  eiglity-ninehalf-verses  not  less  than  nineteen  are  irregular. 
There  are  eight  third  Vipulas;  two  di-iambic  endings; 
two  first,  one  second,  and  two  fourth  Vipulas ; and  the 


following  irregular  forms : 


and 


w w w — . In  xxiii  the  vessels  for  the  sacrifice 
are  described  : of  147  half -verses  thirty-one  are  irregular  ; 
there  are  four  first  Vipulas  (w  — w — w w w)  and 

two  w w w w),  five  second  Vipulas,  three 

tliird  Vipulas,  four  fourth  Vipulas,  and  the  following 

w — ; w — , — w (nine  syllables); 


(twice) ; 


(twice) ; 


' — w (seven  syllables) ; — ; 

and  — -w-  , — w — , On  the  other  hand,  in  xxiv 

there  are  twenty  half-verses  without  irregularity,  and  the 
significant  line  puram  antaJppuram  cdpi  ndyakavi  ca 
hinasti  sd,  where  nay  aka  is  a sign  of  late  origin.  This 
, PariHsta,  too,  is  of  especial  interest  as  the  next  two 
. ^ sections  (wrongly  counted  to  it  in  the  tradition)  are  not 
; only  clearly  separate  in  subject  but  also  in  metrical  style  : 
in  twenty-eight  half-verses  there  are  eight  irregularities — 
six  first  Vipulas  (two  of  type  a,  four  of  type  6),  one  second 
Vipula,  and  one  ^ w.w  — a variant  of  the 

first  Vipula:  here  style,  rathier ; t^^  age  is  the  cause,  for 


THE  PAltJSISTAS  OF  THE  ATHARVA VEDA 


761 


the  verses  are  decidedly  ornate.  Indeed,  I think  the 
editors  are  wrong  in  holding  that  2.  5 — 3.  2 and  5.  1 - 6.  4 
(whicli  are  written  in  regular  Upajatis  and  Vasantatilakas) 
are  later  than  the  rest  of  the  text.  It  is  impossible  to 
cut  out  2.  5-3.  2 i-easonably,.  and  it  is  significant  that  the 
verses  omitted,  like  the  verses  allowed  to  be  original, 
sliow  the  preference  for  the  first  Vipula.  This  cannot  be 
an  accident,  and  the  proper  conclusion  is  that  the  text 
is  a unity,  and  that  we  have  the  same  complex  of  com- 
parative simplicity  with  elaboration  which  meets  us  in 
the  Kavya  and  is  regarded  as  an  ornament.  The  case  is 
indeed  a useful  warning  of  the  necessity  of  bearing  stylistic 
considerations  in  mind.  In  xxv,  of  thirty-four  htalf- verses 
there  are  two  third  Vipulas  and  one  fourth  Vipula.  In 
xxvi,  which  deals  with  the  characteristics  of  the  kindling 
wood  (samidli),  of  sixty-six  half- verses  eleven  are  irregular 
(one  first  Vipula,  three  second,  four  third,  one  fourth,  and 

In  xxvii,  which  describes  the  spoon  {sriiva),  in  twenty  half- 
verses,  there  are  w — and  — — 

latter  in  one  line.  In  xxxviii,  in  nineteen  half-verses 
one  first  Vipula  alone  appears.  In  xxix,  twenty-one  verses 
yield  one  third  Vipula.  In  xxxa,  of  thirty -two  verses  one 

is  a first  Vipula,  another  w w — in 

a long  compound  (abhasvidsthyangdr attorn) ; in  2.  3,  ague 
prehy  agnind  ray  ion,  we  have  a quotation  ; in  xxx5,  of 
twenty-six  verses  but  one  is  a third  Vipula  and  it  contains 
the  late  sdttviM,  tdonasi,  rdjasl.  In  xxxi,  of  105  half- 
verses  thirteen  are  irregular  (two  first  Vipulas,  one  of 
each  type,  three  second  Vipulas,  one  third  Vipula,  three 

— ^ — w ),  In  xxxiii,  of  eightj— seven  verses 

seventeen  are  irregular  (in  otlier  cases  the  verses  are 
quotations)  ; there  are  three  first  Vipulas  (type  5),  one 


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NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


second  Vipnla,  foux'  third  Yipulas,  three  fourth  Vipulas ; 


— w', — - — — (nine  syllables) . and  — w — 
— w w'  — w.  In  xxxiv,  of  fourteen  half-’ verses  all 
are  regular.  In  xxxv,  i\\e  AsuTlkcdpa^  of  forty-nine  half- 
verses  twenty  are  iiTegular— one  first  Vipnla,  three  second, 
three  third,  four  fourth; w w w — _ 


w — ; two  di-iainbic,  and  one  of 

eleven  syllables.  In  xxxvi,  up  to  25  inclusive,  of  ninety- 
seven  half-verses  thirty-three  are  irregular  — four  first 
Vipulas  (three  of  5,  one  of  a),  three  second,  five  third,  three 
fourth,  two  di-ianibic : ; ww 


w- ; and  in  30.  lb  is  found  w 

In  26  and  27,  which  are 
connected  {laksajdpa  occurs  in  26.  1 ; laksajapa  is  27.1), 
of  eight  half-verses  not  one  is  irregular,  and  this  curious 
fact  is  not  perhaps  unconnected  with  dhtd-rdmm  found 
in  26.  3,  which  is  conclusive  for  a date  not  before  the  first 
century  A.D.^  Probably  these  verses  and  pex^haps  the  rest 
to  the  end  were  added  later,  though  this  is  not  necessax^y, 
and  in  29.  1 a di-iarnbic  ending  {anwmaniritam)  is  found. 
The  Parisi^ta  deals  with  ceremonies  to  obtain  certain 
wishes  from  Eudra  ^iva,  and  additions  were  easy  and 
natural.  Indeed,  the  MS.  C adds  a new  section  to  the 
Paris  ista  in  artificial  late  metres. 

^ Keith,  JRAS.  1907,  p.  681.  I take  this  opportunity  of  correcting 
Winternitz  & Keith,  Bodleian  Catalogue,  No.  1439,  where  Vajrajapa 
should  be  read  for  Vajrajaya. 


THE  PAEISISTAS  OF  THE  ATHARVAVEDA 


763 


In  xxxvii  some  of  the  verses  are  clearly  sub-Vedic  and 
contain  Vedic  forms  and  conform  to  Vedic  rules  of  metre 
(1.  8-10;  14.  2-4;  19.  4,  5,  besides  the  non-Anustubh 
verses) ; of  the  rest,  twenty-eight  half- verses,  sixteen  are 
irregular  — one  first  Vipula,  one  second  Vipula,  three 
fourth  Vipulas,  two  di-iambic ; ^ w w — w ; 


— ^ ^ ; and  in  three  cases  the  Pada  has 

been  seven  feet  unless  x^esolutions  are  made,  while  in  the 
second  Pada  of  one  verse  yatha  iclam  must  be  read  with 
liiatus.  This  is  useful  evidence  of  the  probability  of  early 
date  being  assigned  to  early  metre. 

In  xxxviii,  which  deals  with  a imncctgavya  ceremony 
and  therefore  is  naturalty  expected  to  be  late,  of  thirty-nine 
lialf- verses  the  only  irregularities  besides  two  in  quotations, 
which  do  not  count,  are  those  in  3.  3a  (trayoclcisydcUcahirsio) 
and  two  regular  fourth  Yipulas,  the  latter  in  a verse  where 
the  line  is  broken  at  the  compound  (kdlamcmtraJblne)  and 
in  the  word  iKineagavyain.  In  xxxix  the  iiaficdgca^ya 
appears  again,  and  apart  from  the  quotations  in  1.  6 and  86 
the  only  irregularities  in  twenty-five  half-lines  are  in  v.  10, 
Htuivarncm  hurmamaharau  and 

in  V.  11,  23ancagavyam  (a  regular  fourth  Vipula)  and 
kartfildtdraio  sndyetdm.  These  ai*e  significant  as  all 
explained  by  the  necessities  of  subject-matter,  and  it  is 
interesting  to  see  that  the  MSS.  ABODE  gave  the 
form  Jcarkektu  and  Roth  karkotau.  Both  kidlrct  and 
Jcarkekt  (assuming  this  form  is  to  be  accepted)  are  very  late 
words  of  the  time  of  Susruta.  The  same  line  (10)  gives  us 
miodgara  as  a species  of  fish  apparently,  a version  known 
from  the  lexica  but  not  elsewhere,  and  the  use  of 
HvargaBydkmyyam  in  verse  12<3  is  noteworthy,  as  also  the 
use  of  Agasti  for  Agastya  as  in  Av.  iv,  9.  3.  So  in  xli, 
which  deals  with  the  Samdhya,  of  twenty-nine  lialf-verses 
only  one  is  irregular,  being  a third  Vipula,  and  this  sign 


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NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


of  lateness  is  confirmed  when  it  appears  that  the  verses 
contain  the  word  alcsamala  and  refer  to  the  drops  of 
rut  from  cMi  elephant  becoming  thunderbolts  against  the 
Asuras.  In  xlii,  the  bathing  ritual,  of  tliirW-four  verses 
(of  tlie  others  1.  6,  7b,  10;  2.  2,  are  quotations) 

three  only  are  irregular,  two  third  Vipulas,  and  one  is 
^ ^ w — . The  same  hymn  mentions 

Gaya  as  a famous  Tirtha.  Parisistas  xliii-xlv  offer  no 
useful  material.  In  xlvi,  of  fourteen  half-lines  two  are 

third  Vipulas,  and  one  is  » w w 

In  xlvii,  the  Var}ia2y(itala,  of  sixty  half -lines  two  are 
very  irregular  (1.  4),  and  twenty  others  are  irregular  ; 
there  are  one  second,  three  third,  and  one  fourth  Vipulas, 
and  a series  of  odd  forms:  — — — — , — — — — 

(twice) ; w w — w — , (twice) ; — 


^ ^ ^ w — w ; two  di-iambic ; and  w — — — 

— ^ . But  the  ParisisfAii  is  one  dealing  with  so 

difficult  and  technical  a subject  that  the  conclusions  to  be 
drawn  from  the  irregular  metre  inust  be  discounted. 

In  Parisista  xlix  there  is  practically  no  material. 
In  1,  which  deals  with  the  omens  of  new  moon,  of 
ninety -two  half -verses  thirteen  are  irregular;  there  are 
eight  third  Vipulas  (four  in  one  phrase,  sarire  somcm/a). 

two  irregular  third  Vipulas  (^'  w _ ^ , — 

and  — — — — — — — ),  one  second  Vipula, 

and  two  fourth  Vipulas.  Thus  the  irregularities  are 
nearly  all  of  the  normal  type  (the  exceptions  are  due 
to  the  necessities  of  the  subject-matter,  5.  45  and  9.  35) 
and  therefore  do  not  afford  any  evidence  for  early  date, 
and  the  wide  geographical  knowledge  which  includes 
the  Yavanas  and  Sakas  agrees  with  a comparatively  late 
date.  In  li,  the  Grahay^ddha,  of  nineteen  half-verses  one 
is  a fourth  Vipula.  The  Evidence  is  chiefly  in  favour  of 


THE  PARISISTAS  OF  THE  ATHABVAVEDA 


765 


i 


a late  date,  and  this  is  confirmed  by  the  mention  of  Yavana, 
Saka,  Tukhara,  and  the  occurrence  in  the  Parisi^ta  of 
regular  Yamsastha  and  other  ornate  verses  : tlie  piece  is 
no  doubt,  as  the  metre  vsuggests  and  as  Tukhara  shows, 
younger  than  1.  In  lii,  again  on  the  Grahas,  of  164  half- 
verses  only  eighteen  are  irregular;  there  are  four  first 
Vipulas  (three  of  type  a),  four  second  Vipulas,  five  third 
Vipulas,  one  fourth  Vipula,  and ww'w  — w; 

— w — — — . The  irregularities  are  so 

prevailingly  normal  that  probably  the  evidence  is  decided 
for  late  dating.  In  liii,  which  deals  with  Rahu,  of  fifty - 
six  half-verses  five  are  irregular — one  third,  two  fourtli 

Vipulas,  and  w and  ^ — w — 

w — . In  liv,  of  twenty-three  half- verses  two  are 


irregular, 


and 


w w — . In  Iv,  of  forty-six  half-verses  three  are  irregular — 

one  a first  Vipula  (type  6),  and  — ^ w w — 

and  — WWW  — w . In  Ivi,  which  is  a piece  of 

astrological  trifling,  of  fifty-nine  half- verses  only  four  are 

irregular — a third  Vipula,  a second  Vipula,  and 

w w and  — WWW  — , — . Moreover, 

of  these  two  occur  in  4.  1 in  Naksatra  names,  and  the  last 
in  vimsatimtam  tv  agneyam,  so  that  late  dating  is  clear, 
and  this  is  confirmed  by  the  mention  of  Yavanas  and 
Sakas  and  of  Ganas  in  the  sense  of  guilds  (2.  7)  tind  sheths 
{sreAah  in  2.  7 must  mean  this). 

In  Parisif^ia  Iviii,  which  deals  with  tlie  Digdaha,  of 
twenty-six  half-verses  tliere  is  but  one  irregular,  a third 
Vipula,  and  this  sign  of  lateness  is  conlirmed  by  the 
fact  that  in  three  cases  the  Pada  ends  in  the  middle 
of  a compound.  In  lviii6,  of  ninety-nine  half -verses, 
sixteen  are  irregular  ; four  are  first  Vipulas  (three 
type  h),  five  second,  four  third,  and  three  — — — • — 
WWW  — . As  the  variants  are  almost  all  regular 
the  evidence  is  rather  for  a late  date  : gala  also  suggests 


766 


KOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


this,  and  so  do  seven  cases  of  the  Pada  ending  in 
a compound.  In  lix,  on  lightning,  of  thirty-nine  half- 
verses  nine  are  irregular — one  first  Vipula,  one  second,  one 
fourth,  four  second,  and  ww  — — — www  and 
w — — — , In  lx,  on  whirlwinds,  in 
twelve  half-verses  thex^e  is  a fourth  Yipula  and  w w — 

w w . In  Ixi,  which  reads  omens  from  the 

clouds  at  night,  of  fifty-six  half-verses  but  three  are 

irregular,  ww  — w — ; — w — — 

— ^ w ; and ; but  in  the  last  the 

reading,  jyotir,  which  gives  the  fourth  long  syllable,  nxay 
be  a mistaken  Correction  for  jyoti,  which  is  a bye-form  of 
jyotis  in  the  Pancaviyisa  Brahmmia,  xvi,  10.  2.  The 
piece  is  clearly  late ; it  refers  to  fighting  from  elephants, 
a non-Vedic  usage.  In  Ixii,  on  earthquakes,  fifty  half- 
verses  yield  two  each  second  and  third  Vipulas,  and  one 
first  Vipula  (type  6);  this  is  evidence  of  lateness  and  jdngala 
occurs.  In  the  ninety  half -verses  of  Ixiii  sixteen  irregular 
forms  occur,  eight  first  Vipulas  (five  of  form  &),  one  second, 
two  third,  and  ■ — — w w : — — — ^ 


— — • and w . The  piece  is 

not  early  in  style  (cf.  camUpdla,  Jcarbura,  lekhaka)  and 
is  of  epic  character.  In  Ixiv,  of  200  lialf-verses  twenty- 
two  are  irregular,  six  first  Vipulas  (five  of  type  a),  three 
second,  six  third,  two  fourth,  and  three  — — — ■ — 

-w  w -w  w The  evidence  is  in  favour  of  late  date, 
and  tins  is  confirmed  by  the  use  of  the  verb  Imttaya, 
In  Ixv,  w^hich  is  clearly  late,  apparently  in  part  a rechauffe 
of  Arya  verses,  of  thirty-six  half-verses  only  one  is  a 
second  Vipula,  the  metre  well  agreeing  with  the  date  to 
be  assigned  on  grounds  of  style  and  content.  In  Ixvi,  of 

twenty-five  half-verses  one  only  is  irregular,  — w 

— w • t-he  ParUi^ia  dmls  only  with  the  gosdnPi 

In  Ixviii,  the  8vapn&dhydydy  of  313  half-verses  only 


THE  PAKISISTAS  OF  THE  ATHARVAVEDA 


767 


thirty-four  are  irregular,  and  these  include  sixteen  first 
Vipulas  (eleven  of  form  a),  three  second,  and  three  third. 
Two  slight  variants  of  the  first  Vipula  have  three  (w  — 

Iqux  occurrences  ( w 

w w — w — w w WWW'  is  also  found. 

The  others  are — w; ww  — 

w — w — . The  style  is  modern  and  epic,  as  words  like 
karenu,  karataka,  cvpita,  msanka,  and  so  forth  show.  In 
Ixix,  of  eighty-seven  half-vex'ses  twelve  are  irregular — four 
first  Vipulas  (one  form  b),  two  thii'd  Vipulas,  two  fourth 
Vipulas,  one  second  Vipula,  and  — 

{kr^lvcdalh  krslvalam,  an  exceptional  case) ; 

of  144  half -verses  seven  only  are  irregular — three  first 
Vipulas  (one  of  form  6),  one  second,  and  one  third 

. Tlie  style  is  also  modern.  In  lxx5,  of  269  half- 

verses  thirty  are  irregular — six  first  Vipulas  (three  of 
each  form),  six  .second,  eiglit  third,  four  fourth,  and 

irregular,  but  because  of  a quotation.  The  small  number 
of  irregular  verses  other  than  the  Vipulas  is  noteworthy. 
In  Ixxc,  in  133  half-verses  twenty-six  are  irregular — three 
first  Vipulas  (one  form  &),  six  third,  four  second,  and 
two  fourth  Vipulas,  and  one  di-iambic.  There  are  also 


The  FarislMa.  is  a patchw^ork  of  fragments  and  its  text 
is  uncertain.  The  verses  in  other  than  Sloka  metres  are 
so  accurate  and  elaborate  that  the  modernness  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  ParUista  is  undoubted.  In  Ixxi,  in  222  half- 
verses  there  are  thirty -two  irregularities : of  these  eleven 


76<S 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


are  the  fourth  Yipiila,  clearly  here  a stylistic  preference, 
as  this  Yipiila  is  normally  the  most  seldom  used  ; seven 
are  first  Yipulas,  of  which  six  are  form  h (four  are  cases 
of  one  phrase,  yasya  rajno  jandpacle),  three  are  second, 
and  six  third  Yipulas.  A modification  of  the  first  Yipula. 

( — w w — ) is  tlirice  found,  and  there  are 

left  as  irregularities  — w w — and  — w 

— ^ . The  style  is  late  and  the  metre  is  in 

accord;  aitdlaka  is  found  here  and  in  lx,  6,  2 and  Ixi, 
3.  10*  In  Ixxii,  of  twenty-two  half- verses  not  one  is 
irregular;  moreover,  there  are  six  verses  in  UpajMi 
metre  which  are  nearly  regular  (5,  4 is  slightly  corrupt). 
Similarly,  the  verses  in  Ixxo,  30-2  are  prevailing  of 
regular  types. 

These  details,  tedious  as  they  are,^  seem  to  show  that  the 
metrical  test  is  not  a mistake.  It  requires  careful  use  and 
mere  percentages  are  useless,  just  as  stylistic  percentages 
are  dangerous  (as  the  study  of  Plato  has  shown)  uhIckSS 
carefully  controlled.  Much  must  be  allowed  for  subject- 
matter:  the  Varncvpatala  is  a difficult  topic  to  handle,  and 
if  the  verse  is  irregular,  as  it  is,  no  stress  can  be  laid  on 
that  fact.  Then  even  if  the  subject-matter  as  a whole  is 
simple,  there  may  be  words  which  cannot  easiij^  get  into 
any  regular  metre,  as  in  the  case  of  the  names  of  the 
Naksatras.  More  important  still  is  the  fact  that  of  tlie 
regularities  there  are  two  kinds : the  Yipulas  are  indeed 
irregularities  compared  with  the  Pathya,  but  they  are 
always  allowable,  and  they  may  be  regarded  l)y  some 
composers  as  stylistic  merits.  The  occurrence,  then,  even 
of  many  Yipulas  is  not  necessarily  a proof  of  earlj^  date. 
Other  irregularities  are  far  more  significant,  and  if  at  all 
numerous  must  reflect  the  period  before  the  strict  rules 
of  the  Sloka  had  prevailed,  unless  they  can  be  traced 
definitely  to  difficulties  of  subject-matter  or  to  mere  bad 

^ The  counting  makes  no  claim  to  absolute  accuracy;  moreover,  in 
some  cases  the  text  is  certainly  doubtful. 


THE  PAKISISTAS  OF  THE  ATHARVAVEDA 


769 


versification.  Further,  it  is  essential  to  remember  that  the 
Parisistas  are  not  necessarily^  as  handed  down  complete 
wholes.  Dinara  is  found  in  xxxvi,  26.  3,^  but  this  word 
does  not  mark  the  rest  of  the  text  as  late  ; it  occurs  in 
a passage  naturally  distinguished  by  its  absolute  regularity 
from  the  rest  of  a somewhat  irregular  ParUiMa. 

But  we  are  still  without  means  of  finding  any  definite 
dating.  So  far  as  the  verses  in  other  than  the  SI  oka 
metre  are  concerned,  the  regularity  of  their  construction, 
often  quite  perfect,  places  the  pieces  of  which  they  form 
integral  parts  later  than  the  Brhaclclevatd,  in  which  irregular 
verses  are  very  frequent : with  this  coincides  the  fact  that 
regular  Slokas  go  practically  always  with  these  regular 
verses.  In  the  Brhacldevatd  the  irregular  verses  go  with 
irregular  Slokas,  though  the  latter  metre  evidently  took 
definite  form  long  before  the  longer  metres.  The 
conclusion  that  the  Parisistas  with  such  metres  ^ are 
later  than  the  Brhaddevatd  is  one  which  cannot  be  doubted, 
but  it  would  have  been  a priori  pretty  plain  that  this 
was  so.  . . ' ■ 

Some  confirmation  of  the  validity  of  these  metrical 
tests  can  be  obtained  by  the  examination  of  the  Rgvidhdna 
in  comparison  with  the  Brhaddevata,  The  former  text 
belongs  by  tradition  to  Saunaka ; it  can  be  ascribed  with 
good  reason  to  his  school,  and  to  a member  of  the  school 
not  unduly  separated  in  time  from  the  founder.  It  shows 
clear  traces  of  Vedic  forms  ^ similar  to  those  noted  by 
Professor  Macdonell  ^ in  the  Brhaddevattl,  and  its  style 
and  manner  are  compax’able  wdth  those  of  that  work. 
Moreover,  it  has  with  the  Brhaddevata  certain  lines  in 

^ It  is  noteworthy  that  in  xxxvi,  26.  3,  the  term  mclndaliko  raja  is 
found,  a clear  sign  of  lateness ; mdmlaMka  occurs  also  in  Ixxir,  31.  4. 

- The  theory  that  careless  writing  explains  irregular  metre  is  seldom 
applicable : in  the  Kaihdsm'ksdgara,  which  is  certainly  written  in  decadent 
Sanskrit,  the  metre  is  stiffly  regular  as  a rule  ; e.g.  in  sixty-tive  verses 
from  Tarahga  viii  only  three  irregularities  (two  third  and  a first  Vipulas) 
are  found. 

Meyer's  edition,  p,  xi.  i,  p.  xxviii. 


770 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


cornmoia,  as  Professor  Macdonell  lias  noted, ^ and  there  is 
every  reason  to  assume  that  in  neither  case  was  there 
conscious  borrowing,  but  that  there  was  a school  tradition, 
to  which,  indeed,  the  similaiity  in  invocation  {mantra- 
drgbhyo  nama8krtvd)j  and  the  use  of  samdmndydmi- 
pdrvamh  clearly  point.  Now  the  text  (omitting  two 
clear  interpolations  recognized  as  such  on  non-metrical 
grounds  by  Rudolph  Meyer  contains  in  all  1,204  half- 
verses,  and  the  following  is  a list  of  the  metrical  variations, 
I liave  here  included  all  cases,  even  when  a Vedic  quotation 
is  the  prime  cause  of  the  variant,  for  the  sake  of  comparison 
with  the  figures  given  in  the  case  of  the  Brhacldevatd{^ 
and  for  the  same  reason  : it  is  clear  from  other  cases  of 
Vedic  Pratikas  that  the  author  could  overcome  the  metric 
difficulty  when  he  would,  and  it  may  fairly  be  assumed 
that  when  he  lets  it  stand  he  was  willing  to  be  guilty  of  an 
irregularity,  especially  as  in  most  cases  he  uses  the  same 
irregularities  in  liis  own  verses.  It  may  be  added  that 
I have  ignoi*ed  the  minor  interpolations  suspected  by  Meyer: 
it  is  clear  that  he  goes  too  far  in  his  doubts  of  the  text 
and  postulates  a degree  of  accuracy  which  is  not  to  be 
found  in  writers  of  Saunaka's  school,  and  the  register  of 
odd  verses  is  too  dangei’ous  to  accept  wholesale.  It  is 
also  true  that  Meyer  s edition,  despite  its  obvious  merits, 
rests  upon  too  few  MSS.  to  be  considered  final,  but  despite 
this  it  is  accurate  enough  for  useful  results  to  be  derived, 
i£  not  witli  such  certainty  as  in  the  case  of  the  Brhad- 
clevatd  itself. 

There  are  133  occurrences  of  the  Vipulas,  thirty-six  of 
the  first  (twenty-one  of  foimi  a),  forty  of  the  second, 
twenty-seven  of  the  third,  and  thirty  of  the  fourth.  In 
addition  tliere  are  seventy-four  irregular  forrns.^ 

^ i,  p.  147.  “ pp.  V,  vi, 

® See  Keith,  JR  AS.  1906,  pp.  1--10  ; and  cf.  Oldenberg’s  important 
article  in  Gott.  Nach,  1909,  pp.  219-46.  I assume  throughout  that  a mute 
plus  a liquid  makes  position  : this  is  clearly  the  case. 

ii,  25.  5 may  be  disregarded  as  consisting  of  two  Vedic  quotations. 


THE  PARISISTAS  OF  THE  ATHAKVAVEDA 


771 


Variants  of  the  first  Vipula — 24 

Variants  of  the  second  Vipula — 7 

Variants  of  the  third  Vipula — 7 

Variants  of  the  fourth  Vipula — 

Of  the  di-iambic  ending  there  are  ten  examples : in  two 

cases  each  the  first  half  is  w — w'.and  — ; 

in  one  each  ^ — w — ; — — w w; 

^ 5 and  — w'  — w.  la  three 

cases  the  ending  is w — , prefaced  hy  ^ — ; 

— : and  w . In  eleven  cases  the  end 

w ; in  three  the  first  half  is — : in 


IS 

two 


and  the  other? 


8 are 


and  ^ In  nine  cases  the  first  half -verse  begins 

with  nine  syllables,  all  due  to  Vedic  quotations. 

The  total  number  of  irregularities  is  thus  207,  wluch 
is  about  17  per  cent  of  the  total  of  half-verses  (1,204); 
the  percentage  of  irregularities  other  than  the  Vipulas  is 


NOTICES  OF  EOOKS 


over  6.  In  the  case  of  the  Brhaddevatd  the  percentages 
are  about  16  and  over  4 But  the  explanation  of  the 
higher  percentages  in  the  Mgvidhdna  is  shiiTply  that  the 
handling  of  Vedic  Pratikas  is  less  happy : the  nine  cases 
of  a nine-syllable  Pada  as  against  five  in  the  Brhaddevatd 
are  conclusive.  In  both  cases  the  other  metres  are  quite 
formless^  though  in  the  Rgvidhdna  there  are  only  the 
introductory  verses  to  use  as  a comparison. 

The  metre  of  the  two  omitted  passages  (ii,  6--12  and 
iii,  26-62)  usefully  confirms  the  argument  from  metre. 
They  are  clearly  not  parts  of  the  original  text  as  a whole. 
Meyer  showed  this  from  their  outward  form,  their  contents 
and  style,  and  concluded  that  they  were  later.  Now  in 
ii,  6-12,  of  seventy-six  half-verses  six  only  are  irregular 
(one  each  first  Vipula,  second,  third,  and  fourth),  two 
being  quite  irregular,  — w — — w — — and 
w — w — — — , . These  are  much  below  the 


proper  allowance  of  irregularities  for  the  Rgvidhdna 
proper.  In  iii,  26-42,  in  194  half-verses  there  are  thirty- 
three  irregularities,  but  only  eight  ^ are  other  than  Vipulas, 
and  there  are  five  of  the  second  form  of  the  first  Vipula, 
which  shows  a distinct  stylistic  preference  for  a Vipula. 
Moreover,  there  occur  in  it  regular  Vasantatilaka  and 
Indravajra  verses. 

The  PariSistas  yield  disappointingly  little  new  material 
for  the  history  of  religion  or  culture.  It  is  significant  that 
while  Brahman,  the  god,  occurs  repeatedly,*^  Knsna  never 
is  mentioned,  but  this  is  not  surprising ; Krsna  as  a god 
lies  out  of  the  Vedic  pantheon  and  the  Vedic  tradition. 

' , In  grammar  they  yield  more,  though  still  not  much,  and 
a few  points  illustrative  of  syntax  may  be  noted.  In 
Ivii,  1.  5,  the  editors  suggest  the  reading  pittajvaoxis  tathd 
svdsah  prajdh  pldayatas  tadd  in  place  of  pulayate,  on 

^ Probably  only  seven  ; 32.  1 is  a doubtful  reading  : the  MSS.  favour 
pradahshiam, 

2 ii,  1.  1 ; xiii,  5.  6 ; xix5,  2.  5 ; xx,  7*  1 ; xxxi,  1.  1,  S ; xxxiii,  1.  I,  etc. 


THE  PARI.SISTAS  OF  THE  ATHARVAVEDA 


/ Y .5 


w 


# 


tlie  ground  that  metre  and*  concord  can  best  be  secured 
thus.  But  this  is  clearly  a needless  suggestion,  and  is 
not  supported  by  this  inclayete  of  A,  which  is  metrically 
improbable.  The  singular  with  the  nearest  subject  is 
quite  as  legitimate  as  the  dual,  and  jndayate  is  used  in 
the  middle  as  readily  as  in  the  active  ; see  e.g.  liii,  4.  4, 
and  the  reading  ot*  ADE  in  xlii,  2.  6,  where  we  should  of 
course  read  in  place  of  the  text,  as  reported  by  the  editors 
(p.  269),  tasmat  pldayate  vastrain.  The  change  between 
jnclayate  and  pldayet  which  precedes  in  tlie  version  of  ADE. 
is  worth}^  of  notice : in  xliii,  2.  17,  etc.,  the  editors  against 
the  authority  of  the  MSS.  read  trpyatdm  for  trpyetdm, 
on  the  ground  that  as  trpyatib  and  trpyantii  repeatedly 
occur,  the  change  of  voice  or  mood  is  inexplicable.  I think 
the  MSS.  reading  should  clearly  have  been  kept  with 
change  of  voice,  not  mood.  Carelessness  in  these  resjDects 
is  characteristic  of  later  texts, ^ as  it  is  of  the  Epic,  and  the 
Tarjjanavidhi  is  not  very  old  in  its  Atharvan  form. 

The  parenthetical  use  of  verbs  of  saying  is  very  strongly 
illustrated  in  Ixviii,  1.  8 : pracakscde  sd  prahrtilh  prahrti- 
j hanadcovidciJi,  especially  as  tdm  praJcrtim  is  metrically 
possible,  but  not  one  MS.  suggests  if.  In  the  Paippalada 
Mantras  appended  to  i a good  case  of  the  nominative, 
when  the  vocative  is  normal,  is  found : Agnis  tarn 
(yaksinam)  ghrtabodhano  'pashcmda  nah : it  is  significant 
that  B has  commenced  .to  change  to  'pasktindeiyi),  xviii  c,  9, 
is  a possible  parallel.  In  xxxiii,  1.  7,  a string  of  nomina- 
tives is  taken  up  by  ity  etdn,  as  often  in  the  Sutra  style. 
An  accusative  of  time,  puriiimojm,  when  pwrnimdydm 
is  not  possible  for  the  metre,  is  found  in  ix,  4.  7. 
A genitive  of  material  seems  to  be  seen  in  bahmidm 
vdpi  kdrayet  in  ix,  1.  3.  The  comparison  is  as  usual 
clumsy  in  ii,  1.  3 : daivat  pioriimkctrdG  ea  daivam  eva 
visipjate.  The  interchange  of  the  gerund  with  a case-form 
and  its  reference  to  some  person  other  than  the  real 
^ See  Meyer,  MgvidhCmay  pp.  ix,  x. 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


subject  is  very  clear  in  ii,  6. 4,  where  smnKidrainjcqKirityagat 
is  parallel  with  vecldnmn  adhUyddyottamd  rcah,  and  the 
subject  is  quite  different  {suddhir  anycwr  iiddhrtd).  More 
unusual  is  the  reading  in  xxxvii,  2.  1 : atJca  yat  Mko 
'bliimrsati  tan  mrtyicm  dsankhyam  hlmvati.  Have  we 
here  a real  parallel  to  the  Lucretian  ''leternas  quoniam 
pcenas  in  morte  timendumst  ”,  and  the  Greek  hvcoKreov  tou? 
TTQXefJLLov<;  ? . Unhappily  it  would  be  unwise  to  press  tliis 
instance,  while  the  construction  is  elsewhere  little 
supported^  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  noun  mrtyn  is 
for  once  neuter ; such  interchanges  of  gender  are  not  rare 
in  Sanskrit  (e.g.  haras  in  Brhaddevatd,  v,  19,  is  masc.),  or 
again  mrtynr  may  be  read  and  dSankhyam  (which  is  not 
so  easy  a corruption)  will  be  a neuter  predicate  on  the 
same  principle  as  sakyam  is  constantly  used. 

In  the  use  of  the  moods  the  only  point  of  interest  is  the 
use  of  the  optative.  In  ii,  % 2y  h x%Sid  atharva  srjate 
ghoram  adhhutam  where  the  change  of 

mood  is  of  course  explicable,  but  which  points  to  the 
growing  equivalence  of  the  indicative  and  the  optative. 
So  also  in  xii,  1.  10,  and  Ixvii,  8.  7 ; in  Ixiv,  4.  8,  the 
change  from  vinasyeta  to  ksiyade  iB  really  little  more  than 
a result  of  the  metre,  which  will  not  bear  vinasyate.  Good 
examples  of  the  optative  in  indefinite  relative  clauses 
will  be  found  in  ii,  5.  2 ; xxxvii,  9.  1,  19,  1 ; 1,  2.  1 ; 
Ixviii,  2.  54;  Ixxi,  5.  3;  6.  1,  2;  7.  1,  etc.  The  optative 
and  indicative  alternate  as  in  ix,  4.  7 : ya  imdyi 
pathate  nityara  yas  eemdm  irmvydd  iti  | devalokam 
atikramya  suryalokam  sa  gachati,  where  the  placing 
of  the  world  of  the  sun  above  the  world  of  the  gods  is 
of  interest.  In  the  same  clause  even  they  alternate,  as  in 
xxxi,  10,  4:  yas  tv  imayi  iravayed  vidvan  'patliate  caiva 
sarvadd  . . , rudraloke  mahlyate,  and  so  xxxvii, 
17.  1.  Future  and  optative  alternate  in  v,  5,  2.  The 
optative  of  characteristic  is  seen  in  i,  9.  2 : idpdtdn  yas 
^ Speyer,  Vedmhe  mid  Sanshrif- Syntax,  p.  6,1. 


THE  TARISISTAS  OF  THE  ATHARVAVEDA 


775 


tub  yan  viclydt  . . . tarn  vai  lipsituum  arhatL  Ytts-ydn 
in  that  passage  seems  to  have  the  force  of  ''  one  wlio  can 
tell  whatever  portents  ” ; ADE.  have  tan,  but  cf.  yadd 
yatra  in  Ixvi,  9.  4,  which  has  the  same  indefinite  sense, 
and  the  difficulties  of  Rgveda,  iii.  32.  14,  may  thus  be 
best  explained.  Of  minor  points  may  be  mentioned  the 
pleonastic  use  of  ca  in  ix,  2. 7, and  the  shortened  "■'compound  ” 
krkb  in  oidtistlmlam  hrmm  tailid  in  iii,  2.  3,  and  xxvii,  2.  2. 

Of  the  many  other  points  of  interest  I may  note  that  the 
theory  ^ that  the  mysterious  Vangdvagadhdh  in  Aitareya 
Aranyaka,  ii,  1.  1,  contains  a reference  to  Vahgas  and 
Magadhas  receives  a slight  support  from  the  comjDound 
Vaiiga-Magadha-Matsydh  found  in  i,  7.  7.  The  use  of 
khalaiin  for  khalciti  in  Ixviii,  1.  11,  is  paralleled  hy  the 
use  of  jndtin  for  jndti  in  Rgvidhdna,  ii,  16.  5 ; iii,  21.  5. 
Akrma  is  interesting,  especially  as  it  occurs  in  the  technical 
sense  of  “ verging  on  black  ” in  Iii,  2.  5.'^ 

Some  of  the  texts  show  points  of  contact  with  other 
works  which  afford  some  evidence  of  date.  Tlius  the 
Tanpanavidhi  may  be  compared  with  the  Tarpana  in  the 
Sdnkhdyana  Orliya  Sutra  ^ and  the  Asvaldyana  Grhya 
Sdtra^  It  is  not  only  much  longer,  but  it  adds  names 
of  a modern  cast,  Kapila,  Vodha,  Asuri,  Paficasikha,  and 
Panini  (Paila  and  Sumantu  are  common  to  the  Sutras) 
among  others ; divides  into  two  persons  the  female  sages 
Garga  Vacaknavi,  Vadava  Pratitheyi,  and  Sulabha 
Mai  trey  i,  and  the  Rsis,  Kahola  Kausitaki  and  Suyajna 
Sahkhayana,  while  it  adds  a Mahaj^aiikhayana.  It  is  only 
fair  to  place  this  extended  version  later  than  either  Sutra, 
but  it  is  much  more  doubtful  if  this  applies  to  the  still 
more  extended  list  in  the  Bandhdyana  Dharma  Sutra, ^ 
which  is  decidedly  and  admittedly  later  than  that  of  the 

^ Keith,  Bdiihhdyana  Aranyaha,  p.  46,  n.  4. 

- Patahjali  on  Panini,  ii,  2.  1,8,  Vartt.  5 ; Wackernagel,  AUind. 
Gramm,  ii,  1,  237. 

iv,  10.  ^ iii,  4.  ii,  9. 

JRAS.  191*2. 


50 


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NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


other  two  Sutras.^  There  seems  to  be  no  decisive  evidence 
to  determine  which  of  these  texts  is  the  earlier.  The 
Kwmavibhdga,  a mythic  geography,  is  clearly  not  early, 
for  it  gives  many  non-Vedic  names,  such  as  Nasikya  (Nasik), 
Bhrgukaccha  (Broach),  Sahyagiih,  Vaijayanti  in  the  south, 
Ahichattra  and  Nagapura  and  others.  Pariyatra  goes 
with  Kasi  and  Knru-Pahcala,  reminding  us  of  the  detinition 
in  Vasistha  ^ of  the  land  of  the  Aryas  to  the  north  of  the 
Paripatra  Mountains.  The  editors  print  Pariyatra  without 
comment,  butp  and  y in  the  MSS.  of  the  type  they  have 
had  available  do  not  differ,  and  Buhler  ^ prefers  the  reading 
with  a p,  Paripatra.  Unhappily  want  of  MSS.  has  rendered 
it  impossible  to  do  much  more  than  Bloomfield  ^ has  already 
done  for  the  KautsavyanimJdanighantu. 

It  remains  to  add  that  the  volume  is  most  admirably 
produced,  that  the  text  is  printed  in  transcription,  as 
common  sense  dictates,  that  misprints  are  very  few,  and 
that  the  editors  have  had  the  wisdom  to  add  an  index  of 
words  which,  while  not  aiming  at  completeness,  contains 
a most  useful  selection  of  the  terms  found  in  the  texts. 
But  does  grdmin  in  xxxvi,  16,  really  mean  headman 
of  a village  ? ‘'A  lord  of  a village  seems  at  least 

equally  likely  sense.  Berriedale  Keith. 

Indian  Chronology  (Solar,  Lunar,  and  Planetary). 
A practical  guide  to  the  interpretation  and  verification 
of  Tithis,  Nakshatras,  Horoscopes,  and  other  Indian 
Time-records,  B.o.  1 to  A.D.  2000.  By  Dewan  Bahadur 
L.  D.  SWAMIKANNU  PiLLAi,  M.A.,  B.L.  (Madras),  LL.B. 
(London).  Crown  4to.  Madras,  1911. 

Mr.  Swamikannu  PillaPs  work,  the  contents  of  which 
are  summarily  indicated  by  the  title,  gives  complete 

^ Oldenberg,  SBE.  xxix,  121.  Paithinasi  occurs  only  in  the  Atharvan 
text ; cf.  Bloomfield,  Atharvmeda^  pp.  17,  18. 

2 i,  8 ; Bcmdho/ywm^  i,  1.  2,  9. 

3 SBE.  xiv,  147. 


^ JAGS.  XV,  pp.  xlviii-I. 


INDIAN  CHRONOLOGY 


777 


information  on  all  topics  of  Indian  clironography  and 
fiirnislies  accurate  methods  for  calculating  all  items 
connected  with  it.  For  the  latter  purpose  serve  numerous 
tables,  which  take  up  233  closely  printed  quarto  pages, 
containing  little  short  of  a million  of  figures.  They  are 
preceded  by  114  pages  of  letterpress  divided  into  four 
parts.  The  first  part  gives  a full  and  clear  explanation 
of  the  cal  endary  system  of  the  Hindus,  the  quantities  used 
in  it,  and  methods  for  calculating  those  items  w^hich  are 
noticed  in  an  Indian  almanac,  viz.,  solar  and  lunar  dates, 
weekdays,  Naksatras,  the  Tyajyam,  Yogas,  Jovian  cjmlic 
years,  eclipses,  etc.  The  second  and  third  parts  explain 
the  use  of  the  several  tables  and  their  construction.  The 
fourth  part  (planets  and  planetary  chronology)  teaches 
how  to  calculate  the  mean  and  the  true  places  of  planets 
and  how  to  constmct  Indian  horoscopes.  The  author,  who 
does  not  believe  in  astrology  (Preface,  p.  ii),  has  included 
the  last-mentioned  subject  in  his  work  because  it  forms 
part  of  Hindu  chronology,  and  because  he  writes  not  only 
for  the  historian  and  scholar,  but  also  for  the  Indian 
reader  who  takes  a practical  interest  in  these  things.  He 
therefore  naturally  treats  all  chronological  questions  from 
the  Indian  point  of  view,  and  in  accordance  with  it  he  has 
invented  his  methods  for  solving  them.  To  illustrate  this 
characteristic  trait  of  Mr.  Swamikannu  Pillai,  let  us 
consider  the  most  frequent  task  of  the  epigraphist,  that  of 
verifying  a lunar  date  coupled  with  the  w^eekday,  i.e.  of 
ascertaining  the  Christian  date  on  which  a given  tithi 
ended.  Now  the  present  reviewer’s  method  in  the 
Antiquary,  vol.  xvii,  and  Epigra^phia  Indica,  i,  as  well  as 
that  of  Messrs.  Sewell  and  Dikshit  in  the  Indian  Calendar, 
consists  in  this,  that  we  first  find  approximatively  the 
sought-for  day  and  then  compute  accurately  for  the 
beginning  of  that  day  the  number  of  the  elapsed  tithis 
and  tlie  fraction  of  the  running  tithi.  The  result  shows, 
in  most  cases  at  once,  whether  the  right  day  had  been 


778 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


selected,  and  the  end  of  the  running  tiUii  can  be  found 
from  a proper  table.  But  Mr.  Swcrniikannu  Pillai 
“ investigates,  directly  and  once  for  all,  the  ending  inoinent 
of  h tMd;  thing  required  by  Indian  usage  ” 

(p.  89).  To  solve  this  problem  in  tlie  manner  of  the 
Hindus  would  require  a most  wearisome  calculation,  but 
properly  constructed  tables  may  save  tlie  calculator  the 
greater  part  of  the  trouble.  This  is  what  the  author  lias 
admirably  succeeded  in  achieving.  His  Table  x,  which 
covers  more  than  a hundred  pages,  furnishes  for  all  years 
from  B.c.  1 to  A.D.  2000,  and  for  the  twelve  months  of  each 
year,  the  necessary  quantities  which,  operated  upon  in 
a further  process  with  the  help  of  three  auxiliary  tables 
(Eye-table),  yield  the  ending  moment  of  tlie  titlii  in  two 
decimals  of  a day.  The  operations  to  be  gone  through  are 
easy  and  not  too  many,  and  the  whole  process,  if  once 
clearly  understood  and  its  details  thoroughly  mastered, 
will  require  less  time  than  that  of  Sewell  and  Dikshit. 
But  the  author’s  boast  that  the  computation  can  be 
performed  in  less  than  a minute  will  fill  with  admiration 
and  envy  calculators  less  practised  than  Mr.  Pillai  un- 
doubtedly is.  However,  if  the  habits  and  requirements 
of  Western  scholars  only  are  considered,  the  process  of 
verifying  lunar  dates  can  be  rendered  still  more  easy,  as 
will  be  seen  from  my  improved  and  developed  Epigraplda 
■ Indica  tables,  which  will  soon  be  published  in  the 
Encyclopedia  of  Indo-Arian  UesearclL  To  return  to 
Mr.  Swamikannu  Pillai’s  work,  it  must  be  added  tluit  his 
“ Table  X is  based  on  the  Surya  Siddhanta,  but  that  for  the 
; years  from  500  to  999  A.B,  all  the  items  are  given 
according  to  the  Arya  Siddhanta  also,  and  that  the  adhika 
and  hsaya  months,  as  well  as  the  solar  and  lunar  eclipses 
(from  IJiwt  de  verifier  lee  dates),  are  indicated  in  Table  x. 
The  author  has  given  two  sets  of  tables  for  finding  the 
ending  moment  of  ih.%  tithi  with  still  greater  precision, 
four  decimals  of  the  day,  in  accordance  with  the  Siirya 


INDIAN  CHRONOLOGY 


779 


SiddliMta  and  the  Arya  Siddhanta ; of  course,  the  process 
of  calculation  becomes  more  complicated  when  a higher 
degree  of  precision  is  aimed  at.  A set  of  similar  tables 
serves  for  finding  the  end  of  Naksatras  and  Yogas.  Again, 
for  the  years  from  1841  to  1920  a.d.,  \vhich  for  practical 
purposes  of  to-day  call  for  a separate  treatment,  the  same 
problems  are  worked  out  in  ghatikds  and  in  Tables 

ix  and  xii.  And  for  the  same  period  Table  xiii  furnishes 
the  equation  of  true  to  mean  sunrise  for  a number  of 
important  places  in  India  from  the  8th  to  the  35th  degree 
of  latitude,  and  Table  xviii  the  true  places  of  the  sun  and 
the  planets  for  every  tenth  day.  It  is  impossible  to  notice 
all  the  tables  and  their  uses  in  a short  review,  but  attention 
sliould  be  drawn  to  the  planetary  tables  (xvii)  by  -which 
the  true  place  of  the  planets  will  be  found  for  any  time 
in  accordance  with  the^Hindu  method,  and  to  the  Eye-table, 
which  gives  the  auxiliary  tables  constantly  used,  printed 
on  a rather  crowded  folio  page  (also  issued  separately 
mounted  on  strong  paper).  The  Eye-table  by  itself 
suffices  to  solve  the  usual  chronological  problems. 

As  regards  the  methods  of  Mr.  Swamikannu  Pillai  in 
general,  they  may  safely  be  pronounced  to  be  sound  and 
correct.  The  author  has  taken  care  to  prove  their 
correctness  by  calculating  the  same  dates  which  have  been 
calculated  by  his  predecessors,  and  showing  that  his 
metliod  yields  exactly  the  same  results  arrived  at  by 
them.  His  ingenuity  in  devising  these  methods,  and  his 
indefatigable  perseverance  in  working  them  out  in 
numerous  tables,  will  ever  command  the  sincere  respect 
of  all  who  are  able  to  appreciate  work  of  this  kind.  The 
author  has  rendered  a great  service  to  his  science,  and  will 
have  a lasting  claim  on  our  gratitude.  It  is  fortunate  that 
we  now  possess  two  works  treating  of  Indian  chronology 
in  all  its  branches,  the  older  one  by  Sewell  and  Dikshit,  of 
winch  a third  part  has  just  appeared,  and  the  work  under 
review  ; they  may  be  said  to  be  rival  works,  but  they  act 


780 


NOTICES  OF  HOOKS 

as  supplement  tlie  one  to  the  other,  as  either  author  talres 
up  an  individual  attitude  towai'ds’  liis  subject,  and  in  such 
eases  tlie  reader  will  always  he  the  gainer. 

HERM.iNN  Jacobi. 

Bonn. 


Indian  Chkonogkafhy.  An  Extension  of  the  “Indian 
Calendar”,  with  working  examples,  by  Robert 
Sewell,  late  of  His  Majesty’s  Indian  Civil  Service^* 
Post  4to:  pp.  187,  including  25  tables,  George  Allen 
and  Co.,  Ltd. ; London : 1912, 

The  means  of  calculating  and  verifying  Indian  dates 
are  necessary  not  only  to  the  epigraphist,  who  has  to 
determine  the  equivalents  B.G,  and  a.:d,  of  dates  given 
in  tlie  records  with  which  he  deals  and  to  arrange  liis 
historical  results  accordingly,  but  also  to  the  civil  judge, 
who  lias  to  appreciate  the  authenticity  and  bearing  of 
charters,  deeds,  bonds,  and  other  documents  produced  as 
evidence  in  his  court,  and  to  various  functionaries  wlio 
have  to  verify,  with  a view  to  eligibility  for  admission  to 
the  public  service,  etc.,  the  ages  of  candidates  as  disclosed 
by  the  horoscopes  which  in  India  take  the  place  of  our 
certificates  of  birth  and  baptism.  One  work  devoted  to 
such  calculation  and  verification  has  already  been  given  to 
us  by  Mr.  Sewell  ; namely,  The  Indian  Calendar,  which 
was  published  by  him,  in  co-operation  with  the  late 
Mr.  Shankar  Balkrishna  Dikvshit,  in  1896,  and  of  whicli 
an  appreciative  notice,  with  sample  workings  by  it,  was 
given  by  Professor  Kielhorn  in  this  Journal,  1896,  p.  809  tf. 
; And  that  work  has  successfully  stood  the  various  tests 
which  have  been  applied  to  it  by  all  who  have  made 
; use  of  it. 

. It  was  found,  however,  that  The  Indian  Calendar  was 
. in  some  respects  not  full  enough  in  explanation  of  the 
matters  dealt  with  in 'it/  . The  present  work  remedies 
that : it  explains  the  reason  for  every  step  taken  in 


INDIAN  CHEONOGEAPHY 


781 


all  calculations  made  by  means  of  it  and  The  ' Indian 
Calendar ; further,  it  gives  sixty-three  additional  well- 
chosen  examples  (pp.  81  to  128)  which  illustrate  practically 
calculations  of  eveiy  kind;  and  it  makes  several  of  the 
processes  more  simple  and  easy.  In  these  respects  the 
book  should  be  pai'ticularly  useful  to  beginners,  in 
addition  to  being  serviceable  to  those  who  are  already 
versed  in  its  topic. 

Space  does  not  permit  of  a detailed  notice  of  Mr.  Sewell’s 
new  book.  But  some  of  the  other  special  features  in  it 
may  be  indicated. 

Tables  XVII  to  XIX,  B/  enable  us  to  turn  very  easily 
results  obtained  by  the  First  Arya-Siddlianta  into  results 
according  to  the  Surj^a-Siddhanta,  and  vice  versa;  so  that 
a calculation  by  either  authority  gives  us  quickly  the 
result  hy  the  other  also,  witliout  our  having  to  make 
a separate  working  in  detail. 

Tables  XX,  A and  B,  save  a great  amount  of  trouble  in 
calculating  tropical  samicrdntis  : the  first  of  them  is  new ; 
the  other  is  taken  from  Warren,  but  the  decimal  figures, 
which  are  a great  labour-saving  device  in  actual  work,  are 
a new  feature. 

Tables  XXI  and  XXIV,  with  90-94,  enable  us  to 
calculate  mean  lunar  months  and  tithis?  This  is  a new 
feature,  and  is  likely  to  be  of  considerable  use  in  disposing 
of  some,  at  least,  of  the  many  historical  dates  which, 
examined  by  true  time,  do  not  give  correct  results,  and 
have  therefore  been  classed  as  '' irregular  A case 
illustrating  this  is  given  as  Example  24. 

Table  XXII  shows  at  a glance,  when  the  longitude  of 
the  sun,  the  moon,  or  any  other  'planet’,  has  been 
determined  for  any  moment,  the  exact  place  of  tlie 

^ The  numbering  of  the  tables  runs  on  from  after  Table  XVI,  the  lavSt 
table  in  The  Indian  Calendar.  * 

^ In  the  heading  of  Table  XXI,  the  words  at  the  beginning  ” should 
be  supplied  before  “ of  Amanta  Chaitra 


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NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


^ planet  ’ among  the  signs  and  the  nakshatras.  And 
Table  XXIII,  which  is  a reproduction  of  a table  published 
by  Dr.  Schram,  gives  what  may  perhaps  be  found  an 
easier  means  of  calculating  nakshatras  and  yogas. 

Tables  XXVII,  A,  to  XXXV,  with  §§  130  to  187,  are 
devoted  to  tlie  cycles  of  Jupiter.  The  present  treatment 
includes  new  and  very  easy  means  of  finding  the  exact 
beginning,  according  to  six  different  authorities,  of  any  of 
the  years  of  these  cycles  which  are  regulated  by  what  is 
known  as  tlie  mean-sign  system. 

Table  XXXVIII,  B,  gives  all  the  principal  elements  of 
the  years  A.D.  1901  to  1950  in  continuation  of  Table  I of 
The  Indian  Calendar,  which  covers  the  period  A.D.  300  to 
.1900,  and  thus  makes  the  two  books  available  for  present 
times  as  well  as  past  ones.  In  the  other  direction,  if  we 
want  to  examine  earlier  dates  on  the  lines  of  the  present 
system  of  the  calendar  which  was  developed  from  about 
A.D.  400,  Table  XXXVIII,  A,  gives  the  time  of  the  Mesha- 
saihkranti  according  to  the  First  Arya-Siddhanta  for  all 
years  from  B.c.  59  to  A.D.  299 ; and  Tables  XXXIX  and 
XL,  adapted  from  tables  published  by  Professor  Jacobi, 
enable  us  to  make  calculations  back  to  B.c.  500. 

Tables  XLI,  A and  B,  adapted  from  tables  published 
by  Sir  Alexander  Cunningham,  give  easy  means  — in  fact, 
the  easiest  of  all  means — of  finding  the  weekday  of  any 
Christian  date  from  B.C.  3200  to  a.d.  2400.  This  is 
constantly  wanted  by  way  of  checking  the  results  of  all 
sorts  of  calculations. 

‘ Mr.  Sewell  has  now  given  us  three  works  on  the 
calculation  of  Indian  dates:  (1)  The  Indian  Calendar, 
with  a contribution  by  Dr.  Schram  on  Eclipses  of  the  Sun 
in  India  ; (2)  Eclipses  of  the  Moon  in  India  ; and  (3)  the 
present  work,  Indian  Chronography.  It  would  be 
invidious  to  make  comparisons  between  his  books  and 
other  works  devoted  to  the  same  topic  : and  everyone 
will  probably  prefer  to. continue  to  use  those  processes 


THE  PERIPLUS  OF  THE  ERYTHKyKAN  SEA 


783 


arid  tables  with  which  he  first  becomes  familiar.  But  it 
may  be  said,  without  objection,  that  Mr.  Sewell’s  three 
books  give  results  which  are  just  as  good  as  those  given 
by  any  other  books  : even  if  his  processes  are  in  some 
cases  not  quite  as  short  as  others  may  be,  they  are  probably 
easier  to  master  and  apply : and  his  Table  I,  with  its 
continuation  in  Table  XXXVIII,  B,  of  the  present  work, 
is  particularly  useful  because  of  the  great  amount  of  data 
which  it  shows  at  a glance,  for  the  whole  period  a.d.  300 
to  1950,  instead  of  our  having  to  work  them  out  before- 
we  go  on  to  other  calculations  for  which  they  are  needed 
as  bases  or  as  guides. 

J.  F.  Fleet. 


The  Periplus  of  the  Erythrhlax  Sea.  Translated 
from  the  Greek  and  annotated  by  Wilfred  H.. 
ScHOFF,  A.M.,  Secretary  of  the  Commercial  Museum,, 
Philadelphia.  Medium  8vo : pp.  323  ; and  a map.. 
Longmans,  Green,  & Co.;  London,  Bombay,  and 
Calcutta:  1912, 

As  is  well  known,  the  LTep/TrXoa?  'Epvdpa<;  &aXdacFr)'^ 
is  an  account  of  the  personal  experiences  of  someone  who 
was  engaged  in  the  sea-borne  trade,  carried  on  mostly  by 
coasting,  from  the  Red  Sea  and  the  northern  parts  of  the 
east  coast  of  Africa  to  India  and  down  its  western  coast 
from  the  Indus  to  Cape  Comorin  and  Ceylon : the  author’s 
statements  regarding  parts  beyond  that  point  seem  to- 
be  based  on  hearsay.  The  value  of  tlie  work  lies  in  the 
number  of  places  which  it  mentions,  and  the  information 
which  it  gives  about  them,  their  surroundings,  and  their 
trade.  And  this  new  translation,  with  its  copious  accom- 
paniment of  notes,  a variety  of  well-selected  illustrations,, 
and  a full  and  careful  index,  wdll  be  found  a valuable 
contribution  to  our  study  of  the  details  of  tlie  work.  But 
it  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  occasion  was  not  utilized  to 
give  us  also  a new  edition  of  the  text,  with  the  difFering” 


784 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


readings  of  the  two  manuscripts  and  tlie  emendations 
proposed  by  tiie  various  editors  of  the  work.  The 
published  texts,  which  range  in  date  from  1533  to  1883, 
are  not  easily  accessible  for  comparison.  But,  in  places 
where  the  present  translation  differs  at  all  substantial] 
from  that  which  was  given  hy  Mr.  McCrindle  in  the 
IndioM  Antiquary,  vol.  8 (1879),  pp.  107-51,^  we  slioiild 
like  to  have  the  means  of  estimating  the  merits  of  the 
two  renderings.  Also,  w^e  who  have  lived  in  Western  and 
Southern  India  think  that  we  might  perhaps  do  sometliing 
more  towards  identifying  some  of  the  places  wliich  still 
remain  unrecognized,  if  we  had  before  us  the  forms  in 
which  the  names  are  actually  presented  in  the  original 
and  the  emendations  which  have  been  su^ested. 

I cannot  attempt  a general  review  of  Mr.  Schoffs  book, 
but  will  only  notice  a few  special  points. 

The  author  of  the  Periplus  is  not  known:  so  we  have 
no  guide  of  that  kind  towards  determining  its  date. 
There  is,  however,  no  room  for  doubt  that  the  wujrk 
belongs  to  the  first  century : and  the  issues  are  narrowed 
to  two  particular  times  in  that  period.  Mr.  McCrindle 
followed  the  view  that  the  work  was  written  between 
A.B.  80  and  89  (lA,  8.  108),  Mr.  Schoff  has  preferred  to 
place  it  in  A.D.  60  (p.  15).  Each  authority  has  stated  lus 
reasons,  which  are  found  mostly  in  references  'whicli  tlie 
work  makes  to  historical  irulers  of  countries  wliicli  were 
not  Indian.  I must  consider  the  matter  from  only  tlie 
Indian  point  of  view. 

The  Periplus  mentions  three  Indian  kings  by  name. 
Two  of  them  (§  52)  are  ‘‘the  elder  Saraganes”  [McCrindle] 
or  “the  elder  Saraganus’*  [Schoff],  wlio  was  apparently 
before  the  author's  time,  and  “Sandanes”  [McC.]  or 
“ Sandares " [Sch.],  who  was  a contemporaiy  of  the 

^ It  was  also  republished  separately,  in  the  same  year,  with  a trans- 
lation of  Arrian's  Account  of  the  V'oyage  of  Nearkhos, 


THE  PERIPLUS  OF  THE  ERYTHR/EAN  SEA 


785 


Riithor.^  In  the  first  of  these  we  certain]}^  seem  to 
have  a Satakarni  king:  but  Avhether  he  may  be  the 
Ai‘ishta(karman)  of  the  Vishnu-Purana,  as  is  conjectured 
hj  Mr.  Schoff,  we  ready  cannot  say.  Tlie  other  is 
supposed  to  be  the  Sundara-Satakarni  of  the  Puranas ; 
which  is  quite  possible  if  we  are  to  take  the  form  with  r 
(not  n)  in  the  last  syllable.  But,  in  any  case,  we  have  no 
independent  means  of  fixing  the  date  either  of  Arishta- 
karman  or  of  Sundara,  and  of  arriving  thereby  at  a date 
for  the  Periplus. 

The  third  king  (|  41)  is  "Mambaros”  [McC.] or 
''  Nambanus  [Sch.].  This  is  certainly  the  great  Kshaha- 
rata  king  Nahapana,  well  known  from  inscriptions  and 
coins.^  He  was  a foreign  invader,  apparentlj^  a Pahlava 
or  Palhava,  i.e.  of  Parthian  extraction.  He  established 
himself  first  in  Kathiawar,  and  then  acquired  some  of  the 
territory  on  the  mainland,  on  the  nortli  of  the  Narbada, 
as  far  as  Ujjain.  He  then  annexed,  below  that  river, 
Southern  Gujarat  and  the  Northern  Kohkan,  with  Nasik, 
the  northern  parts  at  least  of  Poona  and  Ahmednagar,  and 
probably  Kliandesh ; wresting  from  the  Satakarni  kings 
of  the  Dekkan  those  parts  of  these  territories  which  lie 
above  the  Western  Ghauts,  if  not  also  the  country 
between  the  Ghauts  and  the  sea.  And  finally,  after 
reigning  for  not  less  than  46  years, ^ he  was  overthrown 
by  the  great  Satavahana-Satakarni  king  Gautamiputra- 
Bri-Satakarni.  In  close  connexion  with  Nahapana  we 

^ See  fully,  tlie  quotation  from  § 52  on  p.  789  below. 

- It  can  only  be  by  a slip  of  the  pen  that  Mr.  McCrindle  presented 
this  name  as  “ Mombaros”,  with  o (instead  of  a)  in  the  first  syllable  : see 
this  Journal,  1907.  1043,  note  1.  In  fact,  on  a subsequent  occasion,  in 
Ind.  Ant,,  13.  325,  he  used  the  form  “Mambares 

On  some  of  his  coins  his  name  appears  as  N A H fl  A N A>  with  omission 
of  the  a of  the  second  syllable,  and  with  the  Latin  H»  h,  used  along  with 
Greek  letters.  For  the  transformation  of  the  Nahpana,  thus  written, 
into  Nampana,  Mampana,  Mambana,  (Mambara),  see  this  Journal, 
1907.  1043,  note  2. 

^ His  46th  year  is  mentioned  in  an  inscription  at  Junnar : Liiders, 
List  of  the  Brahmi  Inscriptions,  Upu  Irid.,  vol.  10,  appendix,  No.  1174. 


78G 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


have  a ruler  named  Chashtana,  — not  mentioned  in  the 
Peri  plus,  hut  known  from  coins  and  an  inscription,  and 
noticed  by  Ptolemy  with  the  information  that  his  capital 
was  Ujjain  (lA,  13.  359),— wdio  either  was  Nahapaiia's 
co-regent  at  Ujjain,  or  was  his  successol^  or  else  wa’s  both 
his  co~regent  and  his  successoiA 

Now,  the  so-called  Saka  era,  beginning  in  a.d.  78,  was 
certainly  founded  either  by  Nahapana  or  by  Chashtana ; 
in  the  sense,  of  course,  not  that  either  of  them  formally 
proclaimed  the  establishment  of  an  era  to  commemorate 
any  particular  event,  but  that  the  opening  years  of  the 
era  in  question  were  the  years  of  the  reign  of  one  or  the 
other  of  them,  which  grew  into  an  era  in  consequence  of 
the  next  ruler  continuing  the  reckoning  so  started,  instead 
of  introducing  a new  reckoning  according  to  his  own 
regnal  years.  But,  if  the  Periplus  was  written  in  a.d.  60, 
then  Nahcipana,  wlio  is  known  to  have  reigned  for  not 
less  than  46  years,  must  be  placed  in  or  about  a.d.  32-78, 
and  the  era  of  a.d.  78  was  founded  by  Chashtana.  If,  on 
the  other  hand,  Naliaptoa  began  to  reign  in  a.d.  78,  then 
the  Periplus  was  not  written  in  a.d.  60,  but  is  to  be  placed 
between  A.D.  80  and  89.^ 

This  latter  view  is  the  one  which,  seems  the  right  one 
to  me,  judging  the  matter  by  what  we  know  of  the  Indian 
history  of  the  time.  The  Periplus  tells  us  in  § 38  that 
in  its  author  s time  ''  Scythia by  which  it  means  our 
modern  Sind,  was  subject  to  “ Partliian  princes,  who  are 
perpetually  at- strife  among  themselves,  expelling  each  the 
other  [McC.],  or  “ Parthian  princes  who  ax'e  constantly 

^ For  the  course  of  events  just  after  the  death  of  Nahapana,  see  this 
Journal,  1910.  821. 

^ Mr.  Schoff  has  conjectured  that  before  a.i>.  78  there  may  have  been 
a predecessor  of  Nahapana  bearing  the  same  name  (pp.  198  f.,  294). 
But  it  is  difficult  to  recognize  any  good  basis  for  this  suggestion  of 
a duplication  of  the  name.  It  appears  to  rest  on  the  point  that  the 
coins  of  Nahapana  show  a variety* of  faces:  this,  however,  seems  to  be 
due  to  different  die-cutters  having  taken,  the  heads  from  a number  of 
different  Roman  coins  : see  this  Journal,  1908.  551. 


THE  PERIPLUS  OF  THE  ERYTH1HEA.N  SEA 


7cS7 


driving  each  other  out  ’’  [Sch.].  And  tliere  is  every 
reason  to  regard  Nahapana  as  having  been  of  Parthian 
extraction  (see  p.  785  above)  ; at  any  rate,  we  may  safelj^' 
treat  him  as  one  of  these  Parthian. princes,  who,  more 
able  and  enterprising  tlian  the  othei*s,  struck  out  a new 
line  and  turned  his  attention  to  a conquest  of  territories 
outside  Sind,  in  preference  to  continuing  tlie  unending 
strife  in  Sind  itself.  But  such  a state  of  affairs  in  Sind 
cannot  have  arisen  until  after  the  death  of  Gondophernes, 
who  was  reigning  over  a wide  territory,  whicli  included 
Sind,  from  A.D.  20  or  21  down  to  at  least  A.D.  46  and 
we  certainly  cannot  make  the  46  or  more  years  of  the 
reign  of  Nahapana  fit  in  to  the  32  years  between 
A.D.  46  and  78.  I am  therefore  of  opinion  that  Nahapana’s 
reign  dates  from  A.D.  78,  and  consequently  that  the 
Periplus  must  have  been  written  after  that  year,  and  is 
to  be  placed  between  A.D.  80  and  89,  or  we  may  say, 
roughly,  about  A.D.  85. 


The  Periplus  mentions  the  capital  of  Nahaptoa’s 
territory  by  the  name  Minnagara  (§  41),  and  tells  us 
that  much  cotton  cloth  was  brought  down  from  it  to 
Barygaza,  which  is  the  modern  Broach  in  Gujarat, 
Bombay.  There  w^ere  two  cities  bearing  the  name 
Minnagara  in  the  western  parts  of  India.-  The  othei* 
'was  the  capital  of  what  the  work  calls  Scythia  ” (see 
p.  786  above),  and  was  situated  in  the  delta  of  the  Indus, 
apparently  on  or  near  to  the  main  stream,  the  central  one 
of  the  seven  which  made  the  “ seven  mouths  ” of  the  river. 

Mr.  Schofi'  has  mentioned  (p.  180)  propovsals  to  identify 
the  Minnagara  in  which  we  are  interested  with  Indore, 
and  with  Madhyamika,  which  is  the  modern  Nagari  on 
^ See  this  Journal,  1905.  234. 

Minnagara  is  taken,  I believe,  as  a hybrid  word  meaning  ‘ ^ a city  of 
the  Mins,  the  Scythians  The  name,  of  a third  Minmrgara  or  Minagara, 
which  is  placed  by  Ptolemy  on  or  near  the  Gangetic  Gulf  (I A,  13.  334), 
must  have  some  different  explanation. 


788 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


the  north  o£  Chitor,  in  Eajputana.  But  Nagari  is  too  far 
to  the  nortli ; and  Indore  is  unsuitable  for  other  reasons. 

No  such  name  as  Minnagara  is  traceable  now.  But 
a Minagara,  which  is  certainly  Nahapana’s  Minnagara,  is 
also  mentioned  by  Ptolemy  (I A,  13.  359);  and  the  position 
assigned  to  it  by  hini,  with  respect  to  Ujjain,  makes  it 
practically  certain  to  me  that  it  is  the  modern  Dohad  in 
the  Pahcli  Mahals.  ‘‘  As  the  name  Dohad  (or  ' two 
boundaries’)  implies,  the  town  is  situated  on  the  line 
separating  Malwa  on  the  east  from  Gujarat  on  the  west. 
It  is  a };)lace  of  considerable  tralBc,  commanding  one  of 
the  main  lines  of  communication  between  Central  India 
and  the  seaboard.”^  And  a study  of  the  sheets  of  the 
Indian  Atlas  shows  that  it  is  just  the  place  through  which 
there  would  go  the  trade  from  Ujjain  (and  of  course  other 
parts  of  Malwa)  to  Broach,  which  is  mentioned  in  § 48  of 
the  Periplus. 


The  Periplus  alludes  in  § 51  to  the  great  inland  trading 
route  from  the  east  coast,  in  the  Kistna  District,  right 
across  India  diagonally  via  Tagara,  which  is  Ter  in  the 
Nizam’s  Dominions,^  and  Paithan,  to  Barygaza,  Broach. 
And  in  respect  of  the  last  part  of  the  route  it  saj^s  that 
the  consignments  from  those  two  towns  “ are  carried  down 
on  wagons  to  Barugaza  along  roads  of  extreme  difficulty  ” 
[McC.] ; or  ''  are  brought  down  to  Barygaza  by  wagons 
and  through  great  tracts  without  roads  ” [Sch.]  ; or,  again 
(as  I would  put  it),  “ are  brought  down  to  Barygaza  by 

^ Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India  (1908),  vol.  11,  p,  366. 

^ See  this  Journal,  1901.  537  ff-  The  name  of  this  place  unfortunately 
figures  in  the  Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India  (1908)  as  “ Thair  from,  one 
of  the  misspelt  forms  in  which  it  has  been  shown  in  maps,  etc.  The 
name  is  Ter;  not  Tair,  ThSr^  or  Thair,  In  the  Imperial  Gazetteer, 
vol.  23,  the  notes  on  the  place  should  have  been  given  under  “ Ter  on 
p.  281,  and  the  cross-reference  iSee  ,T^r  ” should  have  been  given  under 
“ Thair”  on  p.  284. 


THE  PEEIPLUS  OF  THE  ERYTHEHiAN  SEA 


789 


wagon-roads  and  thi'ough  vast  places  tliat  luive  no  proper 
roads  at  all.”  ^ 

In  connexion  with  this  route  there  has  remained,  over- 
looked, a question  to  which  Mr.  Schotf  has  no^v  drawn 
attention  : namely,  why  was  the  traffic  taken  on  from 
Paithan  to  Broach  instead  of  being  diverted  to  some 
nearer  and  more  easily  accessible  port  ? 

The  Periplns  mentions  in  § 52  Kalliena,  that  is,  Kalyan 
in  the  Thana  District,  on  the  Ulhas  Eiver  which  floAVS  into 
Bombay  Harbour,  and  speaks  of  it  as  “ a city  whicli  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  a regular  mart  in  the  times  of  the 
elder  Saraganes,  but  after  Sandanes  became  its  master  its 
trade  was  put  under  the  severest  restrictions  ; for  if  Greek 
vessels,  even  by  accident,  enter  its  ports,  a guard  is  put  on 
board  and  they  are  taken  to  Barugaza  ” [McC.] ; or  as 
a city  which  in  the  time  of  the  elder  Saraganus  became 
a lawful  market-town  ; but  since  it  came  into  the 
possession  of  Sandares  the  port  is  much  obstructed,  and 
Greek  ships  landing  there  may  chance  to  be  taken  to 
Barygaza  under  guard  ” [Sch.].  Mr.  SchofF  has  observed 
(p.  196)  that  Kalyan  would  be  the  natural  terminus  of  the 
Ter-Paithan  route.^  And  he  has  suggested  that : — “ The 
obstruction  of  that  port  by  the  Saka  power  in  Gujarat 
forced  the  tedious  overland  extension  of  the  I’oute,  through 
the  mountains,  to  Barygaza.”  Here  by  “ the  Saka  power  ” 
he  means  Nahaptoa  and  his  people.  I would  supplement 
his  suggestion  as  follows  : — 

^ The  words  are : — Kardy^rat  Se  avrwj^  iropuais  Ka\  ayoSiats 

jueyicrrais:  see  the  extract  given  in  ArchctoL  Surv.  WesL  Ind.,  vol.  3, 
p.  o4,  note. 

“ There  is  no  question  about  Kalyan  having  been  a trading  place  of 
some  importance  in  the  time  with  which  W’e  are  dealing  : merchants  and 
goldsmiths  of  Kalyan  are  mentioned  in  some  of  the  inscriptions  at 
Kaiiheri  and  Junnar  ; Liiders,  List  of  the  Brahmi  Inscriptions,  Nos.  986, 
998,  1000,  1001,  1024,  1177.  But  whether  it  became  a seaport  in  that 
period,  is  another  question : Ptolemy  does  not  mention  the  place  ; 
and  it  must  have  had  easy  access  to  Broach  along  the  coast,  inland, 
without  having  to  use  boats. 


790 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


It  is  certainly  the  case  that  there  might  have  been  laid 
out  from  Paithan  to  Kalyan,  via  Junnar  and  the  Nanaghat 
Pass,^  a route  which  would  have  been  some  eighty  miles 
shorter  tlian  the  route  from  Paithan  to  Broach,  and  of 
which  the  Ghaut  portion  would  have  been  much  easier 
than  the  forty  or  so  miles  of  very  difficult  descent  from 
the  north-west  corner  of  the  Nasik  District  via  Peint  into 
Gujarat.  But  Broach  seems  to  have  been  from  a very 
early  time  the  great  collecting  and  distributing  centre,  in 
the  trade  with  the  West,  for  all  inland  parts : the  Periplus 
mentions  not  only  the  trade  into  Broach  from  the  Ter  and 
Paithan  route,  and  that  from  Minnagara  (Dohad)  and 
Ujjain,  but  also  a trade  via  Procla'is  or  Poclais  from  Kabul 
and  those  parts  (§  48),  and  a trade  from  tlie  western  parts 
•of  China  through  Bactria  (§  64).  The  overland  route 
from  the  Kistna  District  via  Ter  and  Paithan  had  been 
laid  out  partly  to  meet  the  recpiirements  of  those  two 
cities  and  no  doubt  of  other  places  along  the  road,  and 
partly  in  order  to  avoid  the  long  and  tedious  coasting 
voyage  all  round  the  south  of  India,  witli  the  danger  from 
the  pirates  who  infested  a portion  at  least  of  the  west 
coast  (§  53) : and  for  this  last  reason,  since  the  said 
pirates  can  have  had  no  difficulty  in  commanding  the 
approaches  to  Kalyan,  the  route  was  taken  straight  on 
to  Broach,  instead  of  turning  from  Paithan  to  the  coast 
with,  the  object  of  being  continued  thence  by  sea  or  by 
land  to  Broach,  One  of  the  Satakarni  kings,  'Hhe  elder 
Saraganus probably  finding  himself  able  to  cope  with 
the  pirates,  sought  to  establish  Kalyan  as  a rival  of 
Broach.  Then  Nahapana  blockaded  Kalyan,  expressly 
in  order  to  maintain  the  commercial  supremacy  of  Broach. 
■And  it  was  probably  a quarrel  over  this  matter  whieli 
.started  hostilities  between  Nahapana  and  the  Satakarni 

. ^ The  ancient  importance  of  these  two  places  is  well  known  from  the 
inscriptions  at  them. 


THE  PERIPLUS  OF  THE  ERYTHR/EAN  SEA 


791 


kings,  and  ended  in  Nahaptoa  acquiring  a considerable 
part  of  tlieir  western  territories. 


In  § 47  the  Periplns  mentions  two  Indo-Greek  kings  of 
previous  times,  Apollodotus  and  Menander,  and  tells  us 
that  their  coins  were  still  in  current  use  at  Broach. 

In  connexion  with  this,  Mr.  Schotf  has  summarized  as 
follows  (p.  184)  the  account  of  Menander  given  in  a leading 
textbook  on  the  early  history  of  India  : — 

^‘In  the  years  155-158  [b.c,]  a Greek  King  Menander, 
apparently  a brother  of  Apollodotus,  whose  capital  was  Cabul, 
annexed  the  entire  Indus  Valley,  the  peninsula  of  Surashtra 
(Syrastrene)  [Kathiawar]  and  other  territories  on  the  western 
coast ; occupied  Mathura ; besieged  Madhyamika  (now  N^ari 
near  Chitor),  and  threatened  the  capital,  Pataliputra,  ■which  is 
the  modern  Patna.  Menander  had  to  retire,  however,  to  Bactria. 
He  is  supposed  to  have  been  a convert  to  Buddhism,  and  has 
been  iijimortalized  under  the  name  of  Milinda  in  a celebrated 
dialogue  entitled  The  Questions  of  Milinda,  which  is  one  of  the 
most  noted  books  in  Buddhist  literature.” 

To  that  Ave  must  add  that  the  account  taken  over  by 
Mr.  Schoff  says  further  that  Menander  ''  invested  Saketam 
in  southern  Oudh.”  Also,  that  it  is  part  and  parcel  of 
a treatment  wdiicli  includes  the  Suiiga  king  Pushyamitra 
and  the  grammarian  Patahjali. 

We  need  not  hesitate  about  accepting  the  identification 
of  Menander  with  the  Milinda  of  the  Pali  work,  the 
Milindapahha.  And  that  w’^ork  presents  him  as  reigning 
at  Sagala,  which  is  Sialkdt  in  the  Panjab,’’-  and  as  being 
a pow-erful,  wise,  and  learned  king,  fond  of  discussions 
with  wandering  teachers,  who  eventually,  under  the  effect 
of  the  ans\vers  which  he  received  to  the  questions  put  bj^ 
l)im  to  the  Buddhist  Nagasena,  became  converted  to 
Buddhism,  and  abdicated  in  order  to  spend  his  remaining 

^ See  my  article  “Sagala,  &kala,  the  City  of  Milinda  and  Mihirakula” 
in  the  Acts  of  the  Fourteenth  Oriental  Congress,  Algiers,  1905,  voL  1, 
p.  1()4  ff, 

JRAS.  1912. 


51 


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days  ill  the  practice  of  religion.  For  tlie  rest,  it  is 
necessary,  no  doubt,  in  writing  a liistory,  to  try  to  fil] 
in  details,  more  or  less.  And  from  such  a point  of  view 
\Ye  may  admit  provisionally  some  of  the  achievements 
attributed  to  Menander  by  the  writer  who  is  quoted  by 
Mr.  Sclioff  ; only  remarking  that  in  the  references  made 
by  Patahjali  under  Panini,  3.  2.  Ill,  to  the  Yavana,  tlie 
Greek,  who  besieged  Saketa  and  Madhyamika,  there  is 
nothing  to  identify  the  besieger  with  Menander  or  any 
other  individual,  and  that  there  is  still  less  reason  for 
referring  those  two  sieges  with  such  confidence  to  the 
exact  years  B.c.  155-153 : that  is  all  conjecture.  But 
there  are  two  items  in  this  account  — the  occupation  of 
Mathuril  and  the  threatening  of  Pataliputra — wliieli  we 
are  quite  unable  to  endorse. 

These  two  items  rest  on  the  authority  of  a work 
entitled  Gargi-Samhita  which  was  brought  to  notice  by 
Professor  Kern  in  1865,  in  his  edition  of  the  Brihat- 
Saiiihita,  preface,  p.  33  ff‘.,  and  was  referred  by  him  to 
about  B.c.  50.  A chapter  in  this  work,  bearing  tlie  name 
Yugapurana,  professes  to  give,  in  the  usual  prophetic 
style  of  the  Purarias,  an  account  (but  a very  elementary 
one)  of  the  kings  of  the  Kali  age.  It  mentions  the 
Saisunaga  kings,  and  then  Salisuka,  who  was  according 
to  the  Bhagavata- Purana  the  great-grandson,  and  according 
to  the  Yishnu  the  great-great-grandson,  of  Asuka.  And 
, it  then  makes  a statement  translated  by  Professor  Kern 
as  follows : — 

“ Then  the  viciously  valiant  Greeks,  after  reducing  Saketa, 
PancMa-country,  and  Mathura,  will  reach  (or  take)  Kusumadhvaja 
(Palihothra);^  Pushpapura  (Palibothra)  being  reached  (or  taken) 

1 Bat  Kusumadhvaja,  ‘having  the  flower-banner’,  would  be  the  god 
Kamadgva : the  city  was  Kusnmpura,  which  name,  however,  did  not 
suit  the  verse.  It  might  be  urged,  perhaps,  that  Kmumadhmjcon  is 
, a corrupt  reading  for  Kimm-^hmayam,  with  jparam  understood  ; sc. 
city)  named  Kusuma(pura)  ; but  the  reading  is  ""dhvajam. ; and  it  is 
characteristic  of  the  text.  ' , 


THE  PEJllPLUS  OF  THE  ERYTHK.EAX  SEA 


798 


all  i)rovinces  will  be  in  disorder,  undoubtedly The 

fiercely  fighting  Greeks  will  not  stay  in  Madhyadesa ; there  will 
be  a cruel,  dreadful  w^ar  in  their  o’wn  kingdom,  caused  (?)  between 
themselves.  Then,  in  the  course  of  the  Yuga,  at  the  end  of  the 
Greek  reign,  seven  mighty  kings  will  be  in  alliance  (?  or  have 
we  to  read  Sdketai  in  Saketa).’’ 

It  is  not  easy  to  understand  how,  even  so  long  ago  as 
in  1865,  this  Y'ugapurfina  chapter  came  to  be  accepted 
seriously,  and  to  be  referred  to  the  first  century  B.C.  Its 
corrupt  and  otherwise  peculiar  diction  — (both  features 
are  amply  illustrated  in  the  extracts  given  by  Professor 
Ivern) — indicate  a quite  late  origin.  And  its  apocryphal 
cliaracter  is  fully  disclosed  by  the  point  that  it  assigns 
to  the  Saisunaga  kings,  -who  preceded  by  some  time  the 
Mauryas,  a period  of  5505  years,  5 months,  5 days,  and 
5 omiJiTirtas : ^ that  is,  among  tlie  kings  of  the  Kali  age, 
which  only  began  in  B.C,  3102,  we  are  to  find  room  for 
a dynasty  whicli  reigned  for  5505  years  before  the  year 
2781  expired,  = B.C.  321,  the  initial  date  of  the  first 
Maurya  king,  Cliandragupta. 

Tliere  certainly  was  an  early  wuiter  named  Garga : he 
flourished  about  a.d.  400,  and  wrote  on  astronomy  and 
astrology ; and  a work  by  In’m  would  very  likely  be 
knowm  as  the  Gargi  - Samliita,  though  Bhattotpala 
(a.d.  966),  Avho  quotes  many  of  his  statements,  does  not 
seem  to  use  such  an  expression.  But,  even  if  the  Gargi- 
Saiiihita  thus  brought  to  our  notice  represents  his  work  in 
any  way,  we  may  be  sure  that  he  did  not  wnute  tlie 
Imgapuifina  chapter : and  we  may  safely  dismiss  the 
statements  of  that  chapter  as  worthless  for  any  histoiical 
purposes,  as  regards  either  Menander  or  anyone  else. 

J.  F.  Fleet. 

^ WTiy  did  not  the  author  round  off  this  statement  by  saying  Soon 
years  ? A})parently,  only  because  he  could  not  cram  the  word  2^cinchdbaf^ 
A fifty  \ into  Ins  verse. 


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II  Ramacaritamanasa  ” E IL  RxUiayana By  L.  P. 
Tessitort.  Reprinted  from  the  Giornale  della  Societa 
Asiatiea  Italiana,  voL  xxiv,  1911. 

Ever  since  Growse  published  his  translation  of  tlie 
Bdmacaritamanasa  students  have  recognized  tliat  that 
work  was  in  no  sense  a slavish  imitation  of  the  .Rdmdyayif 
of  Valmiki. 

“ The  general  plan  and  arrangement  of  the  incidents  are 
necessarily  much  the  same,  hut  there  is  a difference  in  the 
touch  in  every  detail,  and  the  two  poems  vary  as  widely  as 
any  two  dramas  on  the  same  mythological  subject  by  two 
different  Greek  tragedians  . . . The  two  agree  only  in  the 
broadest  outlines.  The  episodes  so  freely  introduced  by  both 
poets  are,  for  the  most  part,  entirely  dissimilar,  and  even  in 
the  main  narrative  some  of  the  most  important  incidents,  such 
as  the  breaking  of  the  bow  and  the  contention  with  Parasurama, 
are  differently  placed,  and  assume  a very  altered  complexion. 
In  other  passages,  where  the  story  follows  the  same  lines, 
whatever  Valmiki  has  condensed — as,  for  example,  the  description 
of  the  marriage  festivities — Tulsi  Das  has  expanded ; and  where 
the  older  poet  has  lingered  most  his  successor  has  hastened  on 
most  rapidly.”  ^ 

While  students  of  Hindi  literature  have  admitted  the 
correctness  of  the  above  vstatements,  they  liave  had  no 
opportunity  for  entering  into  details.  Hindi  literature — 
a discovery,  to  Europeans,  of  only  some  twenty  or  thirty 
: years  ago — was  a vast  and  unexplored  contiiient,  and 
the  few  pioneers  could  do  little  more  than  map  out  its 
-jinain  features.  It  is  encouraging  to  see  these  lalxjurs 
bearing  fruit.  Europe  is  beginning  to  recognize  that 
the  vernacular  literature  of  India  offers  new  regions 
awaiting  conquest,  and  new  subjects  of  investigation.  In 
the  pamphlet  named  at  the  head  of  this  notice  we  havt^ 
an  example.  Signor , Tessitori  has  done  what  we  have 
all  wished  to  see  done,  but  for  which  we  pioneers  never 
have  had  time  or  6p|)brtunityi 

^ Growse,  Introdactioii  to  his  Translation. 


IL  KAMACAKITAMANASA  E IL  KAMA  YANA  . 795 


The  poet  himself  (i,  7)  says  that  his  work  is  based 
upon  Vahnfki’s  Rtoiayana,  '‘and  occasioiiaily  on  other 
sources”  (kvacicl  anyato  ’pi),  and  taking  this  statement 
as  his  text  Signor  Tessitori  proceeds  to  compare  the  two 
poems  in  detail.  The  question  of  the  other  sources  is 
not  touched  by  him,  but  he  shows  clearly  that  Tulasi  Dasa 
lias  on  the  whole  followed  the  general  j^^th  taken  by 
Valmiki.  Omitting  tlxe  first  part  of  Book  i and  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  last  book,  which  in  the  Ramacaritamtoasa 
are  quite  independent,  the  most  serious  discrepancies 
between  the  two  works  occur  in  the  sixth  book — the 
Ytiddhakajula  of  Valmiki  and  the  Lankakancla  of  Tulasi 
Dasa.  Here  tliere  is  great  confusion  in  the  accounts  of 
tlie  various  combats,  one  fight  being  exchanged  for  another, 
and  tlxe  acts  of  this  hero  being  attributed  to  that.  Signor 
Tessitori’s  explanation  of  this  is  ingenious,  but  to  my 
mind  not  altogether  convincing.  It  is  that  even  we, 
with  our  clearly  printed  texts  and  modern  apparatus,  find 
it  difficult  to  follow  the  complicated  action  of  Valmiki's 
YuddJuikancla,  and  that  Tulasi  Dasa,  handicajxped  by  his 
clumsy  manuscript,  simply  made  mistakes.  I shall  return 
to  this  later  on. 

Other  differences  betw’een  the  two  poems  are  shown 
to  be  due  to  various  causes.  Such  are,  for  instance, 
Tulasi  Dasas  desire  to  shorten  his  work.  This  led  him 
to  omit  some  episodes,  and  in  other  cases  to  combine  two 
of  Valmiki’s  episodes  into  one.  In  making  omissions  he 
has  now  and  then  retained  a few  words  corresponding 
to  words  in  Valmiki  s poem,  which  were  there  important 
but  which  in  the  Ramacaritamanasa,  with  the  episode 
wanting,  are  quite  superfluous.  Another  reason  for  the 
differences  is  the  poetic  originality  and  the  command  of 
vocabulary  possessed  by  the  later  poet.  He  disdained 
to  use  Valmiki’s  language,  and  substituted  new  and  fresh 
similes  for  those  of  his  predecessor.  In  spite  of  this 
Signor  Tessitori  has  collected  quite  a number  of  instances 


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in  whicli,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  he  has  repeated 
the  very  words  o£  Valmiki. 

Another  question  raised  by  Signor  Tessitori  is  what 
recension  of  the  Ramayana  — the  Western  (A),  the 
Bengali  (S),  or  the  Northern  ((7) — was  used  l)y  Tulasi 
Dasa.  The  main  results  are  as  follows 

1.  Tulasi  Dfisa  follows  C in  giving  the  story  of  Ramsi 
down  to  his  arrival  in  Citrakuta. 

2.  He  follows  B from  the  return  to  Ayodhyli  of  Bumantra 
to  the  end  of  the  Arawa^cmcja^  and  perhaps  also  ior 
a good  part  oi  the 

3.  He  follows  G from  the  beginning  of  the  Yuddhtthlnda 
(T.  D.’s  Lankdkdiicla)  down  to  Rama’s  ascent  of  Suvcda 
after  the  Crossing  of  the  Ocean. 

4.  He  follows  B from  the  beginning  of  the  combats  with 
the  Rilksasas  {B,  vi,  17)  to  the  end  of  the  Yiiddliakanda. 

Noav,  all  this  is  interesting  and  important.  It  throws 
much  light  on  the  origin  of  the  Rainacaritamaiiasa,  and 
also  on  the  question  of  what  version  of  the  Ram rqy  an  a 
was  current  in  Audh  and  Benares  in  tlie  days  of  Tulasi 
Dasa,  i.e.  in  the  latter  half  of  the  seventeenth  eentuiy,^ 
but  it  seems  to  me  that  tliere  is  a probable  explanation 
of  the  discrepancies  between  the  two  poems  whicli  has 
not  been  taken  into  account  by  Signor  Tessitori.  He 
has  gone  on  the  assumption  that  Tulasi  Dasa  had  a 
manuscript  of  tlie  Ramayana  by  him,  and  that  he  consultiHl 
it  as  he  went  along.  That  hence  his  variations,  except 
in  the  Lankdkdncla,  were  deliberate.  This  method  of 
writing,  'with  a manuscript  within  reach,  is  the  way 
a student  in  Europe  would  go  to  work,  but  it  cannot 
be  thought  that  an  Indian  poet  would  labour  on  such 
lines.  Tulasi  Dasa  was  a Vaisnava  ascetic,  brought  up 
by  a Guru  in  the  fear  and  love  of  Rama,  tinder  this 
Guru  he  received  his  education  and,  if  that  was  anything 

^ In  regard  to  this  it  is  W'orth  remembering  that  Tulasi  Dilsa  wrote 
the  Bdla-y  Aybdhyd-^  and  in  AyCdhya,  but  the  remaining 

kanddiiu  Benares.  iVj,  lii  ' ^ 


IL  BAMAGARITAMANASA  E IL  RAMAYANA 


797 


like  the  education  of  a literary  Vaisnava  of  the  present 
day,  he  learned  the  whole  of  the  Valniiki  Eamayana  otf' 
by  heart  wliile  yet  a boy,  and  was  also  familiar  with 
the  numerous  other  versions  of  the  story.  When  he 
wrote  his  poem  it  was  unnecessary  for  him  to  consult 
any  manuscript.  When  he  followed  Valmiki  it  was 
merely  a case  of  conscious  or  unconscious  memory,  and 
when  lie  departed  from  it  it  was  either  unconscious 
failure  of  memory  or  else  a deliberate  choice  of  the 
account  given  in  some  other  work.  We  have  seen  that 
Tulasi  Dasa  states  in  so  many  words  that  lie  consulted 
other  sources  besides  the  epic  of  Valmiki.  The  com- 
mentators agree  in  mentioning  three  works  as  having 
been  used  by  him  — the  Adhyatma  - Rdmdyana,  the 
Bh/asuncli-Rdmdyana,  and  the  Vasi^tlia-samJdtd.  Althougli 
Signor  Tessitori  draws  attention  also  (p.  110)  to  points 
of  agreement  with  the  Raglmvaihsa,  I venture  to  think 
that  he  has  laid  too  little  stress  on  the  importance  of  these 
extraneous  sources.  The  Bhiisiincli-lidindyana  I have 
never  seen,  nor  do  I know  if  MSS.  of  it  exist,  but  the 
other  two  worlds  are  well  known  and  easily  obtainable. 
An  examination  of  these  would  very  probablj^  explain 
differences  between  the  Avorks  of  Tulasi  Dasa  and  Valmiki 
in  a manner  more  simple  than  that  employed  by  Signor 
Tessitori.  Of  one  thing  I am  certain.  Tulasi  Dasa  \Yrote 
his  poem  with  his  whole  being  saturated  not  only  with 
Valmiki's  Bamayana,  but  .also  witli  all  the  other  then 
existing  Vaisnava  works  dealing  with  the  history  of  tlie 
IMaster  whom  he  adored.  The  idea  of  checking  his 
literary  references  was  unknown  to  him.  If  he  quoted 
Im  often  no  doubt  quoted  wdth  verbal  incorrectness,  as 
lecrrned  Pandits  do  at  the  present  day,  and  I daresay 
that  he  himself  would  often  have  been  puzzled  to  say 
on  wdiat  particular  work  he  founded  the  expressions 
used  by  him  in  any  particular  passage. 

In  one  respect  I heartily  agree  with  Signor  Tessitori. 


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He  lays  stress  upon  Tulasi  Dasa's  originality.  Tulasi 
Dasa  was  a great  poet,  and  thougli  here  and  there  liis 
memory  may  have  played  tricks  with  him  and  led  him 
to  make  unintended  quotations,  as  a whole  he  deliberate!}." 
avoided  copying  Valmiki’s  language  or  borrowing  his 
similes.  On  the  other  hand,  I cannot  look  upon  the 
variations  of  the  sixth  book  as  due  to  misunderstanding 
of  A^almiki  s sequence  of  events  or  to  mental  confusion. 
If  my  belief  is  right,  Tulasi  Dasa  was  familiar  witli  every 
step  in  the  sequence  of  events  from  his  boyhood.  If  bis 
account  differs  from  that  given  by  the  recensions  of  the 
Ramayana  now  available  to  us,  it  can  only  be  that  either 
he  had  been  taught  a recension  unknown  to  us,  or  else 
that  he  deliberately  abandoned  Valnhki  and  adopted  the 
account  of  some  other  authority. 

Although  I have  ventured  to  differ  from  Signor  Tessitori 
in  one  not  unimportant  particular,  I w^ould  strongly 
recommend  all  students  of  Tulasi  Dasa  to  study  his  paper. 
It  is  full  of  valuable  comparisons  and  of  suggestive 
remarks,  and  it  must  necessarily  be  taken  into  serious 
account  in  all  future  investigations  as  to  the  connexion 
between  the  two  great  poets  of  the  Glory  of  the  House 
of  Raghu.  George  A.  Grierson. 

Cambeeley. 

: „ March  26,  1912.  


’A  Catalogue  of  the  Tamil  Books  in  the  Library  of 
the  British  Museum,  Compiled  hy  L.  D.  Barnett, 
, ;;  M.A.,Litt.D.,and  the lateG.U, Pope, D.D.  London,  1909. 
A.  Catalogue  of  the  Kaknada,  Badaga,  and  Kurg 
Books  in  the  same.  Compiled  by  L.  D.  Barnett, 
MjA.,  LitbD. ' Iiondo^  1910. 
tCATALOOUE  OF  „THE'  - TlLUGU  BooKs  in  the  same. 
Compiled  by  , Liondon,  1912. 

I.  e'  I spare  my'' remarks  , that  should 
'"commence  a' notice the  above.  We  all 


CATALOGUES  OF  BBAVIJDIAN  LANGUAGES  799 

know  tliem  off  by  heart.  They  should  refer  to  the 
apparent  dryness  of  the  subject,  to  the  real  value  and 
interest  in  the  catalogue  of  a great  library,  and  to  the 
labour  and  learning  involved  in  its  preparation.  Every 
member  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  will  admit  the  last 
two,  and  most  will  deny  the  hrst.  I shall  therefore 
consider  such  a preface  to  be  taken  as  read  and  go  at  once 
to  the  heart  of  the  subject. 

The  three  catalogues  of  Dravidian  languages  are  built 
upon  the  same  lines  as  the  preceding  excellent  Oriental 
catalogues  of  Professor  Blumhardt.  They  heavily  add  to 
the  debt  which  students  owe  to  the  British  Museum,  and 
they  exhibit  Professor  Barnett’s  learning  and  accuracy  in 
a department  of  scholarship  wuth  which  few  of  us  are 
t’amiliar.  In  one  respect  they  show  a marked  improve- 
ment. From  the  former  catalogues  all  mention  of 
dictionaries  and  grammars  written  in  English  for  English 
readers  was  excluded.  Here  we  have  at  least  all  the 
modern  ones. 

Examination  of  these  volumes  shows  the  amazing 
richness  of  our  national  library  in  works  by  modern 
Dravidian  authors.  As  regards  earlier  works  it  is 
naturally  not  so  complete,  but  even  here  we  find  many 
I'are  treasures.  To  give  even  a cursory  account  of  the 
contents  would  be  manifestly  impossible,  and  so  I shall 
confine  myself  to  a few  important  topics  in  each  language. 
It  is  almost  needless  to  say  that  if  I mention  omissions  it 
is  not  in  a spirit  of  complaint. 

In  Tamil  the  old  literature  is  well  represented,  AVe 
find  all  the  principal  editions  of  the  Tol-kcvpiyiya,  the 
Ktiral  of  Tiru-valluvar,  the  poems  of  Auvaiyar,  the  Ndl- 
((diyar,  Kamban’s  Rdmdyana,  the  famous  dictionary 
named  the  Divdlcara,  Pavanandi’s  grammar  the  Nan-nul, 
and  similar  classical  works.  The  only  name  which  I have 
not  succeeded  in  finding  is  that  of  the  Gintdmani,  an 
anonjmious  romantic  poem  by  a Jain  writer  whom 


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Caldwell  dates  as  not  later  than  the  tenth  century.  The 
older  printed  Tamil  books  also  a,ppear  in  considerable 
numbers.  Tliere  does  not  appear  to  be  any  copy  of  wliat 
is  usually  said  to  be  the  first  of  all  — the  Doctrinu 
CItrisfam,  translated  into  Tamil  by  Anriquez  (Cochin, 
1579) — but  there  is  a complete  copy  of  the  translation 
of  the  whole  Bible  by  Ziegenbalg,  Schultze,  and  Grtlndler 
(1714-28).  There  are  also  the  Rheni us  Bible  of  1827-33, 
the  Fabricius  Old  Testament  (1777,  the  F.  New  Testament 
is  missing),  the  de  Melho  New  Testament  (Colombo,, 
1759),  and  the  Cramer  Gospel  of  St.  J\[atthew  (Colombo, 
1741).  The  list  of  Beschi’s  works  is  a long  one,  and,  so 
far  as  modern  reprints  are  concerned,  it  is  appai*ently 
complete,  but  there  are  none  of  the  old  original  editions. 
I may  note  that  a bibliography  of  Beschi  by  Yinson  is 
printed  in  the  Revue  Linguustiqiie,  xxxiii,  pp.  1 ff.,  1900. 
As  already  mentioned,  it  is  a great  comfort  to  find  all  tlie 
inodern  grammars  and  dictionaries  grouped  under  then- 
respective  heads  in  the  Subject-index.  One  important 
work  of  this  class  lias  appeared  since  the  catalogue  was 
compiled,  viz.  The  Twentieth  Century  TutnU  I)l.cllon<rriy 
by  P.  Ramanathan  (Madras,  1909).  It  is  not  suited  for 
beginners,  as  the  whole  is  in  Tamil. 

As  regards  Kannada,  while  tliere  are  all  the  modern 
grammars  and  dictionaries,  I note  tliat  the  grammars  ol* 
Care}^  (Serarnpore,,  1817)  and  McKerrell  (Madras,  1820) 
are  missing.  The  three  forms  of  Canarest^  — ancient, 
mediaeval,  and  modern — are  all  fully  represented.  For 
the  ancient  dialect  we  have  the  Pamjxi  Ramdynna  (aliout 
1100  A.D.),  Aggala's  Cundru-prahha  Rnrana  (1189),  Niiga- 
varma’s  Grammar  and  Kdvyavalokana  (1145),  Kesirajabs 
(thirteenth  century)  Sid>dumanida/q)ami,  and  Badaksari’s 
(seventeenth  century)  and  Sahar(f- 

kinkaravilasa^  but  not  his  Vrsah]tmdT((-vijay((.  For 
mediaeval  Kannada  ;we„  have  Somes  vara  s (fourteentli 
century)  Pataka  ^,nd  other  Works,  Bhima  s Basava  Purdy << 


CATALOGUES  OF  DRAVIDIAN  LANGUAGES 


801 


(1369),  Kumara  Vyasa's  (sixteen tli  century)  Blicirata, 
Kmnara  Yalmiki's  (1590)  Ramdyaiia,  the  Ddsa/pad(h^ 
(from  1530),  aiid  Laksmisa^s  /aiming  BJidrata  (1760). 

In  Telugu,  besides  the  modern  ^Ye  have 

Carey’s  Grammar  (Serampore,  1814),  but  not  W.  Biwvn’s 
(Madras,  1807  and  1817).  C.  P.  Brown  is,  on  the  otlier 
liand,  very  fully  represented/  Tlie  earliest  specimen  of 
the  Bible  is  the  Serampore  edition  of  the  Synoptic  Gospels 
(1812).  This  was  the  first  printed.  The  list  of  later 
versions  gives  a complete  series  of  typical  examples.  The 
Malidbhctrata  and  the  Grammar  attributed  to  Nannaya, 
(eleventh  centuiy)  appear  in  several  editions  of  each. 
All  the  great  writers  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the 
Augustan  age  of  Telugu  literature  ”,  are  well  represented. 
There  are  several  editions  of  the  Svdrdcisa-mumi-earUra 
of  Allasani  Peddanna,  “the  Grandsire  of  Telugu  poetry,” 
one  of  Krsna  Raya’s  Amnktamalyada,  three  of  Nandi 
Timmanna’s  PdrijCiidpaliarana,  the  same  number  of 
Suranna’s  Kaldpuvnddaya,  and  two  of  his  ingenious 
Edgliava-pcinBw^^y^^  Finally,  the  list  of  editions  of 
Yemana,  probably  the  greatest  of  all  the  Telugu  writers 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  certainly  the  most  popular, 
covers  nearly  two  columns. 

The  above  gives  a very  imperfect  idea  of  the  Dravidian 
literary  treasures  to  be  found  in  the  Britisli  Museum. 
I liave  confined  my  remarks  nearly  entirely  to  classical 
literature  and  to  early  printed  books.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  point  out  that  entries  dealing  with  tliese  form  but 
a small  proportion  of  the  whole.  The  rest,  dealing  with, 
modern  literature,  cannot  liere  be  described.  Considerations 
of  space,  and  also  of  my  own  incapacity,  forbid  it.  A few 
words  are  necessary  to  explain  the  share  of  the  late 
Dr.  Pope,  clarihiyi  et  venerabile  nomen,  on  the  title-page 
of  the  Tamil  catalogue.  The  work  was  commenced  by 
him  more  than  twenty  years  ago,  but  he  was  unable  to 
bring  his  task  to  completion.  Professor  Barnett  revised 


802 


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and  rewrote  his  descriptions,  and  catalogued  the  numerous 
works  acquired  during  the  succeeding  fifteen  years.  I]i 
this  way  the  original  number  of  titles  became  fully 
trebled.  It  now  only  remains  to  congratulate  Professor 
Barnett  on  the  completion  of  these  three  monumental 
volumes.  So  far  as  I am  aware,  there  is  nothing  like 
them  in  any  other  European  language,  and  if  in  spite  of 
this  I ask  for  more,  it  is  only  in  the  hope  that  the  set  will 
be  soon  completed  by  a volume  for  Malay alain. 

George  A.  Grierson. 

Camberley. 

Marches,  1913. 


The  ARCH^moGiCAL  Survey  of  Mayurabhanja.  By 
Nagendranath.  Vasu.  Vol.  I.  Calcutta,  1911. 

The  Modern  Buddhism  and  its  Followers  in  Orissa. 
By  Nagendranath  Vasu.  With  an  Introduction  by 
Mahamahopadhyaya  Haraprasad  ShastrI.  Calcutta,, 
1911. 


The  first  of  these  volumes  contains  the  results  of 
archmological  and  antiquarian  investigations  in  the  State 
of  Morbhanj  in  Orissa  during  1907-9,  conducted  under 
the  enlightened  patronage  of  the  Maharaja,  whose  recent 
death  adds  a tragic  interest  to  the  work.  The  body  of 
the  book  comprises  a series  of  reports  on  the  antiquities 
' and  history  of  a number  of  sites  visited  in  the  course  of 
the  survey,  with  an  appendix  containing  text  and  fac- 
similes of  eight  copper-plate  inscriptions.  To  this  is 
prefixed  an  introduction  on  the  various  religions  that  have 
left  their  traces  in  the  antiquities  or  spiritual  life  of  tlu^ 
district.,  The  second  chapter  treats  of  Buddhism,  tracing 
its  history  from  the  first,  to  the  fifteenth  century,  and 
showing  how  it  lingered  on  id  half-conscious  existence  in 
these  regions  until  1875/ :V2: hen  Bhima  Araksliita  began 
to  preach  the  Mahihii^rdliarm^,  boldly  combining  Buddhist 


ARCHyEOLOaiCAL  SVKYEY  OF  MA YURAP.HANJA  803 


and  Vaishnava  theology  into  a curious  doctrine  tliat  lias 
much  in  common  on  its  practical  side  with  the  Hina-yana 
and  on  its  theoretical  side  with  the  Maha-yana.  This 
chapter  on  Buddhism,  reprinted  with  an  introduction 
from  Mahamahopadhyaya  Haraprasad  Sastri,  forms  The 
Modem  BuddhAsm. 

Almost  every  form  of  Hindu  religion  lias  left  its  mark 
in  Morbhanj.  Not  least  has  been  the  influence  of  the 
Sauras,  with  which  our  author  begins  his  introduction. 
He  holds  that  the  Magas  or  Scythic  Brahmanas  were  the 
first  to  introduce  the  worship  of  the  image  of  the  Sun 
into  India”,  and  sees  their  descendants  in  the  modern 
Ahgirasa  Bralimans— a view  that  may  possibly  be  I'ight, 
but  still  awaits  decisive  evidence  to  prove  it.  Saiva  and 
Sakta  influences  have  also  been  powerful;  and  Jainism 
lias  left  many  remarkable  monuments,  Curioush"  enough, 
Vaishnavism,  although  the  dominant  church  for  many 
centuries  in  these  regions,  is  not  at  all  well  represented  in 
their  antiquities. 

Undoubtedly  the  most  interesting  part  of  this  interesting 
survey  is  the  chapter  on  Buddhism.  In  his  valuable 
History  of  the  Bengali  Lamguage  amd  LiteraUire  Mr.  Dinesh 
Chandra  Sen  has  vividly  shown  us  how  deeply  the  thought 
of  many  early  nominally  Vaishnava  poets  of  Bengal  was 
coloured  with  ideas  derived  from  Maha-yana  theology. 
Pandit  Nagendranath  Vasu,  following  the  same  line  of 
investigation,  brings  the  history  of  Buddhism  in  Orissa 
down  to  the  present  day.  He  finds  distinct  traces  of 
Maha-yana  cults  among  the  Bathuri  or  Bauri  tribe,  on 
whose  ethnology  he  gives  some  valuable  data.  He  then 
quotes  from  the  poems  of  the  six  great  Vaishnava  Dasas 
of  Orissa,  Achyutananda,  Balartoa,  Ananta,  Jagannatha, 
Ya^ovanta,  and  Chaitanya,  as  well  as  other  writers,  which 
all  abound  in  echoes  of  the  Buddhist  Smiya-vada,  and 
after  various  cognate  investigations  concludes  with  a full 
account  of  Bhima  Bhof  s modern  Mahima-dharma,  in  which 


<S04 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


Buddha  figures  as  an  avatar  of  the  Absolute,  Alekha,  and 
is  identified  with  Jagannatha. 

In  concluding  this  brief  notice  of  this  veritable  raina- 
kara  of  learning,  we  may  add  that  it  is  illustrated  by 
numerous  plates.  Most  of  these  are  from  photographs  ; 
a few,  however,  are  from  sketches,  whicli  are  not  all  that 
could  be  desired.  L.  D.  Baunett. 


Aji\iER : Historical  AND  Descriptive.  By  Har  Bilas 
Sard  A.  pp.  x,  174.  Ajmer,  1911. 

Tliis  book,  written  by  one  who  knows  Ajmer  well  and 
has  read  luucli  about  its  history  in  both  Hindu  and  Moglml 
times,  is  an  excellent  account  of  that  ''ancient,  beautiful, 
and  interesting  place  ”,  the  name  of  which  is  now  officially 
spelt  as  above,  instead  of,  as  we  have  so  long  known  it, 
Ajmere  or  Ajmir,  transliterated  from  and  . 

After  a general  description  of  the  district  follows  an 
account  of  tlie  city,  Taragarh  Fort,  the  lakes,  the  Adhai 
din  ka  Jhonpra,  the  Dargali  Khwaja  Saliib,  the  Fort,  and 
other  buildings  erected  in  Moghul  times,  with,  a chapter  on 
Pushkar,  tlie  details  of  the  buildings,  the  liistoiy  of  their 
erection,  and  the  inscriptions  found  on  them  being  fully 
given. 

The  second  part  is  a short  history  of  the  Cliauhan  rulers 
of  Ajmer,  and  the  doings  of  the  early  Moglml  emperors  in 
the  city  and  district.  Akbar,  making  it  the  liead“(]iiarters 
for  liis  operations  in  Eajputana  and  Gujarat,  built  the 
city  wall  and  nuigazine.  Jahangir  laid  out  the  beautiful 
Chasma  with  its  palace,  Shah  Jahan  constructed  the  palace 
and  white  marble  pavilions  on,  the  borders  of  the  Ana 
Sagar  Lake.  Aurangzib  fought  near  by  the  great  battle  l.w 
wln'ch  he  defeated  Dara  Shikoh  and  established  his  position 
as  emperor. 

For  tlie  Iiistory  of  the  later  Hindu  kings  the  antlior 
has  referred  a good  deal  to  the  Prithitriraja  Vijaya, 


AJMER  : HISTORICAL  AKD  DESCRIPTIVE 


805 


a MS.  found  by  Dr.  Bxihler,  and  briefly  described  by  liim  in 
tlie  account  of  liis  tour  in  search  of  Sanskrit  MSS.,  1877, 
which  is  now  in  the  Deccan  College,  Poona,  MS.  No.  150. 
Having  been  written  during  or  soon  after  the  time  of 
Prithiviraja  it  is  interesting  and  important,  and  the 
genealogy  of  tlie  Chauhans  as  taken  from  it  and  published 
by  Mr.  James  Morison  in  the  Vienna  Oriental  Joivrnal, 
vol.  vii,  p.  189,  may  be  taken  as  correct,  agreeing  as  it 
does  generally  with  that  gathered  by  Dr.  Kielliorn  from 
inscriptions;  it  is  good  to  hear  that  a transcript  of  the 
51S.  lias  lately  been  made  with  a view  to  publication  in 
tlie  Bombay  Kavyamala  Series. 

A statement  on  p.  150  regarding  iljayadeva,  that  ''His 
(|ueen  Somaldevi,  says  the  Prithiviraj  Vija/i,  was  very 
fond  of  designing  new  coins.  Coins  of  Ajaideva  and 
vSomaldevi  are  met  with  in  large  numbers ’V  has  led  to  an 
inquiry  being  made  to  the  author  as  to  a description  of 
these  coins,  for  as  yet  we  know  of  none  attributed  to  the 
king,  and  only  the  two  or  three  rare  ones  with  the  name 
Somaladevi  on  them,  which  Professor  Rapson  in  JR  AS., 
1900,  p.  121,  showed  to  be  the  right  reading,  instead  of 
Somaladeva  as  read  by  Cunningham,  Goins  of  Medieval 
India,  pi.  vi.  Nos.  10-12,  and  by  Prinsep  before  him. 
Mr.  Sarda  has  been  good  enough  to  reply  that  the  coins  of 
Ajayadeva  are  those  of  Cunningham’s  Medieval  India., 
pi.  ix,  Nos.  7,  8,  and  Prinsep,  Indian  Antiquities,  vol.  i, 
pi.  xxiv,  Nos.  7,  8,  bearing  the  legend  vSri  Ajaya  Deva,  and 
attributed  by  both  these  authors  to  Ajaya  Chandra  Rah  tor 
of  Kanauj,  and  those  of  the  queen  are  the  ones  above 
mentioned  as  commented  on  by  Professor  Rapson.  Mr.  Sarda 
also  sends  extracts  from  an  inscription  and  from  the 
Prithiviraja  Vijaya  concerning  the  coins  of  both  the  king 
and  the  (j[ueen,  and  adds  that  Pandit  Gauri  Shankar  has 
sent,  for  publication  in  the  Indian  Antiquary,  two  notes 
discussing  the  matter  fully.  It  is  strange  that  coins  should 
be  issued  some  bearing  the  king’s  name  and  others  that  of 


806 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


liis  wife,  unless  she  was  at  any  time  a regnant  queen,  Iml 
we  must  await  the  publication  of  Mr.  Garni  Shankar's 
notes  in  hopes  of  this  and  other  difficulties  being  cleared  up. 
The  work  is  carefully  written  and  well  printed.  Two 
mistakes  should  be  corrected,  viz.,  p.  91,  1.  17,  ''  1870  a.d. 
to  1570  A.D./’  and  p.  148,  1.  3,  '‘Govind  to  Durlabh.” 

0.  C. 


Bengali — Literaby  and  Colloquial.  By  R.  P.  1)k. 

Calcutta:  Dey  Brothers,  1911. 

Ill  Bengali — Literary  and  Colloquial  Babu  R.  P.  De 
has  aimed  at  providing  a concise  grammar,  togetlier  with 
specimens  of  literary  work  of  different  standards,  colloquial 
dialogues  and  sentences,  and  a comprehensive  vocabulary. 
The  book  is  evidently  the  outcome  of  mucli  labour  and 
diligence  and  has  been  composed  after  many  years’ 
experience  in  teaching  the  language,  and  is  specially 
intended  for  candidates  in  the  various  Government 
examinations.  The  best  parts  of  it  are  the  semi-colloquial 
dialogue  between  two  gentlemen  in  part  iii  and  the  large 
collection  of  colloquial  sentences  in  part  v,  which  last 
comprises  one-third  of  the  book. 

The  grammatical  portion  is  very  uneven  in  its  character. 
The  Sanskrit  portion,  such  as  the  forms  of  words  and 
sandhi,  is  as  full  as  is  probably  necessary  for  the  -object 
aimed  at ; but  the  Bengali  portion  is  not  treated  ade{|uatel\' 
either  in  extent  or  thoroughness  and  is  certainly  concise. 
It  is  sound  generally  so  far  as  it  goes,  yet  one  meets  with 
strange  lapses ; thus  it  is  said  the  letter  ^ (t?)  has  tln^ 
sound  of  tv  in  wife,  but  its  real  sound  is  6,  and  it  is 
so  transliterated  in  the  colloquial  sentences.  The  pro- 
nunciation of  jUf  and  of  m,  y,  and  v in  compound  letters 
is  not  explained,  and  the  transliteration  of  the  letters 
a,  c,  and  .9  is  not  consistent.  The  declension  of  nouns 
is  only  sketched  out ; the  various  formations  of  th(‘- 


BENGALI— LITERARY  AND  COLLOQUIAL  807 

.nstriimental,  ablative,  and  locative  ai*e  not  mentioned, 
and  the  accusative  is  regarded  as  a dative.  The  treatment 
of  the  verb  is  the  weakest  part.  In  the  conjugation  of 
the  one  verb  used,  the  honorific  form  of  the  third  person 
is  omitted,  only  one  form  of  the  passive  is  directly  given, 
the  participles  are  just  mentioned,  but  verbal  nouns  are 
overlooked ; and  the  irregular  verbs,  which  are  the 
commonest  verbs,  are , unnoticed.  The  syntax  of  both 
nouns  and  verbs  is  elementary.  The  distinctions  between 
good  Bengali  and  colloquial  are  not  pointed  out,  thus 
cimake  and  moke,  ''me,'’  are  mentioned  together  as  if  equal. 
Those  two  varieties  of  the  language  are  sometimes 
blended  with  highly  literary  forms,  and  as  specimens  of 
compound  words  are  selected  ehcmo^dsfd, 

and  bildt-2^herat. 

The  best  part  of  the  book  is  the  colloquial  sentences 
together  with  the  vocabularies.  The  sentences  are  well- 
chosen  and  deal  with  everyday  matters  of  all  kinds, 

and  should  provide  everyone  with  words,  expressions, 
and  idioms  that  will  be  useful  to  him  in  his  work. 

The  Bengali  employed  is  good  ordinary  colloquial  that 
is  generally  understood  by  all  except  perhaps  in  East 
Bengal.  The  sentences  are  given  in  English  and  Bengali, 
and  the  Bengali  is  also  transliterated  into  Eoman  letters 
(though  the  transliteration  is  not  always  consistent). 
When  a student  has  been  grounded  in  the  grammar 

and  has  attained  some  ease  in  reading  the  language, 

these  sentences  and  the  vocabularies  should  be  of  real 
help  to  him  in  getting  to  practical  work  in  Bengal. 
The  grammar  portion  of  the  book  would  then  be  useful 
for  purposes  of  reference  and  to  refresh  his  memory  if 
necessary. 

F.  E.  P. 


JEAS.  1912. 


808 


NOTICES  OP  BOOKS 


Ren  WARD  Brandstettees  Monographien  zur  Indo- 
NESISCHEN  SpRACHFOESCHUNG.  VIII  : GeMEININDO- 
NESTSGH  UND  Urindonesisch.  Liizeiii : E.  Haag^ 
1911. 

The  above-mentioned  little  treatise  is,  I am  disposed 
to  think,  the  best  thing  its  author  has  ever  produced. 
Like  other  sound  scholars  Dr.  Brandstetter  progresses  : 
he  goes  on  learning  all  the  time.  In  accuracy,  insight, 
and  method  he  is  now  on  a distinctly  higher  plane  tlian 
he  was  when  he  began  to  issue  this  valuable  series  of 
monographs ; and  every  additional  number  has  testified 
to  the  fact  that  his  capacity  for  handling  a difficult  and 
complex  subject  has  been  continuallj?'  expanding.  In  the 
present  work,  moreover,  he  deals  with  a matter  of  far- 
reaching  importance,  namely,  the  ultimate  results  of 
Indonesian  comparative  philology,  so  far  as  they  can  be 
apprehended  at  present,  and  he  has  brought  to  bear  upon 
these  central  problems  that  intimate  knowledge  of  indi- 
vidual forms  of  speech  whicli  he  has  gained  by  years  of 
patient  study,  combined  with  a mastery  of  synthetic 
method  wherein  he  is  excelled  by  fcAv  scholars  of  our  time. 

The  Malay o - Polynesian  languages  constitute  a vast 
family  comprising  hundreds  of  forms  of  sj^eech  scattered 
over  a huge  area  of  the  world’s  surface.  But  the  area 
is  mainly  insular,  and  for  the  most  part  the  individual 
languages  are  spoken  by  small  groups  of  people.  With 
two  or  three  exceptions  these  languages  have  no  recorded 
history  : we  can  only  take  them  as  we  find  them  to-day 
or,  at  best,  as  they  were  when  first  discovered  by  European 
travellers  and  explorers.  Only  Javanese,  of  them  all,  lias 
handed  down  to  us  a substantial  literature  enshrining  the 
mediae\'al  stage  of  the  language,  and  even  that  (archaic 
as  its  forms  often  are)  is  quite  modern  in  comparison  wfith 
the  unknown,  far-off  times  when  the  linguistic  ancestors 
of  all  these  nations  and  tribes  parted  company  and  spread 
themselves  over  the  islands  of  the  South  Seas.  Yet  all 


GEMEIN.INDONESISCH  UKD  URINDOXESISCH 


809 


these  different  languages  bear  plainly  upon  them  the 
marks  of  kinship,  of  common  descent  from  one  mother 
tongue.  What,  then,  was  this  mother  tongue  like  ? That 
is  the  question  which  Dr.  Brandstetter  sets  himself  to 
answer  in  the  monograph  lying  before  me. 

It  is  reasonable  to  ask  in  limine  whether  an  answer 
can  ever  be  given  to  such  a question  as  that.  And  when 
one  remembers  the  hypothetically  reconstructed  common 
mother  tongue  of  the  Indo-European  family  which  was 
given  to  the  world  somewhat  prematurely  by  a sanguine 
scholar  many  years  ago,  one  may  be  excused  for  feeling 
some  doubt  on  tlie  subject.  But  Dr.  Brandstetter  does 
not  attempt  an  actual  reconstruction  in  that  sense.  His 
position,  briefly  stated,  is  this.  Here  we  have  a large 
number  of  distinct  and  scattered  languages  : that  which 
they  have  in  common  (alien  loanwords  and  mutual 
borrowings  being  left  out  of  account)  must  be  presumed 
to  have  been  part  of  their  original  heritage.  Let  us  see, 
then,  what  it  amounts  to.  In  dealing  with  this  problem 
he  confines  himself  to  the  Indonesian  branch  of  the 
Malay o- Polynesian  family : rightly,  I think,  because  that 
branch,  apart  from  its  having  been  more  thoroughly  and 
scientifically  studied  than  the  others,  is  on  the  whole  the 
most  perfectly  preserved.  It  falls  into  a number  of  sub- 
groups, the  precise  limits  of  which  have  not  as  yet  been 
defined  in  every  case ; but  geographical  distribution  is 
a sufficient  criterion  for  the  purpose  in  hand.  If  a word 
or  a form  is  found  throughout  the  whole  or  the  greater 
part  of  the  Indonesian  area,  or  even  if  it  appears  in  two 
or  three  widely  separate  divisions  thereof,  it  must  (saving 
the  above  stated  exceptions)  be  regarded  as  common  and 
therefore  primitive.  For  how  else  could  it  have  got  where 
it  now  is  ? 

To  me  this  line  of  argument  seems  logically  irresistible, 
and  I am  fully  prepai’ed  to  accept  its  general  conclusions. 
We  have  gone  a long  way  since  the  days  when  such 


810 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


hypotheses  as  those  of  separate  creation  and  accidental 
resemblance,  or  Crawfurd’s  curious  notion  of  tlie  secondary 
influence  of  Malaj^  and  Javanese  on  a number  of  originally 
unconnected  and  alien  tongues,  were  held  to  be  suflici(e.it 
explanations  of  the  many  features  which  the  diflerent 
Indonesian  languages  have  in  common.  And  I can  only 
marvel  that,  in  a work  published  bareh'  Iialf  a dozen  j^ears 
ago,  and  composed  by  a man  of  distinction,  Crawfurd’s 
inadequate  hypotlieses,  obsolete  almost  before  tliey  were 
written,  should  have  been  dished  up  anew  for  the  edifica- 
tion of  an  undiscriminating  public.  Half  a century  of 
patient  study  (initiated  and  mostly  carried  on  by  Dutcii 
scholars)  and,  as  it  seems  to  me,  a whole  jeon  of  seientihh* 
advance,  lie  between  those  crude  imaginings  and  the 
reasoned  method  of  Dr.  Brandstetter’s  treatise. 

That  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  the  results  now 
arrived  at  are  in  every  particular  absolutely  flnal  and 
complete.  As  regards  completeness,  it  ma}"  reasonably 
be  hoped  that  important  additions  to  them  will  jn^t  be 
made  by  means  of  a still  more  intimate  study  of  some  of 
these  languages,  and  hj  a comparison  of  the  Indonesian 
branch  with  other  brandies  of  the  Malayo-Poljmesian 
family  and  with  families  of  speech  now  generally  believed 
to  be  ultimately  related  to  it,  sucli  as  the  Munda  jind 
Mon-Khmer.  Tlie  question  of  finality  may  also  depend 
to  some  extent  on  such  further  comparative  studies. 
Suppose,  for  instance,  it  has  been  inferred  from  piireh’ 
Indonesian  evidence  that  a particular  grammatical  afiix  was 
a primitive  feature  with  a certain  force,  still  traeeji])le 
in  its  use  in  what  appears  prima  facie  to  be  a sufficiently 
large  proportion  of  the  living  languages  of  tliat  branch. 
Such  a conclusion  may,  nevertheless,  be  liable  to  be  upset 
if  further  inquiry  should  show  that  the  affix  in  question  is 
used  with  a different  force  in  the  other  branches  and 
allied  families,  even  if  only  a single  Indonesian  language 
(provided  its  independence  of  them  could  be  safely 


GEMEINIKDONESISCH  UND  URINDONESISCH 


811 


assumed)  happened  to  agree  with  them  in  that  matter. 

I doubt,  however,  if  such  a case  is  very  likely  to  occur ; 
and  what  we  are  mainly  concerned  wdth  is,  after  all, 
the  substantial  validity  of  the  method  as  applied  to  the 
evidence  as  a whole. 

Speaking  generally,  then,  Dr.  Brandstetter’s  conclusions 
are  that  the  common  Indonesian  mother  tongue  did  not 
difier  essentially  in  its  main  characteristics  from  its 
modern  descendants.  In  spite  of  the  highly  complex 
character  of  the  laws  of  phonetic  correspondence  which 
prevail  at  present  as  between  these,  the  primitive  system 
of  sounds  wurs  (wuth  a few  stated  exceptions)  much  the 
same  as  still  exists  in  some  of  the  living  languages. 
There  were  more  monosyllabic  words  in  the  original 
language  than  are  now  in  use ; and  the  grammatical 
system,  though  not  then  as  highly  elaborated  as  it  has 
become  in  some  cases  (e.g.  in  the  Philippine  and  sub- 
Pliilippine  languages)  was  much  fuller  than  it  is  in  many 
of  the  modern  tongues,  notably,  I need  hardly  say, 
Malay,  the  best-known  member  of  the  whole  family. 
Dr.  Brandstetter  deals  principally  with  phonetics  and 
grammar  (including  the  use  and  formation  of  stem-words 
and  their  further  extension  by  means  of  affixes  and 
reduplication),  leaving  syntax  to  be  treated  in  a separate 
monograph.  The  importance  of  these  conclusions,  both 
from  the  point  ot*  view  of  Indonesian  studies  in  particular 
and  of  comparative  philology  in  general,  is  too  obvious 
to  require  much  comment.  I will  merely  say  that  the 
survey  contained  in  this  monograph  of  the  leading 
common  features  of  the  Indonesian  languages  gives  one 
quite  a vivid  conception  of  their  structure  and  will  also 
undoubtedly  facilitate  the  learning  and  understanding  of 
any  one  of  them,  varied  and  diverse  as  they  are.  Altogether 
this  is  an  important  and  valuable  piece  of  work. 

C.  0.  Blagden. 


812 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


The  Irshad  al-Aeib  ila  Ma'rifat  al-Abib,  or  IJictioDaiy  of 
Learned  Men  of  Yaqui  Edited  by  D,  S.  Margoliouth, 
L.Litt.,  Landian  Professor  of  Arabic  in  the  University 
of  Oxford,  and  printed  for  the  Trustees  of  the 
'' E.  J.  W.  Gibb  Memorial ’h  Vol.  V,  containing  part 
of  the  letter  pp.  xii  and  560.  Lej^den,  Brill  ; 
London,  Lnzac  & Co.;  1911. 

The  transition  from  voL  iii,  1 (JEAS.  1910,  pp.  885-91), 
to  vol.  V of  this  important  text  is  due  to  the  absence  of 
any  manuscript  original  for  the  intervening  portion.  In 
dealing  with  this  volume  the  editor  was  more  favourably 
situated  than  in  the  case  of  the  preceding  ones,  for  in 
place  of  the  thoroughly  bad  Bodleian  MS.,  he  liad  for 
this  subsequent  portion  of  the  text,  in  addition  to  a 
Constantinople  MS.,  the  use  of  a fairly  old  copy — dated 
A.H.  679  = A.D.  1280  — acquired  by  himself  and  by 
Mr.  Amedroz  from  the  Bombay  Professor,  Muhammad 
'Abbas,  which  nearly  reaches  back  to  the  autlior’s  period, 
for  he  died  a.h.  626  = A.D.  1229.  The  contents  of  this 
volume,  which  includes  ^ Aih  to 

JUJI  , are  in  no  way  inferior  to  what  has  gone  before. 
The  letter  'ain  yields  biographical  notices  of  the  highest 
importance,  which  Yaqut’s  literary  knowledge  raises  to 
the  level  of  actual  monographs.  Of  priceless  value  are 
the  notices  on  Ibn  'Asakir  (pp.  139-46),  on  Abu-bFaraj 
ablsfahani  (pp.  149-68),  which  gives  us  a close  insight 
into  the  character  and  into  the  internal  and  external 
circumstances  of  the  life  of  the  author  of  the  Aghlni,  the 
important  article  on  al-Kisah  (pp,  183-200),  and  on  Abu 
Hayyan  al-Tauludi  (pp.  380-407),  who,  as  we  learnt  from 
the  former  volumes,  was, a special  object  of  the  authors 
study,  and  from  whose  work  ^ were  probably 

taken  the  extracts  on  pp.  361-75,  which  give  so  clear 
a picture  of  the  intrigues  at  the  Buwaihid  Courts.  And 
here  for  the  first  time  appears,  on  pp.  208-19,  a prolific, 
but  hitherto  scarcely  known  author/ Ali  b.  Zaid  al-Baihaqi 


THE  mSHAD  AL-AlilB  ILA  MA'RIFAT  AL-ADIB  813 


(ob.  A.H.  565  = A.D.  1169-70),  a pupil  of  Maidani : the  titles 
of  his  works  cover  two  pages  and  a Iialf.  Yaqiit,  in  many 
passages  here,  makes  use  of  his  work,  the 
(quoted  also  voL  ii,  314,  1.  5),  from  winch  he  gives  us, 
too,  Baihaqi  s biography  of  himself,  and  wlxat  he  tells  us 
from  tills  work  about  the  vizier  al-Kunduri  (pp,  124  ff.) 
is  likewise  of  peculiar  interest. 

On  p,  409,  L penult.,  the  author’s  keen  insight  has 
detected  an  autograph — for  he  seizes  on  these,  as  we  know, 
with  avidity,  and  appeals  readily  to  their  authority — with 
the  view  of  including  a hitherto  unknown  Akhfash  among 
his  ''  learned  men  ”.  By  similar  means  he  got  knowledge 
(p.  315, 1.  8),  through  a copy  made  by  al-Sukkari,  of  a work 
by  al-Mada  ini,  unknown  to  tlie  author  of  the  Filivist, 
Nor  is  proof  needed  of  the  fact  that  the  notice  of  al- 
Qifti  (pp.  477-94),  to  whom  Yaqiit  w^as  under  so  great 
obligation,  is  of  very  special  importance. 

It  follows,  therefore,  that  the  volume  now  provided  for 
us  by  Professor  Margoliouth  has  again  proved  to  be 
a mine  of  information  on  the  history  of  literature  and 
of  manners,  and  to  him,  and  to  the  Trustees  of  the  Gibb 
Memorial,  we  owe  our  thanks. 

In  reviewing  the  previous  volumes  we  dealt  with 
Yaqut’s  sources,  but  we  are  now  relieved  of  this  task 
in  the  contident  hope  that  Dr.  G.  Bergstrasser  will  apply 
to  this  and  to  the  concluding  volumes  of  the  text  the 
same  thorougli  critical  treatment  of  the  works  used  by 
Yaqut  for  the  Irshdd  that  he  applied  to  the  first  three 
volumes  (ZDMG.,  vol.  Ixv,  pp.  798-811,  1911).  With 
regard  to  the  learned  family  al-JSfajumm  and  its  members 
(of.  also  tliis  volume,  at  p.  81,  h 4 a.f.,  and  ff.),  and  to 
Dr.  Bergstrasser’s  note  thereon,  p.  807,  n.  2,  we  would 
draw  attention  to  what  we  said  in  Melanges  Hart-wig 
Derenbourg,  Paris,  1909,  pp.  202-3.  The  Najirami  family 
had  received  ample  notice,  too,  from  Suyuti’s  Biighyat 
aUWiJb'dt,  probably  based  on  the  Irshdd: 


814 


KOTICES  DF  BOOKS 


Professor  Margolioiith  has  found  in  this  volume,  too, 
opportunities  for  the  exercise  of  his  critical  and  philological 
acuteness  in  improving  the  readings  of  his  MSS.  where 
required.  Their  readings  often  differ,  not  merely  as 
regards  passages  of  similar  import,  but  also  as  regards 
the  substance  of  the  biographical  notices  themselves. 
Where  this  happened  the  editor  put  the  two  versions 
side  by  side  and  supplemented  their  respective  deficiencies 
from  tlie  other.  The  trifling  emendations  which  we 
made  in  the  course  of  reading  the  text,  we  now  submit 
to  the  editor,  with  the  observation  that  these  do  not 
extend  to  the  abundant  and  very  wearisome  verses  by 
late  poets,  of  which  there  is  a large  quantity  given  in 
the  volume.  Here  and  there,  on  a cursory  perusal  of 
these,  we  came  upon  slight  irregularities  in  metre — 
p.  269,  1.  2,  in  the  second  hemistich,  and  p.  335,  1.  3, 
A large  part  of  the  following  remarks  concern  what  are 
presumably  mere  misprints 

PAGE  lilNE 

5 6 read  , i.e.  he  adhered  to  the 

of  Tabari  (Ibn  Jarir);  and  this  is  the  commonly 
used  epithet  of  Mii^afa  b.  Zakarlya,  cf.  W.Z.Iv.M., 
voL  ix,  p.  364,  n.  9 ; Bughjat  al-JFuat,  p,  394,  1.  15, 

li  A 1 ^ , )(J  1 ^ Ilf  — f)  « 

Li?  J • j J ^ J . 

A declared  follower  of  this  2[adh]wh  was  also  Ibralilm 
b.  Makhlad  al-Bakarhi,  ol,  a.h.  410  (cf.  Gibb 

, ,,,  Facsimile,  61^,  L 7,  d J.rss:uj 

^1,  and  Ahul-Mahashif  ed.  Popper,  126, 

L 12,  ^ ) ; 

whilst  Ahmad  b.  Kamil  b.  Khalaf,  Kadi  in  Kufa, 
oA  A.H.  266,  jj  Jo-l 

iUwiJ  . On  the  3[a(Wiah  Jarir i 

cf.  F.  Kernes  Introduction  to  his  edition  of  the  Ikhtllof 
al-Fukahdj  Cairo,  1902,  p.  15. 

9 4 a.f.  f road , Cf.  Damlri,  sub  voc. 


THE  IRSHAD  AL-ARIB  ILA  MA‘R1EAT  AL-ABIB  815 


PAGE  LINE 

ii,  330,  1 (ed.  Cairo,  1284), 

jkJi^  ^laLaJ^  L^a-^  ^3  o 

. Ib.,  367, 

on  tlie  explanation  of  dreams  : ^JSj  u-^LaJL 

11  5 read  as  in  my  edition  of  the  Kitah 

al - IIu  ammarln  {Ahliandl,  z.  Aral).  PMlologte^  ii), 
p.  41,  L 6. 

II  6 4-aLs^  , ib.,  p.  41,  1.  7,  u«iJL^‘  jJj  . 

II  7 ...  De  Goeje  proposed  . . . l3y&J. 

33  13  \ti\j  (in  place  of  which  the  editor  proposes  \L\j)  I take 

to  be  j a seller  of  slanghtered  beasts’  heads ; 
cf.  Z^5a?^,  vii,  394,  1.  3 a.f., 

JjJLJ  ; and  cf.  the  supposed  Eifa^i-Kntb 
Muhammad  al-rawwas  (Rev,  Monde  musuhnan,  vi,  459  ; 
not  ‘‘berger ”). 

56  12  The  gap  should  be  filled  thus:  , 

d..  Mtiammarun,  34,  1.  4. 

65  8 Jh^j  , read  . 

67  ult.  The  reading requires  no  alteration.  The  meaning 
is  : if  the  reader  be  convinced  that  the  ^Alldn  of  the 
anecdote  is  identical  with  ‘Allan  al-ShuVibi,  he  may 
insert  this  Lakab  in  the  text. 

71  5 , read  cLyi  . 

7 1 6 i I’ead  • 

8 1 8 t JiJl  , read,  perhaps,  t J3J1  , i.e.  the  remains 

of  the  (food  of  the)  wolf. 

81  ult.  should  be  1 to  accord  with  the  title; 

and  cf.  p.  82,  1.  4. 

85  ult.  llA  makes  correct  sense,  as  meaning  “estrangement 
102  7 a.f.  the  proposed  emendation  : is  too  remote 

from  the  text,  more  probably  . 

8 CJ^  f read  Jaj&  . , 


106 


816 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


PAGE  LINE 

148  11  slioiild  be  retained.  It  is  tiiiis  in  Prairies  (Par, 

ed.  Paris,  iii,  133:  Insight  has  disclosed  to  its 

(Babylon^s)  inhabitants  the  wisdom  of  things,”  althoiigli 
for  one  would  expect  to  find  . 

148  3 a.f.  , read,  as  ed.  Paris,  loc.  cit., 

* one  of  whose  requirements  is 
separation,”  in  conjunction  with  the  foregoing 


203 

1 

tO  1 < , 

'Cad 

214 

8 

222 

11 

> » 

. Cf.  vol 

. i,  90 

L 

2,  and  vol.  iii, 

i,  23, 1. 

13,  and  also  vi 

198, 

1.  6 

a.f., 

J^yij  ; 

Ibn 

.Khallikan,  Ko. 

666, 

sub 

Aha  Behr  k 

Iu(rei  a, 

cu  ijiJl  ; and  Jephet 

b. 

*xili  translates 

Prov.  i. 

J . 

Jb  • 

228 

5 

a.f.  ; the  title  of  the 

work 

is 

.J'x' 

(cf.  Goft.  Gel 

Aiiz.,  1899,  p.  -169,  1. 

15 

« 

236 

4 

^.Ur-  , 

read 

274 

7 

274  penult. 

1 

I/A.. 

284 

3 

Eead  .-1. 

■ ■ 

>[1.3 

i 

288 

3 

, read 

* 

381 

ult. 

4.wjUUj^ 

, readX*M-»Liui\ , i.e.  the  philo 

sophic  discussions 

by  tlie  circle 

of  Abu  Suleiman 

antiki,  aceessihh^ 

in  a Bombay  lithograph. 

389 

11 

<La^, 

read 

403  penult, 

tt 

e^\- 

430 

5 

j ‘ 

yi 

3>-i. 

435 

4 a.f.  , 

■ " ■ UJ?"  ■ 

if:  ■; 

436 

9 

?» 

441 

1 

■ 'M  :■ 

441 

5 

te-ij 

it 

perhaps,  J 

, 

ABAMA]SCHE  PAPYRUS  UNB  OSTHAKA 


817 


PAGE  LINE 

458  9 Eead  . 

474  10  , read  > 

480  12  . 

Presenting  as  we  do,  and  in  entire  accord  Avitli  our  fellow - 
workers,  our  renewed  thanks  to  Professor  Margoliouth  for 
the  progress  he  is  making  with  his  useful  undertaking, 
one  wish  may  be  expressed,  viz,  that  he  be  somewhat 
less  sparing  in  adding  diacritical  marks,  more  especially 
so  as  to  fix  the  form  of  proper  names,  e.g,  P-  287, 
1.  5 a.f.,  and  furthermore  so  as  to  indicate  grainmatical 
forms,  e.g,  p.  220,  1,  1 fib  and  in  the  case  of  the  more 
difficult  verse  citations.  In  many  a case  vocalization  is 
the  aptest  form  of  commentary,  and  the  best  aid  to 
the  understanding  of  a text  which,  in  a framework  of 
consonants  alone,  often  presents  veiy  great  difficulty. 

I.  Goldziher. 


Aramaische  Papyrus  und  Ostraka  aus  einer  jUdischen 
Mihtar-Kolonie  zu  Elephantine.  Altorientalische 
Sprachdenkmaler  des  5.  Jahrhunderts  von  Chr., 
bearbeitet  von  Eduard  Sachau.  pp.  xxix  und  290, 
mit  75  Lichtdrucktafeln  fob  Leipzig : Hinrichs,  1911. 

This  is  a work  of  the  first  magnitude,  and  although  it 
only  saw  the  light  a few  months  ago  it  has  already  called 
forth  a number  of  books  and  articles,  and  will  provide 
material  for  theological,  historical,  and  linguistic  studies 
for  some  time  to  come.  The  sensation  caused  by  the 
publication  of  the  Assuan  papyri  several  years  ago  lias 
been  eclipsed  by  these  new  finds.  Thej^  do  not  consist 
exclusively  of  legal  documents  of  a private  character,  but 
include  a number  of  state  papers  of  great  liistorical 
interest,  and  give  the  reader  an  insight  into  a peculiar 
•civilization  built  up  in  a remote  corner  of  the  ancient 
Egyptian  empire.  They  further  include  private  letters, 


818 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


business  papers,  lists  of  names,  fragments  of  an  Aramaic 
version  of  the  Aliikar  romance  and  of  anotlier  tale,  also 
fragments  of  the  famous  Darius  inscription  of  Behistun, 
and  finally  smaller  ones,  ostraka  and  a number  of  jars  with 
PluBuician  inscriptions — altogether  nearly  a hundred  items. 

Amidst  tlie  general  joy  of  this  discovery  a sound  of 
discord  was  heard,  voicing  a suspicion  of  forgery. 
Professor  D.  S.  Margoliouth,  in  a learned  article,^  cast 
doubt  oil  the  authenticity  of  the  most  important 
documents,  but  the  worst  he  could  say  was  that  the  first 
pap3n*us  ‘'looked  in  facsimile  as  if  it  had  been  written 
very  recently  We  must  confess  that  liis  argument  that 
“ according  to  the  x4.rabs  tlie  practice  of  keeping  copies  of 
state  documents  commenced  with  the  Caliph  llu'awia  in 
the  seventh  century  A.D.,  and  a begging  letter  is  not 
a state  document,  and  we  should  still  less  expect  a copj?" 
of  it  to  be  kept'',  is  weak  indeed.  It  is  difficult  to  see 
how  tlie  Arabs  prior  to  Mu'awiya  coxdd  have  kept  copies 
of  state  documents.  The  Elephantine  document  in  question 
is  not  a begging  letter,  but  the  petition  of  a political  body 
for  protection.  Besides,  not  one  cop\^  was  kept,  but  two, 
a.nd  the  slight  difierences  betw'een  tliem  show  clearlj^^  that 
they  were  draught  copies.  Professor  Margolioutli  remarks 
that  " the  German  expedition  appears  to  have  gone  for  the 
purpose  of  discovering  Aramaic  documents  belonging  to 
tlie  old  Jewish  colony  Can  we  assume  that  this  was  done 
in  anj^  but  a strictly  circumspect  and  scientific  manner  ? 
The  onlj’’  motive  for  a forgery  (viz.  to  make  mouev’')  seems 
to  be  entirel}"  absent.  The  alleged  Armenian,  English, 
German,  and  Turkish  words  occurring  in  the  texts  cannot 
be  taken  seriously,  and  we  can  but  inlly  agree  with 
Professor  Margoliouth's  admission  that  “ he  cannot 
pronounce  decidedly  on  a subject  which  involves  so  much 

^ The  Expositor^  January,  1912,  pp.  dOsqq.,  but  see  Mr,  St.  A.  Gook\s 
article  in  the  March  number  of  the  same  journal ; Exponitoi'y  Tlmm^ 
March,  1912,  p.  235. 


ARAMAIsSCHE  PAPYRUS  UNB  OSTRAKA  819 

varied  knowledge”.  Even  if  one  or  two  of  the  smaller 
fragments  and  osti*aka  were  not  genuine,  there  would  still 
be  enough  and  to  spare  for  serious  consideration. 

The  situation  presented  to  the  reader  in  tlie  two  opening 
documents  is  one  which  surpasses  the  boldest  imagination 
of  a writer  of  fiction.  Tliey  consist  of  a dispatch  by  the 
leaders  and  priests  of  the  Jewish  community  o£  Jeb  to 
Bagoas,  the  Persian  governor  of  Judaea,  asking  permission 
to  rebuild  the  temple  of  Jaho  which  had  been  destroyed 
by  the  governor  Weiderang  at  the  instance  of  the  priests 
of  the  Egyptian  deity  Hnub.  Now  whilst  in  these 
documents  the  strictest  monotheism  is  observed,  in  others, 
viz.  ^ pap.  5,  1.  1 ; 6,  1.  2 ; 12,  1.  1,  etc.,  we  find  the  plural 
N'nbK.  This  may  be  but  a literal  translation  of  Hebrew 
although  this  is  not  certain.  More  serious  is  the 
list  of  names  in  the  last  column  of  pap.  18,  wdiere  we  find 
the  names  of  two  other  deities,  viz.  Ishumbethel  and 
Anathbethel.  A third  deity,  explicitly  described  as  such, 
is  mentioned  in  pap.  27,  11.  7-8,  viz.  HRMbetliel,  tlie 
god”.  In  view  of  this  evidence  one  can  only  agree  witli 
Professor  Sachau’s  observations  that  the  military  colony 
of  Eleplurntine,  besides  Jaho,^  also  worshipped  these  three 
minor  deities,  although  it  does  not  appear  that  they  liad 
any  shrines  dedicated  to  them.  The  composition  of  these 
names  with  Bethel  renders  the  assumption  probable  that 
at  least  a reminiscence  of  the  calf -worship  of  Bethel  had 
been  transplanted  to  Egypt;  by  whom  is,  of  course, 
unknown.  Professor  Sachau  rightly  suggests  that  this 
was  done  by  the  Judaic  fugitives  who  carried  the  prophet 
Jeremiah  along  with  them.  Their  persistent  idolatry  is 
sufficiently  testified  to  by  the  censures  and  threats  con- 
tained in  Jeremiah  xliv.  More  evidence  is  found  in  the 

^ The  worship  of  Jaho  alone,  unsupported  by  other  evidence,  would  be 
no  absolute  proof  of  monotheism.  The  name  occurs  in  old  Semitic 
characters  on  a coin  from  Gaza,  recently  shown  by  Mr.  O.  F.  Hill  in 
a paper  on  “Some  Palestinian  Cults  in  the  GrjBco-Roman  Age  ” read 
before  the  British  Academy,  and  shortly  to  be  published. 


820  XOTICES  OF  BOOKS 

fact  that  (as  we  gather  from  the  complaint  made  in  line  19 
of  the  first  letter)  a petition  sent  to  the  High  Priest  in 
Jerusalem  remained  unanswered.  This  looks  as  if  tlie 
temple  authorities  did  not  wish  to  have  anything  to  do 
with  their  brethren  in  Elephantine,  and  considered  their 
temple  as  well  as  their  priests  illegal.  What  makes  the 
situation  still  more  complicated  is  the  circumstance  that 
side  by  side  with  these  polytheistic  leanings  the 
Elephantine  Jews  not  only  observed  the  laws  of 
the  Passah,  but  actually  did  so  in  a form  which  savours 
of  Rabbinic  interpretation.  For  pap.  6 gives  what  appears 
to  be  a standing  order,  enacting  the  celebration  of  the 
feast  with  an  addition  which  is  not  contained  in  tlie 
regulations  of  the  Pentateuch,  but  only  in  the  Mislinah. 
Moreover,  in  pap.  1,  1.  20  the  mourning  of  the  people 
for  the  destruction  of  their  sanctuary  is  described  in 
terms  which  the  Rabbinic  practice  prescribed  for  the  Day 
of  Atonement  and  for  the  amiiversary  of  tlie  destruction  of 
the  Temple  in  Jerusalem,  viz.  abstention  from  food,  drink 
(‘'wine,’'  1.  21),  anointing,  and  conjugal  intercourse.  All 
this  does  not  look  as  if  it  could  have  been  invented. 
The  industry,  ingenuity,  and  learning  displayed  in 
Professor  Sachau’s  general  and  detailed  researches  in 
connexion  with  the  papyri  deserve  the  highest  admiration. 
Professor  Sacliau  is  somewhat  shocked  at  the  cringing 
form  of  greeting  in  the  opening  lines,  viz.  that  God  should 
inquire  into  the  well-being  of  the  king  s lieutenant : but 
it  is  scarcely  stronger  than  Al\  and  tlie 

words  here  as  well  as  in  other  letters  (e.g. 

pap.  12,  1.  1)  probably  mean  nothing  more  than  may  he 
greet”.  As  to  (k  5),  we  may  perhaps  think  of 

and  translate  "plottingly  ”,  The  word  ^**07  has  raised 
some  controversy.  Professor  Sachau  rightly  rejects  the 
translation  delator,  and  only  accepts  tlie  other  one, 
veriailnscht,  with  a sign  of  interrogation.  I cannot 
iinagine  that  the  writers  of  an  official  document  would 


AKAMAISCHE  PAPYRUS  UND  OSTRAKA 


821 


have  indulged  in  abusive  termsd  The  word  may  be 
a denominativum  of  ^nh  “jaw-bone and  nothing  but  a 
physical  characteristic  of  the  person  in  question,  viz.  the 
man  with  the  (large)  jaw^-bone.  It  should  be  noted  that 
in  the  papyrus  Euting  A,  1.  4 the  wwd  is  missing. 

As  to  the  five  gates  of  the  temple  (1. 10),  Professor  Sachau 
(pp.  xvi  and  15)  reasons  that  Egyptian  temples  only  had 
one  entrance,  but  has  nothing  better  to  suggest  than  that, 
at  the  time  the  temple  was  built,  the  garrison  consisted 
of  five  companies  only.  I believe  that  the  five  gates  can  be 
found  in  the  following : one  principal  gate  leading  from 
the  street  into  a court;  then  there  was  one  entrance  for 
the  priests,  one  for  the  women,  one  for  the  officers,  and  the 
fifth  for  the  common  soldiers  and  servants.  As  to  ji!S''p 
(the  same  line),  Sachau  accepts  Barth’s  correction  of  an 
alleged  mistake  into  PP  “ wooden  This,  however, 
should  have  been  (f*.f-  Why  ahnnld  f.hft 

material  of  the  doors  be  mentioned  if  they  were  made  of 
ordinary  w'ood,  and  why  not,  then,  |py  as  in  the  following 
line?  A mistake  on  the  part  of  the  writer  is  out  of 
the  question ; as  the  word  occurs  again  in  papyrus  2, 
I therefore  suggest  reading  P!P- 

Line  16,  Professor  Sachau  translates:  “ welch er  [viz.  the 
' Lord  of  heaven  ’ of  1. 15]  uns  mit  Bezug  auf  den  genannten 
hundischen  (?)  Waiderang  kund  tat,  was  folgt:  Man  wird 
die  Kette  von  seinen  Ftissen  entfernt  haben,”  etc.,  taking 
the  following  sentence  as  a divine  oracle.  I would  suggest 
that  the  line  begins  a new  sentence,  viz. : “ (Eegarding) 
wdiat  ^Ye  have  mentioned  about  W.,”  etc.  I have  the  same 
objection  to  taking  as  an -^abusive  term  as  above 

and  propose  to  read  “ kennel-men  ” (cf.  Uxlo 

and  We  find  the  same  expi*ession  in  a Phoenician 

inscription  from  Cyprus  (CIS.,  86  B,  1.  10), 
which  does  not  mean  “dogs”  but  “ dog -keepers  ”.  It 

^ In  pap.  12, 1.  3 he  is  styled  • 


822 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


should  be  noted  tliat  only  gods  and  Iniinan  beings'^  are 
mentioned  in  this  inscription.  The  situation  in  our  text  is 
possibly  the  following : -whilst  those  who  had  carried  out 
the  destruction  of  the  temple  were  put  to  deatli  (1.  17), 
Waiderang  was  handed  over  to  the  keepers  of  the 
(temple  ?)  dogs,  who  killed  him  and  destined  all  his 
property.  The  execution  seems  to  have  been  accompanied 
by  great  cruelty,  probably  alluded  to  in 
Professor  Sachau’s  suggestion  (1.  17,  footnote)  that  he  was 
put  to  deatli  and  the  chains  were  subsequently  removed 
from  his  feet,  his  corpse  ])eing  cast  away,  seems  to  l.)e  most 
plausible.  He  was  probably  given  over  to  the  dog-keepers 
to  be  devoured  by  their  dogs  (cf.  1 Kings  xiv,  1 1 : xvi,  4 ; 
xxi,  23-4;  2 Kings  ix,  10,  36). 

It  is,  of  course,  impossible  to  discuss  every  item  of  the 
work  here,  as  the  majority  of  topics  are  subjects  of  study 
rather  than  of  settled  views.  On  se\'eral  of  them  there 
already  exists  a small  literature;  this  is  the  case  with 
papyrus  6,  alluded  to  above.  From  the  passage  (1.  5) 
'‘And  from  the  15tli  to  the  21st  (of  Nisan)  ” we  inust 
infer  that  Exodus  xii,  IS  was  known  at  that  time  even  in 
Elephantine.  Now  this  contradicts  the  current  view  of  tlie 
post-Exilie  origin  of  P (to  which  this  passage  is  counted). 
In  order  to  escape  the  difficulty  Professor  Sachau  assumes 
that  the  military  colony  in  Elephantine  did  not,  prior  to 
this  document,  know  anything  of  the  Passah  feast,  or 
f neglected  to  celebrate  it.  Tlie  latter  opinion  is  undoubtedly 

the  correct  one.  Tlie  Rabbinic  element  contained  in  the 
royal  decree,  relating  to  the  prohibition  of  certain  bevera,ges, 
clearly  points  to  a much  greater  age  of  the  law  in  question. 
Had  this  been  a new  enactment,  the  document  would,  of 
necessity,  have  given  all  the  details  required  for  the  proper 
celebration  of  the  feast,  whilst  for  a practice  familiar  to 
everybody,  but  likely  to  be  overlooked  on  account  of 

^ But  not  in  tbe  sense  of  ‘‘dogs’’  as  “ humble  slav'es  of  the  gods”,  as 
Cooke  (Te.vt  Book  of  Bforth  Btmitic  Irmriptiom,  p.  08)  suggests. 


ARAMAISCHE  PAPYRUS  UNU  OSTRAKA  823 

ignorance  or  carelessness,  this  brief  reminder  was  sufEcient. 
That  the  feast  was  familiarly  known  can  be  seen  from 
an  Elephantine  ostrakon,  published  by  Professor  Sayce 
in  PSBA.,  November,  1911,  in  which  occurs  the  Avords 
KHDS  “ she  (?)  shall  prepare  the  Passah  ”,  It  is 

thus  clear  that  the  last  word  on  this  question  has  not 
yet  been  spoken.  A lively  controversy  on  its  bearing  on 
Pentateuch  criticism  has  already  begun,  and  is  likely  to 
Imve  important  consequences. 

The  word  (papyrus  11,  L 8),  left  unexplained  by 
Professor  Sachau,  is  intei’preted  by  Professor  Barth  as 
meaning ''  weigh  ye  which  is  not  very  plausible.  I should 
suggest  to  take  the  word  as  Pa'el  and  translate  ''render 
cheap in  the  sense  of  " sell  cheaply  (goods  from  our- 
houses)”.  A similar  meaning  is  perhaps  to  be  given  to 
w in  line  7 of  the  ostrakon  just  mentioned,  viz.  “ Hosliaiah 
has  rendered  valueless  instead  of  " undervalued  ” (Siiyce).^ 

Of  great  interest  are  the  lists  of  names,  the  A^ast  majority 
of  which  are  Hebrew.  Many  of  these  names  do  not  occur 
in  the  O.T,  A strange  contrast  appears  in  papyrus  23, 
all  the  fourteen  names  of  which  are  neither  HebreAv  nor 
Aramaic.  As  several  of  them  are  Persian,  it  is  possible 
that  the  names  are  those  of  officers. 

A remarkable  fragment  is  papyrus  42,  which  contains 
two  lines  without  the  Avord-di  visions,  other Avise  consistently 
observed  in  the  other  documents.  Professor  Sachau  leaves 
it  undecided  whether  the  text  is  Plebrew  or  Aramaic,  but 
both  his  attempts  at  translating  it  are  unconvincing.  The 
fragment  seems  to  be  a Hebrew  amulet.  As  several  Av^ords 

^ The  word  np  (I,  2)  has  been  left  unexplained  by  Professor  Sayce. 
It  can  only  be  The  imperative  Pe'al  of  ''to  puncture  ” (but not  to 

cut”  as  Dr.  Daiches  suggests  in  PSBA.,  January,  1912),  and  probabh' 
refers  to  the  practice  of  pricking  small  holes  in  the  flattened  dough 
of  the  “ bread  ” mentioned  in  the  same  line.  If  this  be  so,  the  first  two 
lines  relate  to  the  preparation  of  the  ma^sOth.  The  custom  of  pricking 
holes  in  the  dough  is  still  observed,  in  order  to  allow  the  heat  of  the 
oven  to  penetrate  the  dough  as  rapidly  as  possible  and  to  bake  it  before 
it  has  time  to  become  leavened. 


JEAS.  1912. 


53 


824 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


are  missing  on  the  right,  a full  translation  is  out  of  the 
question.  Perhaps  it  runs  as  follows : — 

b . . . 

DiS'  b:b  'iJ±>^  . . . 

. the  God  of  the  Universe  may  make  thee  well,  may 
He  make  well  (or  i^epay) 

thy  well-being,  to  all,  may  He  redeem  and  repaj'  (?).” 

A large  field  of  research  has  been  opened  up  bj^^  the 
fragments  of  the  Ahikar  romance.  They  bring,  in  tlie  first 
instance,  tlie  question  of  the  origin  of  this  remarkable 
piece  of  ancient  Oriental  literature  somewhat  nearer  its 
solution.  They  further  show  that  this  romance  is  much 
older  than  has  hitherto  been  held,  and  clearly  illustrate 
that  critical  ardour  can  err  in  post-dating  as  well  as  in 
antedating  ancient  documents. 

Ainono;  the  latest  and  most  incisive  writers  on  the 
Ahikar  romance  is  Professor  E.  Smend.^  He  agrees  with 
Dr.  R.  Harris  and  J.  Halevy  that  it  was  a Jewish  book 
composed  about  200  B.c.  As  the  papyri  date  from  the 
fifth  century,  we  must  antedate  the  book  for  more  than 
another  200  years.  Although  not  maintaining  the 
thoroughly  Jewish  character,  Smend  denies  its  pagan 
origin  upheld  by  other  authors,  but  finds  much  Jewisli,  or 
at  least  Semitic,  influence  in  it.  The  question  now  is 
whether  the  evidence  to  be  found  in  the  Judmo-Aramaic 
version  of  the  papyri  would  corroborate  its  Jewish  origin. 
Such  evidence  is  not  forthcoming ; at  anj^^  rate  this  text 
is  not  the  original,  but  a translation,  and  it  is  improl)al:}le 
that  any  member  of  the  military  colony  in  Jeb  was 
responsible  for  the  translation.  The  parallel  offered  by 
the  Aramaic  version  of  the  Behistun  inscription  might 
aid  in  the  formation  of  a theory.  As  the  latter 
translation  was  obviously  made  on  beluilf  of  the  Persian 
government,  it  may  be  , argued  that  the  Aramaic  Ahikar 

^ '‘Alter -and  Herkuiift  dea  AcMkar-Ronians  und  sein  Verhaitxiiss  m 
Aesop,”  p.  116  (Beihefte  zur  ZAW.  xili). 


AKAMAISCHE  PAPYRUS  UNJD  OSTRAKA 


825 


was  likewise  sent  down  to  Jeb  as  a moral  guide  and 
educational  reading-book.  The  question  o£  the  real  original 
tlius  remains  untouched,  but  here  Professor  Sachau’s 
(p.  147)  cautious  suggestions  in  connexion  with  the  stele 
of  Ahikar  seem  to  come  very  near  the  truth.  In  the 
meanwhile  several  interesting  articles  on  the  exegesis  of 
the  didactic  part  of  Ahikar  have  been  published  in  the 
Orientalistische  Literctturzeitimg  (November,  1911,  to 
February,  1912). 

Professor  Sachau  leaves  it  unmentioned  that  the  ostrakon 
table  65,  3 is  identical  with  CIS.  ii,  137.  The  doubtful 
appearance  of  several  letters  accounts  for  the  discrepancies  ^ 
in  tlie  two  explanations.  Thus  the  first  sign  in  A,  1.  2 is 
read  by  Sachau  as  the  cipher  for  3,  whilst  CIS.  reads  it 
as  1.  To  judge  from  the  facsiinile  the  sign  in  question 
looks  like  the  relic  of  an  K which  may  therefore  belong 
tojihn  of  the  previous  line,  giving  the  word  dream”. 

In  line  2 pVCIS.  is  more  probable  than  Sachau  jibn.  On 
the  other  hand,  Sachau’s  lil  (1.  6)  seems  to  be  preferable 
to  CIS.  'm‘70.  In  B,  Sachau's  does  not  seem  so 

good  as  CIS.  although  nothing  definite  can  be  said 

on  this  point. 

Not  of  tlie  same  importance  as  the  papyri,  yet  interesting 
enough  are  the  jar  inscriptions  with  Phoenician  names. 

It  is  not  likely  that  the  military  colony  in  Elephantine 
manufactured  its  own  pottery,  but  probably  bought  it 
from  Phrenician  makers.  The  name  Epha 

maker”  on  one  of  the  jars  is  sufficient  evidence  of  this. 
Another  interesting  fact  is  that  several  of  the  names  in 
the  lists  mentioned  before  also  occur  in  the  latest  instalment 
of  the  inscriptions  from  Carthage  published  in  the  CIS.^ 

The  grammatical  sketch  appended  to  the  woi*k  is  of 
particular  value,  and  fully  brings  out  the  impox'tance  of  the 
papyri  for  the  study  of  the  development  of  the  Aramaic 
language  through  its  various  stages.  They  have  preserved 
^ No.  2,760,  see  p.  628  of  this  Journal. 


826 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


several  arcliaisms  which  are  no  longer  visible  in  the  Aramaic 
portions  of  Daniel  and  Ezra,  and  thus  hold  the  mean 
between  these  and  the  dialect  of  the  Zenjirli  inscriptions. 
One  must,  however,  be  on  the  guard  against  liasty 
conclusions,  as  it  is  likely  that  the  dialect  of  an  isolated 
colony  in  a remote  corner  of  a country  of  different  speed  i. 
developed  much  more  slowly  than  in  Western  Asia.  An 
intercvsting  parallel  is  to  be  found  in  the  Espagnol  of  the 
Jews  in  modern  Turkey,  which  shows  archaisms  that 
have  long  disappeared  from  present-day  Spanisli.  Tlie 
grammatical  difficulties  of  the  dialect  of  the  papyri  are,  of 
course,  greatly  enhanced  by  the  absence  of  any  Ahisoretic 
help.  Interesting  is  the  disappearance  of  K within  tlio 
word,  as  in  r\'2T\}  for  mnXA  and  similarly  to  this  we  may 
regard  the  loss  of  y at  tlie  end,  the  names  and 
probably  being  identical.  As  to  the  use  of  '’T  at  the 
beginning  of  a sentence,  cf.  |n  n,  Daniel  ii,  9. 

These  rtipid  notes  are  not  meant  to  give  an  adequate 
idea  of  the  fullness  of  the  volume.  It  will  require  tlie 
combined  study  of  various  specialists  to  cope  with,  the 
historical,  literary,  and  linguistic  material  it  provides. 
The  scientific  excellence  of  the  transcription  and  the  notes 


is  accompanied  by  splendid  facsimiles.  The  publishers 
deserve  special  praise  for  the  way  in  which  the  work  has 
been  produced. 

H.  Hiiischfeld. 


Selected  Babylonian  Kuduero  Inscriftions.  By 
W.  J.  Hinke,  Ph.D.i  Professor  of  Semitic  Languages 
in  Auburn  Theological  Seminary.  (Semitic  Study 
Series,  edited  by  R.  J.  H.  Gottheil  and  Morris 
Jastrow,  jum,  Na  XIW)  S|x8  inches.  Leiden: 
late  E.  J.  Brill,  1911. 

Combining,  as  they  ■ do,  manners  and  customs,  legal 
forms,  religion,  superitiMonAand  the  art  of  the  Kassite 

period  in  Babylonia,;:  or  boundary-stones 

- A A; '''y’ ■ 


BABYLONIAN  KUDUEBU  INSCKIPTION^ 


827 


offer  nunieroxis  points  of  interest  which  other  Babylonian 
antiquities  lack.  The  book  is  therefore  a much  less 
uninteresting  production  than  it  would  seem  to  be  at 
first  glance.  Originally  grants  of  land  to  officials, 
fugitives,  and  temples,  in  the  second  Isin  dynasty  they 
include  private  transfers  of  property. 

Tlie  texts  given  are  eight  in  number,  and,  with  one 
exception,  have  all  been  published  before.  The  special 
merit  of  this  publication  is,  that  all,  with  one  exception, 
have  been  collated  with  the  originals,  and  the  vocabulary 
which  is  to  enable  the  student  to  translate  them  is  greatly 
improved.  The  texts  themselves  occupy  40  pages,  the 
sign-list  takes  up  12,  and  the  remainder,  38  pages,  is 
devoted  to  the  glossary.  An  introduction  of  five  short 
pages  gives  all  that  the  beginner  needs  to  know  before 
attacking  the  texts  themselves. 

The  first  text,  whicli  is  a good  example  of  inscriptions 
of  this  class,  is  a grant  of  land  by  the  Kassite  king 
jSTazi-Maruttas  to  the  god  Merodach.  This  seems  to  have 
included  the  city  Mar-ukni,  with  four  other  cities.  The 


fields  belonged  to  the  city  of  Risnu  on  the  great  Suri 
River,  Tiriqan  on  the  Daban  River,  in  the  province  of 
Sin-magir;  the  cities  Sasai  and  Dur-&rri  on  the  Daban 
River,  in  the  province  of  the  city  Dur-Pap-sukal ; the  city 
Pilari  on  the  River  ^arru  {Nalir  Malka),  in  the  province 
of  Hudadi  (i^ead  by  Scheil  and  others  Bagdadi) ; the  city 
Dur-Nergal  on  the  Migati  River,  in  the  province  of  Meslias ; 
the  city  Dur-Samas-ila-ibni  on  the  Sumuntar  River,  in  the 
province  of  Bit-Sin-MarMu ; the  city  KarS  on  the  ^arru 
River  {Nalir  Malka),  in  the  province  of  Upi  (Opis).  All 
these  extensive  possessions  were  secured  by  this  land- 
grant;  and  the  gods  whose  names  are  recorded,  whose 
emblems  are  shown,  and  whose  seats  are  indicated  thereon, 
are  invoked  to  curse  any  who  should  have  the  boldness 
to  diminish  them.  Among  these  last  are  ''the  seat  and 
the  tiara  (?)  of  Anu,  king  of  the  heavens;  the  girgihi, 


828 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


messenger  of  Enlil,  lord  of  the  lands  (or  of  the  luoiintaiiis) ; 
the  great  sanctuary  (?  or  sacred  emblem,  dHrfu)  ol  Ea’'*  ; 
“the  crescent,  basket,  ship  of  Sin”  (the  moon-god):  “ the 
brilliant  torch  of  Istar,  lady  of  the  lands;  the  mighty 
steer  of  Adda  (Hadad),  son  of  Ann,”  etc.  It  is  a pity  that 
tlie  reliefs  on  these  boundary-stones  could  not  be  included 
in  tlie  book — they  would  have  added  greatly  to  its  \Ti.lue, 
especially  if  accompanied  by  notes  by  such  a specialist 
therein  as  Professor  Hinke.^  With  regard  to  tlie  ginjllit 
of  Enlil,  he  notes  Hommers  suggestion  that  tliis  is  the 
cock,  the  word  for  whicli  others  say  (comparing  for 

is  tarhigallu,  tliough,  as  I liave  shown  (JRAS., 
1911,  p.  1150),  this  bird  seems  to  have  been  called 
bibmakhiL-  The  first  syllable  of  ghyilu  apparently 
contains  the  Sumerian  word  gh\  “ foot  ” ; the  Semitic 
equivalents  are  maku  {zaahii)  and  draha,  tlie  latter  being 
also  called  'Umr  mS,  “ water-bird  ” (JRAS.,  1911 , p.  1061). 
Perhaps  the  sea-gull  is  intended — indeed,  this  bird  seems 
to  occur  on  two  cylinder-seals,  one  in  the  British  ^luseum, 
and  the  other  belonging  to  Mr.  J.  OHbrd,  published  in 
the  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Arclneolog}^ 
November,  1911,  pi.  xl  (see  my  notes  thereon,  p.  215,  1.  5 
from  below).  The  Talmud  agrees  with  tlie  Babylonian 
inscriptions  in  stating  that  the  cock  wan  sacred  to  Kergal, 
god  of  war  (cf.  JRAS,,  1911,  p.  1042). 

Besides  the  sign-list  and  the  word-list,  one  would  have* 
liked  to  sec  an  index  of  names,  transcriptions  of  which,  in 
certain  cases,  would  have  been  of  special  use  in  a l)ook 
intended  for  students.  It  is  an  excellent  production, 
however,  for  those  who  are  advanced  enougli,  and  is 
written  by  a thoinughly  competent  Assyriologist, 

T.  G.  Pinches. 

^ See  his  ^ew  Boundarp  Stoim  of  N'ehuchadHezzar  (Bab.  Exp.  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania,,, swies/P,  rob  iv), 

- Most  birds  had  more  than  one  name  in  Babylonian. 


NOUVELLES  FOUILLES  DE  TELLO 


821) 


Nouvelles  Fouilles  be  Tello,  par  ie  Commandant 
Gastox  Cros,  publiees  avec  le  concours  de  L:i^ox 
Heuzey,  Directeur  Honoraire  des  Musees  ISTationaux, 
et  F.  Thureau-Dangin,  Conservateur  Adjoint  des 
Musees  Nationaiix.  Deuxieme  livraison.  Paris  : 
Ernest  Leroux,  1911. 

This  important  publication,  which  continues  that  noticed 
in  the  Journal  of  the  R.A.S.  for  1911,  pp.  1182  ff., 
consists  of  pp.  105-222,  with  numerous  inscriptions,  figures 
in  tlie  text,  and  five  heliogravure  plates.  It  goes  on  to 
describe  the  reservoir-quarter  (region  des  bassins)  of 
Lagas,  and  has  pictures  of  two  such  receptacles,  one  with 
sloping  bottom  (pentes  convergentes),  paved,  and  the  other 
with  asphalted  bottom  (reduit  bitume).  Among  the 
objects  found  in  tins  portion  of  the  excavations  may  be 
mentioned  two  gore-shaped  flakes  of  mother-of-pearl, 
engraved  with  the  following  designs : a man  struggling 
with  a roebuck,  a horned  and  whiskered  human  head  (of 
a man-headed  bull),  a lion-headed  eagle  holding  with  its 
claws  the  heads  of  two  serpents  rising  from  the  upper  part 
of  a disc,  and  an  ibex  rising  against  a bush  to  eat  a bud. 
These  flakes  formed  the  sides  of  a sword-hilt. 

Exceedingly  interesting,  also,  is  the  description  of  the 
Necropolis  on  Tell  H.  One  of  the  first  things  found  was 
a well-built  funerary  enclosure  (“  de  beaux  murs  en 
briques  ”)  of  rectangular  form.  The  corners  are  described 
as  being  properly  oriented,  and  in  that  of  the  west  were 
three  platforms,  arranged  like  broad  steps,  whereon,  it  is 
supposed,  the  bodies  were  prepared  for  burial,  and  rites 
performed.  To  the  north  of  this  is  a brick  tomb,  and  also 
other  details,  the  nature  of  which  Commandant  Oros 
cannot  indicate.  Numerous  other  burial-places  were  found 
in  tliis  mound,  and  the  various  forms  of  the  receptacles 
are  interesting.  Space  fails  here  to  give  an  adequate 
notice  of  them,  or  of  the  objects  disinterred  on  the  site. 


830 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


M,  Thiireau-Dangin  gives  ixs  nr<xiiy  new  inscriptions, 
among  which  may  be  mentioned  that  of  a new  king 
named  Sumn-ilu,  cut  on  a remarkable  statuette  of  a dog. 
As  Sumu-ilu’s  date  is  about  2100  B.a,  this  is  almost  the 
oldest  representation  of  a dog  knoAvn.  M.  Heuzey  con- 
tributes a description  of  it  from  an  antiquarian  point  of 
view.  Another  interesting  text  is  a hymn  to  the  goddess 
Nisaba  (Ceres).  Several  pre-Sargonic  account-tablets 
follow,  and  are  succeeded  by  inscriptions  from  tablets 
belonging  to  the  ends  of  the  dynasties  of  Agade  and  IJr. 
Certain  letters  and  contracts  of  the  first  dynasty  of 
Babylon  show  that  the  authority  of  that  city  was 
acknoAvledged  at  Lagas  about  this  period.  Tim  first  of 
the  series,  which  was  apparently  written  a little  before 
this  period,  is  unusual 

“ . . . By  the  hands  of  my  Son  I raise  not  my  head^i 
lienceforth  shall  I not  be  satisfied  Avitli  food,  my  best 
clothes  I have  not  (upon  me) ; I anoint  not  my  members 
with  oil.  Pain  like  a knife  (?)  lias  entered  into  my  heart 
— would  that  I might  benefit  (?)  . . . 

After  some  fragments  of  liymns  and  of  historical  texts 
mentioning  the  defeat  of  Uru-ka-gina  (by  Lugal-zaggi-si), 
the  destruction  of  Umma,  and  the  restoration  of  the  stele 
of  Mesilim  in  the  reign  of  E-amia-tum,  M.  Thureau-Dangin 
gives  some  inscriptions  of  the  nature  of  labels  similar  to 
those  published  in  the  Journal  of  the  R.A.S.  for  1913  , 
pp.  1040-1042.  Three  of  the  four  new  texts  begin  Avith 
the  same  word  or  words  as  those  referred  to,  and  end,  like 
them,  with  the  name  and  titles  of  Uru-ka-gina.  Instead 
of  two  lines  containing  the  names  of  men,  however,  these 
specimens  have  one  only,  in  two  cases  the  name  of  the 
temple  E-barbara  and  in  the  other  the  goddess  Nina.  His 
rendering  of  these  texts  is  as  follows  : — 

'‘Bastion  of  the  eneiosing'  Avail,  E-barbara  (or  Nina). 
Uru-ka-gina,  king  of 

^ Apparently  san  Is  no  eomforl)  to  mo 


ASSYR.-BAB.  NAMEN  BEE  KORPERTEILE  831 

He  vsuggests  tliat  these  labels  show  that  the  object  to 
which  they  were  attached  belonged  to  the  temple,  god,  or 
person  mentioned,  and  Avas  placed  on  deposit,  in  the 
fortress,  during  the  reign  of  this  king,  perhaps  at  the 
moment  when  the  city  was  invested  by  Lugahzaggi-si, 
king  of  Kis.  If  this  be  the  case,  the  investment  took 
place  in  the  third  year  of  Uru-ka-gina  (Berens,  No.  3, 
JRAS.,  1911,  pp.  1040 

I have  regarded  these  labels  as  having  accompanied  the 
goods  to  which  they  were  attached  and  as  being  addressed 
to  “the  lord  of  the  fortification”  and  his  secretary,  or  the 
like — the  names  of  both  are  given. 

The  five  plates  include  the  small  statue  of  Gudea 
(perfect),  three  views  of  Sumu-ilu’s  dog,  bas-reliefs, 
weapons,  and  views  of  the  necropolis. 

The  book  is  a concise  and  businesslike  production,  full 
of  interesting  and  important  material.  No  Semitic 
archaeologist  can  afford  to  neglect  it. 

T.  G.  Pinches. 


Namen  dee  Korperteile  im  Assyrisch-Babylonischen, 
von  Harri  Holma.  (Annales  Academim  Scientiarum 
Fennicse,  ser.  B,  tom.  vii,  1.)  Druck  von  August 
Pries  in  Leipzig,  1911. 

Sucli  systematic  studies  as  these  are  things  of  delight 
for  the  philologist  and  general  root-hunter.  The  work 
is'  divided  into  eight  headings : the  head  and  its  parts : 
the  parts  between  the  head  and  the  trunk ; the  trunk ; 
the  sexual  parts ; the  upper  extremities ; the  lower 
extremities ; the  parts  of  the  specifically  animal  body ; 
and  names  of  parts  of  the  body  which  are  still  of  uncertain 
meaning.  With  the  indexes  the  pages  number  182, 

In  all  probability  there  are  but  few  sections  of  the 
Assyro-Babylonian  vocabulary  better  provided  with  the 
means  of  interpretation  than  that  which  refers  to 


832 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


the  human  and  the  animal  frames.  This  is  due  not 
only  to  the  existence  of  special  lists,  but  also  to  the 
words  indicating  parts  of  the  body  in  omeintablets  and 
elsewhere.  Notwithstanding  that  the  discussions  of  the 
various  words  are  long  and  detailed,  nearly  400  expressions 
are  treated  of  — an  indication  of  the  richness  of  tlu^ 
Assy ro-Baby Ionian  language,  alread\’  f oresh ado w ed  l.)y 
the  1,200  pages  of  Muss-Arnolt’s  Assyrian  dictionaiy  and 
Meissner’s  Supplement. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  a large  number  of  the  words 
treated  of  had  already  been  rightl^y  rendered,  Imt  thv 
author’s  notes  thereon  will  be  found  useful,  as  they  not 
only  contirm  the  renderings  adopted,  but  show  how  the 
meanings  were  extended. 

Notwithstanding  the  many  additions  to  our  knowledgt* 
of  this  section  of  the  Assyro-Babjdonian  \'ocabulary  which 
the  work  reveals,  there  is  still  much  to  be  done,  as  the 
many  queries  show.  A few  extracts  from  the  CJeruuin 
index  will  show  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge  : ■ 

Head.  Besides  the  common  words  and  re.ho 

two  additional  words,  gidguUii  and  bibina  ''  are  given. 

Breast,  irtu.  Woman’s  breast,  dddu?,  didd,  zhii. 
luihilnii?,  kirimmu,  sirtUy  filCi,  iuld. 

Throat,  gangurUn,  girrii,  girdnu,  hamurtiu,  jH.trarttL,, 
napidu. 

Womb,  edamviuhku,  ipa.,  ibajm,  laglaqqu.,  nuddaln, 
nit  lihhi,  pusqn,  piristu,  qirhitn?,  reutit,  retufUy  sh.s'?n'r?o 
fisitu,  [tfrii  seems  also  to  have  been  used  in  th<^ 
same  sense,] 

Naturally  tliere  are  many  things  in  a book  like  tins 
with  which  the  reader  cannot  agree.  Thus,  on  p.  25, 
where  the  cognates  of  lakM  or  luqii  are  given,  though 
the  Hebrew  is  satisfactory,  one  may  legitimately 

doubt  the  Arabic  *^gums,”  “throat,”  and  tin* 

Ethiopic  Also,,  does  Uk  p>i  mean  “ the  gunis  of 


ASSYB.-BAB.  WAMEN  DER  KORPERTEILE 


833 


the  mouth  ” ? In  Boissier’s  “DA”  {Presages),  p.  23, 1.  2 of 
the  rev.,  lie  does  not  read  l{?)dki  ft-hh,  but  prefers  luhi 
usni-ki,  perhaps  rightly,  though  the  dual-wedges  in  the 
latter  case  would  be  expected.  I have  before  me  at 
present,  however,  the  following  comparison : — 

>-11  I 

la-ak  pi-m  sa  me-e  pi-^ii 
Idh  P'i~^u,  which  is  the  water  of  his  mouth  If  I under- 
stand this  riglitly,  therefore,  Idlm  means  ''spittle’’. 

As  an  example  of  the  excellence  of  the  work,  however, 
the  words  for  "throat”  may  be  mentioned.  These  are 
napistii  in  incantations  and  otlier  inscriptions ; cjirrii  in 
omen-texts,  gangiiHUi  and  hamivsUio  in  bilingual  lists, 
girdnu  in  omens,  and  harurUi  in  a letter.  The  windpipe 
seems  to  liave  been  tir'udiL  The  lungs  are  given 
doubtfully  as  irdti  and  rib  ho,  and  this  appears  to  be 
one  of  the  meanings  of  these  words.  Though  by  no  means 
certain,  it  is  probable  that  the  Sumerian  for  " lung(s)  ” is 
^ which  is  glossed  hun,  and  explained 

by  tlie  Semitic  Babylonian  eUla-  . . . The  first  character 
is  the  usual  determinative  prefix  for  a part  of  the  bodj^ 
the  second  being  the  character  for  " wind  ” within  that 
tor  " enclosure”.  Now  the  "wind-enclosure”  of  the  body 
is  the  chest,  and  by  extension  it  may  have  included  the 
lungs.  Whether  the  Semitic  rendering  is  to  be  completed 
as  Sllamib  ("  front  ”)  or  not,  is  doubtful. 

The  usual  word  for  " foot  ” is  M'jm,  but  a fragment, 
unprovided  with  a running  number  when  I copied  it, 
lias  the  rendering  ilki  = SSp%  from  which  it  would  seem 
tha.t  it  could  also  be  expressed  by  ilku, , probably  from 
dldkib,  " to  go.”  " Hoof  ” is  mprii,  a word  which  also 
stcinds  for  "nail”,  "claw”,  and  the  "nail -mark”  used 
instead  of  a seal.  I have  long  been  in  doubt  as  to  the 
Sumerian  equivalent  being  dubhin,  and  read  it  umbin — it 
is  possiblj?'  connected  with  the  Semitic  ubami,  " finger.” 
Apparently  the  original  meaning  of  siipru  (var.  zibbrii) 


834 


KOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


was  extremity or  the  like,  as  the  real  word  for  ''  hoof’' 
or  “ paw  ” seems  to  have  heen  epir-  . . . which  translates 
UZU-UMBIN-IGI-DU,  and  (probably  with  an  explanatory 
word)  UZU-UMBIN-GI§-SIG  fore-foot”  or  "-hoof”), 
UZU-UMBIN-TABTABA  ("the  four  feet,”  or  "hoofs”,  or 
"paws”),  and  UZU-GI^-NIM-GI.^-SIG  ("fore  and  hind 
(literally  "upper  and  lower”)  members”).  ITZU-UMBIN- 
"MBTABBA  is  also  translated  by  qiirsimietmn,  i\m 
(four)  legs”  (of  an  animal). 

But  sufficient  has  been  said  to  show  tlie  value  of  the 
book.  One  hopes  to  see  more  from  Dr.  Holma’s  pen — 
such  studies  as  this  make  for  a precision  in  translating 
otherwise  unattainable.  T.  G.  Pinches. 


Tablettes  be  Drehem,  publiees  avec  inventaire  et  tables, 
par  H.  de  Genouillac.  Cloth  ; 8 x 12^.  Paris  : 
Geuthner,  1911. 

La  Trouvaille  de  Dri^hem.  Etude,  avec  un  clioix  de 
Textes  de  Constantinople  et  Bruxelles,  par  H.  DE 
Genouillac.  Avec  20  planches  en  zincographie. 
8 X 11.  Paris:  Geuthner,  1911.  Ss.  4(?. 


The  first  thing  that  one  looks  at  on  opening  books  like 
these  is  the  copies,  and  those  of  11.  de  Genouillac  are 
things  to  gladden  the  eyes.  The  first  book  1ms  fifty-one 
plates,  containing  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  inscrip- 
, ,tions,  many  of  them  with  cylinder-seals,  whilst  the  other 
> has  about  ninety  similar  reproductions, 
y I Drehem  is  described  by  the  author  as  being  about  lialf 
. an  hour  (by  boat,  I believe,  but  that  is  not  stated)  from 
;.  Niffer,  which  latter  was  regarded  by  the  Jews  of  the 
J*'  ''  Captivity  as  the  Biblical  Calneh.  It  is  interesting  to 
notice  the  list  of  proper  names  of  places  compiled  by  the 
author  from  these  te^ts^  which  thus  become  documents 
supplying  us  with  hMfe>ryi  'especially  when  their  or 

' - majors are  mentioned. ' ,4^ 'this  time  (about  2300  liC.) 


TABLETTES  BE  BREHEM 


835 


it  may  be  supposed  that  there  was  no  king  in  Babyloin 
but  officials  of  this  class,  Arsia^  in  the  53rd  year  of  Diingi, 
and  Murteli  (or  Uru-teli)-  in  the  8tii  year  of  Bur-Sin. 
Among  the  otliers  referred  to  may  be  mentioned  Kallamu 
of  Asnun-ak,  who  owned  certain  cattle  in  the  57th  year  of 
Dungi  ; Ituria  of  the  same  place,  who  delivered  small 
cattle  in  the  9th  year  of  Gimil-Sin ; A-billasa  of  Kazallu, 
in  wliose  name  small  cattle  were  transferred  in  the  Stli 
year  of  Bur-Sin.  Ugula  of  Kis  also  received  cattle  on 
behalf  of  the  king  in  the  4th  year  of  Bur-Sin  ; Gudea  of 
Gudua  (Cuthah)  delivers  cattle  to  (the  temple  of)  Enlila 
in  the  behalf  of  the  king  in  the  3rd  year  of  his  reign ; 
and  Libanuk&rba,f  of  Marhasi  appears  in  connexion  with 
the  offerings  in  the  festival  of  Adar  in  the  same  year. 
These  and  other  data  of  a like  nature,  contained  in  the 
publications  of  Langdon,  Genouillac,  and  Delaporte,  add 
much  to  our  knowledge  of  this  early  period,  and  more  may 
be  expected.  In  La  Trouvaille  de  Drehem  M.  de  Genouillac 
gives  much  geographical  material  from  other  inscriptions, 
to  which  may  be  added  the  names  of  Gabren,  Girnun, 
Matir  (so  rather  than  Mari  or  Mair),^  Simas(gi),  Zaul, 
Siu,  Tahtahhuni  (read,  apparently,  Tahtahuni  instead  of 
Gabgabni),  Gi&,  etc.  Naturally  the  same  name  is  repeated 
in  these  texts  again  and  again,  so  that  the  list  is  soon 
exhausted,  but  it  is  an  interesting  one. 

La  Trouvaille  de  Dreliem  treats  also  of  the  find  in 
general,  the  calendar,  and  the  dates.  The  tablets  often 
have  very  fine  impressions  of  cylinder-seals,  and  these  are 
always  given.  A plate  prefixed  to  the  work  has  seven 
half-tone  blocks,  with  reproductions  of  some  of  these  early 
Babylonian  objects  of  art.  T.  G.  Pinches. 

^ The  tablet  refers  to  sheep  aad  lambs  belonging  to  him. 

2 The  text  refers  to  draught-oxen  delivered  to  him. 

^ In  W.  Asia  InscHpiom,  ii,  pi,  60,  line  20,  it  seems  probable  that  the 
deity  mentioned  is  not  MaZik^  but  Maiir,  ‘‘  king  of  the  city  Maiir.”  It  is 
to  be  noted  that  the  names  here  are  not  in  all  cases  misplaced,  as  has 
been  thought. 


NOTES  OE  THE  QUARTER 

(Apx'il,  May,  June,  1912.) 


I, — General  Meetings  op  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 

jiiyril  16, 1912. — The  Right  Hon.  Sir  Mortimer  Durand, 
Director,  in  the  Chair. 

The  following  were  elected  members  of  the  Society  : — 

Mr.  J.  P.  Mead,  jiin. 

Mr.  R.  0.  Winstedt. 

Six  nominations  were  approved  for  election  at  the  next 
General  Meeting. 

Mr.  E.  T.  Richmond  read  a paper  entitled  ''The 
Significance  of  Cairo 

A discussion  follo'wed,  in  which  Mr.  Sewell  and 
Dr.  Hagopian  took  part. 


Triennial  Gold  Medal  Presentation. 

May  m,  19m. 

The  Right  Hon.  Sir  Mortimer  Durand,  Director,  in  the 
Chair, 

Sir  Mortimer  Durand,  in  opening  the  proceedings, 
said  : — The  Royal  Asiatic  Society  presents  every  three 
years  a Gold  Medal  for  Oriental  Research.  On  this 
occasion  it  has  been  awarded  to  Mr.  Fleet,  whose  work 
you  all  know.  Mr.  Fleet  served  for  thirty  years  in  India, 
and  has  distinguished  himself  by  researches  in  History, 
Chronology,  and  other  matters,  which  I will  not  go  into 
now.  Lord  Minto  has  been  kind  enough  to  undertake  to 
present  the  Medal,  and  we  are  very  grateful  to  him  for 
doing  so.  I will  now  ask  him  to  make  the  presentation. 

Lord  Minto  said : — I must  in  the  first  place  thank  the 
Royal  Asiatic  Society  for  having  invited  me  to  present 
the  Triennial  Gold  Medal  to  Mr.  Fleet ; for  I can  assure 


838  NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 

them,  as  a former  Viceroy;  that  it  is  very  welcome  to  me 
to  assist  in  any  way  in  doing  honour  to  one  who  lias 
rendered  such  long  and  distinguished  services  to  his 
country.  I believe  it  is  something  like  forty-five  years 
since  Mr.  Fleet  entered  the  Indian  Civil  Service,  in  the 
Presidency  of  Bombay.  He  joined  the  Revenue  and 
Executive  Branch  of  tlie  service,  and  served  in  the  usual 
grades  of  Assistant  Collector  and  Magistrate — also  as 
Educational  Inspectoi",  Southern  Division,  and  Assistant 
Political  Agent,  Kolhapur  and  Southern  Maratha  Country 
— till  1883.  In  January,  1888,  he  was  appointed  Epi- 
graphist  under  the  Government  of  India.  He  reverted  to 
the  regular  line  of  the  Service,  as  Collector  and  Magistrate 
of  Sholapur,  in  June,  1886.  He  was  subsequently 
Commissioner  of  the  Southern  and  Central  Divisions  from 
December,  1891.  He  proceeded  on  furlough  to  England 
in  September,  1895,  and  retired  from  the  service  in  June, 
1897.  Mr.  Fleet  holds  a distinguished  record  in  Indian 
Epigraphy,  History,  and  Chronology.  In  these  subjects 
he  is  a leading  authority  in  foreign  countries  as  well  as 
in  England.  In  Epigraphy  his  most  important  work  is 
voL  iii  of  the  Gorpiis  In8cri2:>tionum  Incliearitm,  on  the 
“Inscriptions  of  the  Early  Gupta  Kings  and  their  Suc- 
cessors'', which  was  published  in  1888:  its  great  merits 
are  (1)  the  establisliment  of  a model  for  the  modern 
scientific  method  of  treating  Indian  epigraphic  records ; 
and  (2)  the  settlement  of  the  long-disputed  question  of 
the  true  initial  date,  A.D.  320,  of  the  Gupta  era,  one  of 
the  fundamental  means  for  adjusting  and  unifying  the 
chaotic  history  of  ancient  India.  Equally  useful  and 
important  are  his  numerous  articles  on  inscriptions,  history, 
geography,  coins,  etc.,  published  from  1870  onwards  in 
the  volumes  of  the  Indian  Antiquary^  the  Epigrapliia 
Indica,  and  the  Journals  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  and 
its  Bombay  Branch : they  constitute  a monument  of 
scholarly  acumen  and  accuracy.  Mr.  Fleet's  position  as 


TRIENNIAL  GOLD  MEDAL  PRESENTATION 


839 


a leading  authority  on  the  subjects  mentioned  above  is 
shown  by  his  being  invited  to  contribute  the  account  of 
“ The  Dynasties  of  the  Kanarese  Districts  ’’  to  vol.  i of 
the  Bombay  Gazetteer  (1896);  chapter  i,  on  '^Indian 
Epigraphy'’,  to  vol.  ii,  ''The  Indian  Empire,”  of  the 
Lvypevial  Gazetteer  of  India  (1908);  and  articles  on  "Hindu 
Chronology  ” and  "Indian  Inscriptions  ” to  the  11th  edition 
of  the  Encyclopcedia  Britannica,  Appreciation  of  his 
work  has  been  shown  in  Germany  by  making  him  a 
Philosophise  Doctor  {honoris  caiisa)  of  the  University  of 
Gottingen,  a Corresponding  Member  of  the  Eoyal  Society 
of  Sciences,  Gottingen,  and  an  Honorary  Member  of  the 
German  Oriental  Society.  That,  ladies  and  gentlemen, 
is  merely  a sketch  of  Mr.  Fleet’s  career.  I can  only  tell 
you  again  how  pleased  I am  to  be  here  to-day  to  offer  him 
the  congratulations  of  the  Eoyal  Asiatic  Society  on  his 
work,  and  to  present  him  on  their  behalf  with  their 
Triennial  Gold  Medal  in  recognition  of  the  long  and 
distinguished  services  he  has  rendered  to  the  Indian 
Empire. 

Me.  Fleet  said : — There  is  so  much  business  before 
us  this  afternoon,  tliis  being  the  Anniversary  Meeting, 
that  I must  make  only  quite  a short  vStatement.  I feel  it 
a great  honour  that  the  Gold  Medal  should  be  given  to  me 
in  succession  to  the  eminent  scholars  to  whom  it  has 
already  been  awarded, — Professor  Cowell,  Dr.  West, 
Sir  William  Muir,  Dr.  Pope,  and  Dr.  Grierson : it  will 
always  be  a source  of  pride  to  me  tliat  my  work  should 
be  held  to  rank  in  any  way  along  with  theirs.  I would 
like  to  add  that  I regard  it  as  a particular  privilege  to 
receive  the  Medal  from  the  hands  of  Lord  Minto ; because, 
not  only  has  he  held  the  exalted  position  of  Viceroy  of 
India,  but  also  he  has  shown  in  many  ways,  as  well  as  by 
his  presence  here  to-day,  that  he  takes  a strong  personal 
interest  in  our  researches  into  the  antiquities  of  the 
country. 

JR  AS,  1912. 


54 


840 


NOTES  OF  THE  QUAETEE 


ANNIVERSARY  MEETING 
The  Anniversary  Meeting  was  held  on  May  21,  1912, 
the  Riglit  Hon.  Sir  Mortimer  Durand,  Director,  in  the  Cliair. 
The  following  were  elected  members  of  the  Society : — 
Babu  Jyotish  Chandra  Bhattacharyya. 

Mr.  Jonathan  David  Deane. 

Mr.  A.  S.  Pulton. 

Mr.  Newton  Henry  Harding. 

Rai  Saheb  Sri  Krishna  Mahapatra. 

Mr.  Tan  Tiang  Yew. 

Seven  nominations  were  approved  for  election  at  the 
next  General  Meeting. 

The  Secretary  then  read  the  Annual  Report. 

Report  of  the  Council  foe  1911-12 
In  presenting  their  Report  for  the  year  1911-12  the 
Council  regret  to  record  the  loss  by  death  of  an  Honorary 
Member,  the  Yen.  H.  Sri  Sumangala,  and  of  twenty 
Ordinary  Members:— 

The  Hon.  Mr.  Warren  D.  Mr.  William  Irvine. 

Barnes.  Lieut. -Colonel  A,  S.G.  Jay akar. 

Surgeon-GeneralW.B.Beatson.  Rev.  A.  Lloyd. 

Syed  Ali  Bilgrami.  Rai  Bahadur  S.  Mitter. 

Sir  0.  Purdon  Clarke.  Mr.  Charles  J.  Morse. 

Sir  C.  A.  Elliott.  Mr.  J.  H.  Nelson. 

Mr.  Perrar  Pen  ton.  Professor  J.  Campbell  Oman. 

Miss  Mary  Prere.  Lord  Stanmore. 

Mr.  M.  Ohn  Ghine.  Sriman  M.  S.  Yaidyesvara 

Mr.  R.  T.  H.  Griffith,  Mudaiiar. 

Mr.  D.  P.  A.  liervey.  Mr.  E.  Vesey  Westmacott. 

The  Society  has  also  lost  by  retirement  tlie  following 
thirteen  Members : — 

His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Mr.  T.  Ponnambalam  Piliay. 

Devonshire.  Mr.  A.  Rea. 

Mr.  Alfred  W.  Domingo.  Mr.  Gulab  Shaiiker  Dev 

Mr.  E.  B.  Havell.  Sharman. 

Mr.  Ram  Shanker  Misra,  Sardar  Sundar  Singh. 

Major-General  Mockler.  Mr.  Arnold  C.  Taylor. 

Mrs.  Mond.  Mrs.  M.  E.  Woelker. 

Mr.  M.  Tun  On. 


ANNIVEESABY'  MEETING 


841 


Under  Rule  25  {cl)  the  following  cease  to  be  Members 
Mr.  Sofinllah  Saifuddin  Ahmad.  Mr.  Pyare  Lai  Misra. 


Mr.  Mahomed  Anwar  Ali. 

Mr.  ]\Iiihammad  Badre. 

Rev.  James  Doyle. 

Mr.  B.  C.  Ghatak, 

Mr.  M.  V.  Snbramania  Iyer, 
Mr.  Priya  Krishna  Majumdar. 
Babix  Kedar  Nath  Mazumdar. 


Mr.  Manmatha  Nath  Moitry. 
Mr.  Moiing  Moiing. 

Mr.  A.  R.  Pillai. 

Mr.  Hakim  Habibur  Rahman - 
Rai  Kiinja  Lai  Roy. 

Mr.  B.  C.  Sen. 

Mr.  Kumar  Ram  Pratap  Sinha. 


Mr.  P,  M.  Neogi,  elected  during  the  year  1911,  has  not 
taken  up  his  election. 

Professor  Jacobi,  of  Bonn,  has  been  elected  to  the 
\'acancj^  among  the  Plonorary  Members,  and  fifty-three 
Ordinary  Members  have  been  elected  : — 


Nawabzada  Khaja  ]\Iuhammad 
Afzal. 

Mr.  T.  M.  Ainscough. 

]Mr.  M.  Sakhawat  Ali. 

Raja  Naushad  Ali  Khan. 

Mr.  H.  C.  P.  Bell. 

Professor  Sarat  Chandra 
Bhattacharya. 

Kaviraj  K.  L.  Bhishagratna. 
Mr.  Aylward  M,  Blackman. 

M.  TAbbe  A.  M.  Boyer. 

Mr.  G opal  Chandra  Chakravarti. 
Professor  Ganes  Chandra 
Chandra. 

Mr.  Aboni  Chandra  Chatter] ea. 
Mr.  Akhil  Kumar  Chatter] ee. 
Mr.  Birbhadra  Chandra 
Chowdhuri. 

Rev.  ILlward  James  Clifton. 
Mrs.  Coralimi  M.  Daniels, 
i\fr.  Pulinkrishna  De. 
i\Ir.  L.  A.  Panous. 

Miss  Mary  C.  Foley. 

Mr,  K.  Haig. 

Professor  Johannes  Herteh 


Professor  E.  Washburn 
Hopkins. 

Mr.  N.  P.  Snbramania  Iyer. 

H.H.  the  Mahara]  Rana  Sir 
Bhawani  Singh  Bahadur, 
K.G.S.I.,  of  Jhalawar. 

Rev.  Hardy  Jowett. 

Mr.  Plabibur  Rahman  Khan. 

Mr.  Mohamed  Hasan  Khan. 

Dr.  N.  J.  Krom. 

Dr.  Berthold  Laufer. 

Dr.  P.  R.  Martin. 

Mr.  Manmatha  Nath  Mukerjea. 

Babn  Manmatha  Nath 
Mukherjea,  M.A. 

Mr.  Mirza  Kazim  Namazi. 

Mr.  J.  E.  Nathan. 

Babu  Padmini  Mohan  Neogi. 

H.H. Maharaja  Bupindar  Singh 
Mahindra  Bahadur,  K.C.I.E., 
Chief  of  Patiala  State. 

Mr.  A.  P.  Peters. 

Rai  Bahadur  P.  M.  Madooray 
Pillay. 

Mr.  Alan  William  Pirn,  I.O.S. 


NOTES  OF  THE  Q0ARTEK 

Mr.  Snrendra  Narayan  Eoy.  Mr.  H.  A.  Thornton. 

Mr.  M.  C.  Seton.  Mr.  James  Troup. 

Sardar  Labh  Singh.  Mr.  M.  N.  Venketaswami. 

Sardar  Nihal  Singh.  Mr.  Frederick  G.  Whittick. 

Bahu  Hira  Lai  Sood.  Mr.  D.  E.  Wijewardene, 

Mr.  Donald  H.  E.  Sunder,  Professor  Ghulam  Yazdani 
Mr.  Francis  S.  Tabor,  LC.S.  Masudi. 

Eey,  W.  M.  Teape,  M.A, 

The  total  increase  of  membership  for  the  year  is  only 
three.  This  is  accounted  for  by  the  very  heavy  losses 
by  death.  The  losses  by  resignation  and  removal  are 
about  the  average. 

There  is  a decided  gain  in  the  subscriptions  to  the 
Journal:  of  the  Libraries  and  non-Members  subscribing, 
two  have  withdrawn  but  an  additional  twenty  have  joined. 

During  the  year  the  Prize  Publication  Fund  has  brought 
out  its  third  volume,  an  edition  of  the  MeghadHta,  by 
Dr.  Hultzscb,  with  Vallabhas  Commentary;  and  the 
Oriental  Translation  Fund  has  published  two  works, 
(l)an  edition  of  the  Tarjuman  al-Ashwaq  of  Ibn  al-'Arabi, 
with  a translation  and  abridgement  of  the  Commentary, 
by  Dr.  Nicholson,  and  (2)  the  Georgian  poem,  The  Man  in 
the  Panther’s  SJcin,  translated  by  Miss  Margery  Wardrop 
and  edited  by  Mr.  Oliver  Wardrop. 

The  Council  has  also  undertaken  to  publish  the  second 
volume  of  the  autobiography  of  the  Emperor  Jahangir, 
i.e.  up  to  the  nineteenth  year  of  his  reign,  translated  by  the 
late  Mr.  Eogers  and  edited  by  Mr.  Beveridge.  This  has 
been  made  posvsible  by  the  generous  offer  of  Mr.  Beveridge 
to  pay  about  one-third  of  the  cost  of  printing. 

The  Annual  Dinner  was  held  on  May  15,  1911,  at  the 
Hotel  Cecil,  the  President  in  the  chair.  Amone'  the  o'uests 
were  the  Maharaja  Holkar  of  Indore,  the  Chinese  Minister, 
Sir  Richmond  Ritchie,  and  Mr.  Fletcher,  the  Miister  of 
Marlborough.  At  the  close  of  the  dinner  the  President 
presented  the  Public  School  Gold  Medal  to  Mr.  Jenkins,  of 


A^mvmSABY  MEETING 


843 


Marlborough  College,  who  had  won  the  medal  for  his 
essay  on  The  Marquess  of  Dalhousie 

The  Council  would  remind  the  members  of  the  Society 
that  this  autumn  a new  lease  for  seven  years  of  the 
premises  in  22  Albemarle  Street  will  commence,  at  an 
increased  rental  of  £130  a year.  As  was  stated  at  the 
annual  meeting  last  year,  the  renewal  of  the  present  lease 
was  only  made  after  long  and  careful  consideration  of 
all  other  possible  neighbourhoods  and  houses.  As  the 
decivsion  to  stay  in  Albemarle  Street  involves  a considerable 
additional  expenditure  it  is  necessary  to  look  for  additional 
income.  This  might  be  obtained  by  an  increase  in  the 
number  of  Resident  Members.  Attention  has  been  drawn 
at  the  annual  meetings  of  the  last  two  or  three  years  to 
the  continuous  decrease  annually  in  this  class  of  members. 
This  should  not  be,  for  the  advantages  offered  to  Resident 
Members  in  the  shape  of  the  privilege  of  borrowing  books 
from  tlie  Library  and  in  otlier  respects,  in  addition  to  the 
meetings  and  the  ordinary  use  of  the  Library,  are  well 
wortli  the  difference  in  the  subscription  paid  by  the 
non-Resident  and  the  Resident  Members : yet,  although 
the  non-Resideiit  membership  has  increased  in  the  last 
six  ye£irs  by  over  100,  the  Resident  membership  has 
declined  to  such  an  extent  that  the  number  of  Resident 
Members  at  the  beginning  of  this  year  was  only  85. 
The  Council  hope  that  all  members  will  continue  to 
promote  the  interests  of  the  Society  and  its  work,  not 
only  by  being  members  themselves,  but  also  by  urging 
the  desirability  of  joining  the  Society  on  others  who  are 
interested  in  the  East. 

The  Journal  has  well  represented  ail  the  varied  interests 
that  come  within  its  scope,  and  its  value  to  those  studying 
Oriental  matters  is  shown  by  the  large  increase  in  the 
number  of  Libraries  and  Societies  subscribing  to  it. 

The  usual  Statement  of  Accounts  is  appended. 

The  Council  recommend  that  a vote  of  thanks  be 


l-b  i 


ABSTRACT  OF  RECEIPTS  ANB 


RECEIPTS. 


SUBSCRIPTI0N« 

Reskleiit  Members — 83  at  £3  3s. 

Advance  Subscription  

Non " Ibvsident  IViembers — 

8 at  £1  Is.  

346  at  £1  10s 

Advance  Subscriptions  

Arrears  received  

Non-Resident  Compounders — 2 at  £23  12.9.  < 
Part  Subscriptions,  etc 


Donation  for  Alterations  to  Premises 
W.  Morrison,  Esq. 

Rents  received 
Grant  from  India  Office  ... 

Journal  Account  


Sundry  Receipts 


Balance  as  at  Januarv  I,  1911  ... 


Funds. 


£ ,9. 


261  9 0 

3 3 0 


8 8 0 
519  0 0 

46  16  0 

18  0 0 

47  5 0 

0 19  0 


910  0 0 


Subscriptions  

229 

10 

0 

Additional  copies  sold  

100 

12 

6 

Sale  of  Pamphlets  

5 

17 

S 

Advertisements  ...  . 

17 

4 

3 

Sale  of  Index  

0 

17 

0 

354 

1 ■ 

0 

Diyide.sds  ...  ... 

New  South  Wales  4 per  cent  Stock  ...  ... 

30 

4 

8 

Midland  2 J per  cent  Debenture  Stock  ...  ... 

„■  d 

0 

0 

South  Australian  Government  3|-  per  cent 

Inscribed  Stock  ...  •••  •••  ... 

2 

10 

2 

Local  TiOaiis  Stock 

13 

12 

8 

51 

7 

6 

Interest  on  Deposit  Accounts  ...  

Lloyds  Bfink  

21 

2 

8 

Post  Office  Savings  Bank  ...  

1 

3 

8 

22 

(1 

4 

£ .9.  a\ 

910  0 0 


100  0 0 
197  17  2 

210  0 0 
354  1 0 


51 


22  6 4 


3 10 


1,849  2 
883  19 


£'2. 733  1 4 


£802  13.V.  10^^.  New  South  Wales  4 per  cent  Stock, 

,£212  8.9.  Midland  Railway  2|  per  cent  Debeiiture  Stock. 

£454  16^.  9^.  3 per  cent  Local  Loans  Stock. ' 

152  Os,  10/^,  South  Australian  Government  ,3 J per  cent  Inscribed  Stocik,  1039, 


PAYMENTS  FOE  THE  'YEAR  1911. 


PAYMENTS, 


House  Account  

£ 

.s. 

<L 

00 

a. 

6 

it 

10 

Rent  ...  ...  ...  ...  .. 

...  35U 

0 

0 

Insurance ... 

. ...  10 

13 

11 

Repairs  ...  

Lighting,  Heating,  and  Water  ... 

. ■ ' , 7, 

'32 

18 

7 

11 

2 

Other  Expenditure 

. ...  31 

6 

10 

432 

^ 6 

10 

Salaries  and  Wages 

304 

0 

6 

Printing  and  Stationery 

35 

15 

5 

Library  ...  ... 

27 

7 

6 

New  Books  ...  ...  ...  . 

16 

6 

6 

Binding  ...  ...  ...  ...  . 

11 

1 

0 

‘27  7 C 


Journal  Account 
Prmtiiig  ... 

U lustrations 
Postage 


o79  3 1 1 

467  1 0 

63  8 4 
47  4 7 


Donation  to  Pali  Dictionary  ...  ...  ... 

Postage  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  . . 

Law  Charges  and  Auditor’s  Fees  ...  ... 

Purchase  op  £15‘2  Os.  10<7.  South  Australian 

G-OTERNMENT  3^  PER  CENT  INSCRIBED  STOCK  . 


Balance  as  at  Deceniber  31 
Bankers  and  in  band  , 
Lloyds  Bank 

Post  Office  Savings  Bank. 

Petty  Cash 

Po.stage 


11.  SEWELL, 

for  the  Council. 

W.  CBEWDSON, 

for  the  Society 

N. E.  WATERHOUSE,  F.C. A ,, 
Professional  Auditor 


We  have  examined  the  above  Abstract  of  Receipts 
and  Payments  with  the  books  and  vouchers 
of  the  St)ciety,  and  have  verified  the  Invest- 
ments therein  dc.scribed,  and  we  hereby  certify 
the  said  Abstract  to  be  true  and  correct. 


J.  KENNEDY,  Hon.  Treasurer. 


848 


NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 

passed  to  the  Auditors — Mr.  Crewdson,  Mr.  Sewell,  and 
Mr.  Waterhouse. 

The  recommendations  of  the  Council  for  filling  vacancies 
on  the  Council  for  the  eiisuing  year,  1912-13,  are  as 
follows : — 

Under  Rule  30  Dr.  Grierson  retires  from  the  office  of 
Vice-President. 

The  Council  recommend  in  his  stead  and  to  fill  the 
vacancy  caused  by  the  death  of  Mr.  Irvine: — 

Dr.  Gaster, 

Dr.  Hoernle, 

Under  Rule  31  Mr.  Kennedy,  Mr.Fleet,  and  Dr.Codrington 
retire  from  their  respective  offices  of  Hon.  Treasurer, 
Hon.  Secretary,  and  Hon.  Librarian. 

The  Council  recommend  their  re-election. 

Under  Rules  31  and  32  the  following  Ordinary  Members 
of  Council  retire: — 

Professor  Browne, 

Mr.  Dames, 

Dr.  Thomas ; 

and 

Mr.  Marshall  and 
Dr.  Stein 

resign  owing  to  absence  abroad. 

The  Council  recommend  in  their  stead  and  to  fill  other 
vacancies : — 

Mr,  H.  P.  Amedroz, 

Dr.  Grierson, 

Mr.  L.  C.  Hopkins, 

Dr.  A.  Berriedale  Keith, 

Mr,  Legge, 

Mr.  Pargiter, 

Lieut, -Colonel  G.  T.  Plunkett. 

Under  Rule  81 

Dr.  A.  B.  Keith  and 
Mr.  Crewdson 

are  nominated  Auditors  for  the  ensuing  year. 


ANNIVERSARY  MEETING 


849 


Mr.  M.  Longworth  Dames  said:  I have  pleasure  in 
nioving  the  adoption  of  the  Report  which  we  have  just 
heard  read.  The  principal  point  I think  on  which  we  should 
concentrate  attention  is  the  absolute  necessity  of  an 
increase  in  the  members  of , the  Society,  especially  of 
resident  members,  for  without  a large  number  of  resident 
members  it  is  impossible  for  a Society  like  this  to  maintain 
its  position.  Of  course,  an  increase  in  income  is  also 
required  as  we  have  had  to  renew  the  lease  of  this  house 
at  very  considerable  extra  expense — at  £130  a year  more 
than  before.  I think  we  are  all  pleased  that  we  are  to 
remain  in  the  old  house ; and  it  is  no  doubt  worth  the 
extra  rent  that  we  have  to  pay.  This  being  so,  and  in 
any  case,  we  all  ought  to  devote  our  attention  and  try  as 
far  as  we  can  to  recruit  for  resident  members  through 
our  friends  from  among  those  returning  from  service  in 
the  East,  and  so  get  the  resident  membership  of  the 
Society  on  to  a more  satisfactory  footing  than  it  is  at 
present.  As  far  as  the  non-resident  members  are  concerned 
I do  not  think  we  have  cause  for  complaint,  for  these  have 
gone  on  increasing,  and  also  the  number  of  subscribers  to 
the  Library;  it  is  only  among  the  resident  members,  the 
most  important  class,  tliat  we  do  not  make  the  progress 
we  ought  to  make.  Otherwise,  I feel  we  have  every  cause 
to  be  pleased  at  the  position  and  progress  of  the  Society, 
and  also  in  regard  to  the  level  at  which  the  Journal  is 
maintained,  its  general  interest  and  the  variety  of  subjects 
with  which  it  deals.  Therefore  I have  much  pleasure  in 
moving  tlie  adoption  of  the  Report. 

Dr.  W.  Perceval  Yetts  said : At  the  Anniversary 
Meeting  three  years  ago  the  eminent  orientalist,  Sir  Ernest 
Satow,  called  special  attention  to  that  part  of  Asia  in 
connexion  with  which  his  name  has  long  been  famous.  He 
advanced  tlie  claims  of  the  Far  East  to  the  Society’s  more 
ample  consideration.  I would  venture  now  to  reiterate  and 
enlarge  upon  some  of  Sir  Ernest  Satow’s  remarks,  especially 
those  relating  to  the  Middle  Kingdom. 


850 


NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 


The  Society  has  reason  to  he  proud  of  the  Journal 
published  for  the  year  1911,  It  contains  thirty- two 
original  articles,  and,  in  addition,  a large  number  of 
miscellaneous  contributions  and  reviews.  The  high  standard 
of  scholarship  maintained  by  the  contributors  is  of  course 
beyond  my  criticism,  but  what  I would  venture  to  comment 
upon  is  the  somewhat  inadequate  representation  of 
matters  relating  to  the  Far  East.  Of  the  thirty-two 
articles  only  six  have  any  direct  connexion  with  this 
the  greater  part  of  Asia,  and  of  these  one  is  concerned 
with  Tibet  and  one  relates  chiefly  to  India.  Japan,  Siam, 
and  Malaya  are  not  represented  at  all.  Three  articles 
only  are  devoted  to  China,  a country  which  holds  at 
least  a third  of  the  population  of  Asia  and  possesses 
a civilization  unique  among  the  nations  of  the  world. 

Perhaps  no  other  oriental  country  ofiers  such  a wide  and 
at  the  same  time  such  an  imperfectly  studied  field  for 
research ; yet  we  look  in  vain  for  a sufiicient  number  of 
younger  scholars  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  those  who 
have  placed  the  British  in  the  front  rank  of  sinologues. 
I am  sure  that  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  would  wish  to 
take  the  lead  in  fostering  a renewed  interest  in  things 
Chinese,  and  in  maintaining  the  supremacy  of  our  nation 
in  this  department  of  oriental  scholarship.  An  important 
step  in  this  direction  might  be  made  by  the  individual 
enterprise  of  members  by  recruiting  for  the  Society  more 
of  those  interested  in  the  Far  East. 

In  this  connexion  I would  like  to  mention  how  fortunate 
we  are  in  gaining  as  a new  member  Dr.  Laufer,  whose 
work  on  Chinese  archseology  and  Tibetan  subjects  is  so 
well  known.  Let  us  hope  that  he  will  soon  become 
a regular  contributor  to  the  Journal. 

The  Society  is  also  to  be  congratulated  on  the  addition 
to  the  Council  of  such  a distinguished  Chinese  scholar  as 
Mr.  Hopkins.  As  everyone  knows,  Mr.  Hopkins  is  tlie 
recognized  authority  on  ancient  Chinese  script,  and  I am 


ANNIVERSARY  MEETING 


851 


sure  we  all  look  forward  to  a continuation  of  iiis  important 
contributions  to  the  Journal. 

May  I venture  to  suggest  that  there  is  another  method, 
apart  from  the  Journal,  by  which  the  Society  might 
advance  the  study  of  East  Asian  subjects.  It  is  by 
enlarging  the  scoj)e  of  its  Monograph  Fund.  And  this 
brings  us  to  a question  of  money.  I understand  that 
the  fund  is  at  present  not  in  very  affluent  circumstances  ; 
in  fact,  it  consists  of  some  £50  only. 

Would  it  not  be  possible  to  obtain  help  from  the 
Government  ? The  India  Office  recognizes  the  wmrk  of  the 
Society  by  giving  an  annual  grant,  and  surely  the  Colonial 
or  the  Foreign  Office  would  do  the  same  if  only  the  matter 
were  suitably  represented. 

British  possession  of  Hong-Kong  and  of  Wei-hai-wei 
and  of  the  Straits  Settlements,  together  with  our  vast 
commercial  interests  in  China  proper,  should  be  reasons 
sufficiently  strong  to  obtain  for  us  official  recognition. 
The  lack  of  such  help  seems  extraordinary,  especially 
when  we  realize  what  is  being  done  by  governments  of 
otlier  countries  with  interests  in  China  fewer  than  our 
own.  The  Dutch  Government  has  shown  us  an  example 
by  subsidizing  the  publication  in  English  of  Professor 
De  GrooFs  great  classic,  The  Religions  System  of  Chind. 

So  far  as  I know,  there  is  no  instance  of  the  publication 
of  a scholarly  work  relating  to  China,  except  museum 
catalogues,  having  been  aided  by  a subvention  from 
Government.  Nor  have  our  universities  undertaken  this 
important  duty.  Intending  writers  ax^e  naturally  dis- 
couraged from  embarking  upon  projects  which  after  years 
of  toil  may  involve  them  in  serious  financial  loss,  even 
if  they  are  even  lucky  enough  to  find  a publisher. 

I have  much  pleasure  in  seconding  the  adoption  of  the 
Report. 

Sir  Mortimer  Durand  said:  The  remarks  that 
liave  lieard  from  Dr.  Yetts  are  valuable,  and  we  shall 
think  over  them  carefully. 


852  NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 

So  far  as  I am  able  to  judge,  the  state  of  things  tliis  year 
is  on  the  wliole  fairly  satisfactory.  I think  the  number  of 
new  members  who  have  conae  forward  is  altogether  what 
we  should  liave  wished  to  see  except,  as  has  been  pointed 
out,  in  the  matter  of  Resident  Members.  Both  classes  of 
members  are  really  necessary  for  the  work  of  the  Society, 
and  the  want  of  more  Resident  Members  lias  a bad  effect 
upon  our  funds,  I hope  that  any  one  of  you  who  is  able 
to  do  so  will  induce  other  people  to  join  as  Resident 
Members. 

With  regard  to  the  Journal,  I think  we  have  had  this 
year  a very  large  number  of  extremely  interesting  and 
scholarly  articles.  It  is  quite  true  that  we  have  not  had 
as  much  with  regard  to  the  Far  East  as  we  should  have 
liked  to  have,  but  we  have  had  a certain  number  of  articles 
about  China.  We  have  had  articles  from  Professor 
Chavannes,  Mr.  Hopkins,  and  from  Dr.  Yetts  himself,  and 
we  may  hope  that  in  future  years  a larger  proportion  of 
articles  will  be  devoted  to  the  Far  East. 

We  have  also  had  valuable  articles  from  Mr.  Fleet, 
Professors  Sayce  and  Chavannes,  Dr.  Pinches,  Colonel 
Wadddl,  and  Mr.  Blagden  on  inscriptions,  and  we  have  had 
an  especially  valuable  paper  from  Dr.  Marshall  in  regard  to 
archmology.  And  as  I am  on  that  point  I may  as  well 
mention,  what  some  of  you  know,  that  the  Society  did  its 
best  to  prevent  a little  while  ago  tlie  threatened  abolition  of 
the  Archaeological  Department  in  India.  I am  happy  to  say 
that  the  Archeological  Department  has  not  been  abolished  ; 
it  would  have  been  a great  misfortune  if  it  had.  Our 
experience  went  to  show  that  handing  over  archmological 
work  to  the  Local  Government,  having  nobody  really  in 
charge  at  head -quarters,  was  fatal  If  the  Department 
had  been  abolished,  undoubtedly  the  study  of  archeology 
in  India  would  have  suffered.  It  is  a matter  of  great 
satisfaction  that  the  Government  of  India  have  not  carried 
out  the  proposal,  and  the  Department  continues  as  before 
under  the  superintendence  of  Mr,  Marshall, 


ANNlVEKSAEr  MEETING 


<S53 


We  have  had  some  interesting  papers  from  M.  Gauthiot, 
Prof.  Poussin,  Dr.  Hoernle,  and  Mr.  Cowley  with  regard  to 
the  discoveries  of  Dr.  Stein  in  Central  Asia.  They  are  very 
important  discoveries,  and  I am  glad  so  much  interest  has 
been  taken  in  them  not  only  in  this  country  but  elsewhere. 

Our  funds  unfortunately  are  not  in  a very  wealthy 
condition ; we  really  have  extremely  little  money  in  hand 
for  the  publishing  which  we  should  like  to  undertake,  and 
it  would  be  no  doubt  a desirable  thing  to  increase  our 
funds.  Whether  it  would  be  jDOssible  to  get  some  grant 
from  a Public  Department,  as  Dr.  Yetts  suggested,  I do 
not  know  ; I should  much  like  to  think  it  was.  But  my 
experience  of  Government  Departments  is  that  they  do  not 
rush  forward  in  matters  of  this  kind,  that  they  require 
a good  deal  of  persuasion.  I quite  agree  that  it  would 
be  an  excellent  thing  to  try  for;  but  whether  we  shall 
succeed  is  another  matter.  However,  with  the  small 
funds  til  at  we  have  at  our  disposal  we  have  done 
everything  we  can  in  tlie  way  of  publishing.  I think 
we  have  done  and  are  doing  a great  deal,  and  we  hope 
to  do  more.  If  we  had  more  money  there  are  any  amount 
of  things  we  should  like  to  publish. 

As  the  Report  has  pointed  out,  we  have  to  deplore  the 
death,  of  a considerable  number,  over  twenty,  of  our 
members ; and  I am  sure  that  eveiyone  liere  will  feel  that 
several  of  those  are  men  we  could  ill  spare  : Mr.  Irvine, 
for  instance,  Sir  Charles  Elliott,  Lord  Stanrnore,  and  otliers. 
Mr.  Irvine  was  one  of  the  most  regular  frequenters  of  this 
Society,  and  he  did  a gi*eat  deal  for  us.  We  deeply  deplore 
his  death. 

I have  spoken  to  you  already  about  the  subject  of 
Resident  Members,  and  I will  not  say  more  except  to  ask 
you  to  think  over  what  Mr,  Dames  has  said.  We  cannot 
get  along  unless  we  have  the  proper  number  of  Resident 
Members ; but  if  any  of  you  by  personal  exertion  can 
increase  that  number  we  shall  be  extremely  grateful  to  you. 


854  NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 

There  is  only  one  other  matter  I had  better  touch  upon 
before  sitting  down.  I am  sorry  to  say  that  our  Annual 
Dinner  has  had  to  be  given  up  this  year.  It  has  been 
carried  on  now  a good  many  years,  and  last  year  it  was 
particularly  successful.  But  this  year  we  have  had  so  few 
applications  for  tickets  that  we  have  decided  to  give  it  up. 
I hope,  however,  that  in  future  years  we  shall  be  able 
to  revert  to  our  old  practice,  and  that  the  dinner  will 
be  as  great  a success  as  before.  I have  also  to  announce 
to  you  that  the  Public  School  Gold  Medal  has  been 
awarded  to  Mr.  H.  F.  A.  Keating,  of  Eton,  for  a remarkably 
good  paper  on  Lord  Lawrence  ,-  and  it  will  be  presented  to 
him  on  the  18th  June  by  Lord  Harris. 

With  these  few  words,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  I put  the 
adoption  of  the  Report. 

The  Report  was  adopted  unanimously. 


11. — Principal  Contents  of  Oriental  Journals 

I.  Zeitschiufi’  der  dexjtschen  MORGEN l a ndischen  Gesellschaft. 
Ed.  LXVI,  Heft  i. 

Glaser  (K,).  Der  indische  Student.  Auf  Grund  der 
Dharmasastra  und  Grhyasutraliteratur. 

Oharpentier  (J.).  Studien  liber  die  indische  Erzahlungs- 
literatur. 

Grierson  (G.  A.).  Paisaci,  Pisacas,  and  Modern  Pisaca. 
Torczyner  (H.).  Zur  semitischen  Verbalbildung. 

Barth  (J.).  Zur  Flexion  der  semitischen  Zalilwdrter. 

Bauer  (H.).  Mitteilungen  zur  semitischen  Grammatik. 
Reseller  (0.).  Arabische  Studien. 

II.  Vienna  Orientai.  Journal.  Vol.  XXV,  Xo.  iv. 

Muller  (D.  H.).  Zum  Aufbau  von  Ezechiel,  Kap.  20. 
Oharpentier  (J.).  Bemerkungen  iiber  die  vvatycis, 
Bartholomae  (C.).  Mitteliranische  Studien  11. 
Grohmann(A.).  Ein Alabasterlampe  mit  einerGe'ezinschrift. 


CONl'ENTS  OF  ORIENTAL  JOURNALS 


855 


ni.  JouBNAL  AsiATiauE.  Tome  XYIII,  Xo.  iii. 

Ronzevalle  (Le  P.  L.),  Les  emprunts  tnrcs  dans  le  grec 
vnlgaire  de  Roumelie  et  specialement  d’Andrinople. 

Cohen  (M.),  Jeux  abyssins. 

Chavaimes  (E.)  et  P,  Pelliot.:  Un  traite  manicheen  retronve 

. en  Chine. 

Finot  (L.).  Fragments  dn  Vinaya  Sanskrit, 

Tome  XIX,  Xo.  i. 

Bacot  (J.).  L'ecritiire  cursive  tibetaine. 

Baston  (A.).  Le  Saundarananda  Kavya  d'A^vagliosa. 

Levi  (S.).  Un  fragment  tokharien  du  Vinaya  des  Sarvasti- 
vadins  (collection  Hoernle).  Observations  linguistiques 
par  A.  Meillet. 

Decourdemanche  (J.  A.).  Notes  sur  les  ancieniies  monnaies 
de  ITnde  dites  punch-marked  coins  ’’  et  sur  le  systeme 
de  Manou. 

Paulhan  (J.).  Les  Hain-teny  merinas. 

Gaiithiot  (R.).  Une  version  sogdienne  du  Vessantara 
Jataka,  publiee  en  transcription  lit  avec  traduction. 

Schwab  (M.).  Un  hymne  greco-hebreu. 

IV.  lliviSTA  DKGLi  Studi  Orientalt.  YoL  1Y,  Fasc.  ii, 

Littmann  (E.).  Osservazioni  sulle  iscrizioni  di  Harran 
0 di  Zebed. 

Lamniens  (H.).  Zi<id  ibn  Abihi,  vice-roi  de  I’lraq. 

Labanca  (B.).  II  Cristianesiino  ed  il  Giudaismo  in  Roma. 

Blochet  (E.).  Etudes  sur  le  Gnosticisme  musulman. 

Reschcr  (0.).  La  Mo^allaqua  de  "Antara,  avec  le  Com- 
niontaire  d’Ibn  el-Anbari. 

Y.  TKAifSACTiONs  OP  THE  Asiatio  SocrExy  OF  Japan. 

YoL  XXXYIII,  Pt.  iv. 

Kirby  (R.  J.).  Ancestral  Worship  in  Japan. 

Hall  (J.  Carey).  Japanese  Feudal  Law. 


JRAS.  1912. 


856 


NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 


YI.  PliOCEKDri^GS  OF  THK  SocrKTr  of  PrULlCAL  AuCIi.FOLOGr. 

Yol.  XXXIY,  rt.  ii. 

Filter  (Rev.  W.  T.).  The  Reign  of  Rim-Sin  and  the 
Con(|iiest  of  Isin. 

Sayce  (Professor  A.  H.).  A New  Date  from  tlio  Kingdom 
of  Khana. 

Wesson  (E.).  An  Assyrian  Solar  Eclipse. 

Thompson  (R.  C.).  Til-Barsip  and  its  Cuneiform  In- 
scriptions. 

Langdon  (S.).  A Tablet  of  Prayers  from  the  Nippur 
Library. 

YII.  EriGRAPHiA  iNDirA.  Yol.  XI,  Ft.  i. 

Fleet  (J.  F.).  An  Inscxiption  at  Devagiri. 

Hultzsch  (E.).  Palitana  Plates  of  Simliaditya. 

Salmi  (Daya  Ram).  Saheth-Maheth  Plate  of  GJovinda- 
chandra:  [Vikrama]  Samvat  1186. 

Bhandarkar  (D.  R.).  The  Chahamanas  of  Marwar. 

YIII.  EpiGKAPHIA.  iNDO-MosiLFMICA. 

Yazdani  (G.).  The  Inscription  on  tlie  Toinl:)  of  ‘Abdul lali 
Shah  Changal. 

Hasan  (Zafur).  The  Inscriptions  of  Dliar  and  ibindu. 

Horovitz  (J.).  A List  of  the  published  Mohamedan  In- 
scriptions of  India. 

IX.  Tilk  Qufst,  YoL  hi,  Xo.  iii. 

Astley  (H.  J.  D.).  Totemism  in  the  Old  Testament. 

Javakliishvili  (J.).  St.  George  the  Moon-god. 

X.  Journal  of  the  Eotal  Anthuopological  Institutk. 

YoLXLI,  1911. 

Luschan  (F.).  The  Early  Inhabitants  of  Western  Asia. 

Brown  (R.  Grant).  The  Tamans  of  the  Upper  Cliindwin, 
Burma. 

O’Brien  (Major  A.).  The  Mohammedan  Saints  of  the 
Western  Punjab. 


857 


CONTENTS  OF  OKIENTAL  JOURNALS 

XL  Journal  of  the  Manchester  Oriental  SociKTy,  1911. 

Hogg  (H.  W.).  First  known  Inscription  of  Ellil-bani 
of  Isin. 

Chronology  of  Dynasties  of  Isin  and  Babylon. 

and  C.  J.  Ball.  Two  Cuneiform  Heart  Characters. 

Parker  (E.  H.).  The  Relations  of  China  with  Nepanl. 

“ Heart  and  Reins  ” in  Mummification  and  in  the  Literatures 
of  the  Near  and  Farther  East. 

Peake  (A.  S.).  Professor  H.  W.  Hogg  : An  Appreciation. 

XII.  Islam.  Band  Illy  Heft  i-ii. 

Kalile  (P.).  Zar-Beschworungen  in  Egypten. 

Jacob  (G.)  and  E.  Wiedemann.  Zu  'Omer-i-Chajjtoi. 

Kampffmeyer  (G.).  Eine  marokkanische  Staatsurkunde. 

Horten  (M.).  Die  philosophischen  und  theologischen 
Ansichten  von  Lahigi  {ca,  1670). 

Bell  (H.  I.).  Translations  of  the  Greek  Aphrodito-Papyri 
in  the  Britisli  Museum, 

Graefe  (E.).  Der  Aufruf  des  Scheichs  der  Senusija  zum 
Heiligen  Kriege. 

Saxl  (F.).  Beitrage  zu  einer  Geschichte  der  Planeten- 
darstell ungen  im  Orient  und  im  Okzident. 

XIII.  Journal  op  the  American  Oriental  Society. 

VoL  XXXII,  Ft  ii. 

Ogden  (E.  S.).  A Conjectural  Interpretation  of  Cuneiform 
Texts. 

Hoyt  (S.  F.).  The  Name  of  the  Red  Sea. 

The  Holy  One  in  Psalm  xvi,  10. 

The  Etymologie  of  Religion. 

Aitken  (W.  E.  M.).  Notes  on  a Collation  of  some  Un- 
published Inscriptions  of  Ashurnazirpal. 

Blake  (F.  R.).  Comparative  Syntax  of  the  Combinations 
formed  by  the  Noun  and  its  Modifiers  in  Semitic. 

XIV.  T^oung  Fao.  Vol.  XIII,  Xo.  i. 

Lietard  (A.).  Vocabiilaire  Fran^ais-Lolo,  dialecte  A-hi. 

Petnicci  (R.).  Le  Kie  Tseu  yuan  lioua  tcliouan. 


858 


NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 

Laufer  (B.).  The  Discovery  of  a lost  Book. 

Five  newly  discovered  Bas-reliefs  of  the  Han  Period. 

Simon  (E.).  Ein  Ethnogi'aphisch  Interessantes  Kakemono. 
Rockhill  (W.  W,).  The  1910  Census  of  the  Population 
of  China. 

XY.  Journal  or  the  Ceylon  Branch  of  the  Eoyal  Asiatic 
Society,  Yol.  XXII,  No.  Ixiv. 

Silva  (W.  A.  de).  Note  on  the  Bali  Ceremonies  of  the 
Sinhalese. 

Pieris  (P.  E.).  The  Eebellion  of  Edirille  Rala,  1594-1596. 
Ferguson  (D.).  Mulgiri-gala. 


ADDITIONS  TO  TDD  LlBKAin^ 


Abliedanaiida,  Swami.  Great  Saviours  of  the  World.  Yol.  i. 
8 VO.  Neio  Yorh  (1911),  From  Messrs,  Liizac  Co. 

Human  Affection  and  Divine  Love.  Sm.  4to.  Netv  York 

(1911),  From  Messrs.  Luzao  ^ Co. 

Abu  HanTfa  ad-Din-awaiu.  Kitab  aLAlibar  at-Tiwrd.  Preface, 
varientes,  et  index,  publiespar  I.  Xratclikovsky.  8vo.  Leide, 
1912.  From  the  Puhlisher. 

Anaxbaseama  Sanskrit  Skrtes.  Yol.  Ixvii  : Erahmasutrani. 
8 VO.  Foojia,  1911.  Fur  chased. 

Anailt,  Dliarrn.  Plato  and  the  True  Enlightener  of  the  Soul. 
8 VO.  London^  1912.  From  the  Fuhlishers. 

AsvArjiiosTiA.  The  P>uddha-Charitam  (I~Y).  Ed.  by  G,  11, 
Handargikar.  Bvo.  Foona,  1911.  From  the  Editor. 

Baines,  Sir  A.  Ethnography  (Castes  and  Tribes).  Gruridriss  der 
Indo-Arischen  Philologie.  8yo.  Strasshurg,  1912. 

Fur  chased, 

Bangkok,  Eoyal  Historical  Eeseaech  Society.  II.  The  Mission 
of  Sir  James  Brooke  to  Siam  in  1850.  8vo,  .Bangkok^  129. 

From  the  Royal  Historical  Research  Society. 

Binyoii,  L.  Painting  in  the  Ear  East.  4to.  ZowrZew,  1908. 

Fur  chased. 

Rook  of  Coaimon  Prayer.  Translated  into  Ainbic  by  Ih  Pococdce 
and  others.  4 to.  Calcutta^  1837. 

From  the  Rev.  Dr.  Anton  Tien. 

Braiidstetter,  R.  Indonesischen  Spracliforschung.  IX.  Das 
Yerbum.  H\q.  Luzern,  1912.  From  the  Author. 


Brown,  Sir  H.  The  Land  of  Goshen  and  the  Exodu.s.  2nd  edition. 
8 VO.  London,  1912.  From  the  Fahlisher. 


8G0 


ADDITIONS  TO  THK  lABHAHY 

Burney  Papers  (Captain  Barney’s  Mission  to  Siam),  1824-7. 
2 vols.  in  9 parts.  4to.  BmighoU^  1910-12. 

From  the  VajiranCma  National  Lilrary, 

Burton,  Lieut. -Col.  B.  G.  The  First  and  Second  Sikli  Wars. 
8vo.  Simla^  1912.  From  the  Chief  of  the  General  Staff]  India. 

Catalogues.  Telngu  Books  in  the  British  Museum.  Compiled  hy 
L.  1).  Barnett.  4to.  London,  1912. 

From  the  Trustees  of  the  British  Mnsexim. 

Chavannes,  JKd.,  et  P.  Pelliot.  Tin  Traite  Maniclieen  retrouve  en 
Chine.  8vo.  Baris,  1912.  From  the  Authors. 

Chinnaswamy  Mudaliyar,  A.  M.  Oriental  Music  in  European 
BTotation.  Madras,  1893.  Burehased. 

Coomaraswamy,  D r.  A . TC,  Ea  j put  Pain  tin  g.  E rom  the  Biirlingto7i 
Magazine.  4 to.  si.,  1912.  From  the  Author. 

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JOUENAL 

OF  THE 

ROYAL  ASIATIC  SOCIETY 

1912 

■.'Xxiii  : 

DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OP  EARS,  IN 
PERSIA,  AT  THE  BEGINNING!  OF  THE  TWELFTH 
CENTURY  A.D. 

Translated  from  the  MS.  op  Ibn-al-Balkhi  in  the  British  Museum 
BY  G.  LE  STRANGE 

{Concluded  from  the  April  Jmriial,  p.  339.) 

The  Qubad  Khurah  District 
Ar7^ajan}— This  city  was  first  founded  by  King  QubM, 
the  father  of  Chosroes  Anu^irwan.  It  was  a great  city, 
with  many  dependencies^  but  during  the  troublous  times 
when  the  Assassins  held  sway  in  the  land  it  fell  to  ruin. 
It  has  a warm  climate,  and  the  city  lies  adjacent  to  the 
Tbakan  Bridge,  where  it  spans  the  great  river  called  the 
Nahr  Tab,  which  flows  down  from  the  neighbourhood 
of  Sumayram.  Further,  many  other  streams  flow  past 
near  here,  with  much  water,  whereby  the  land  in  this 
neighbourhood  is  most  productive,  growing  all  kinds  of 
fz'uit.  Groves  of  date-palms  and  of  pomegranates  abound, 
especially  of  the  kind  called  mUas%^  which  is  most 
excellent.  There  are  also  many  aromatic  plants.  The 
districts  round  and  about  Arrajan  are  very  numerous, 
and  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayers  stands  in  the  city.^ 

^ The  ruins  of  Arrajan  lie  near  a place  called  Sih  Gunbadan  (‘‘the 
Three  Domes  "'),  a short  distance  to  the  north  of  Bihbahan  (FNN.  275,  276). 
- Variant  mcilM,  a name  not  given  in  the  dictionaries. 

^ The  MS.  here  repeats  the  text  in  the  opposite  column,  and  apparently 
a paragraph  has  been  omitted. 

.TEAS.  1012.  ' 56  ^ ' A. 


866 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


Jalldcljan,  Niv,  and  Dayr} — These  are  all  districts  of 
Arrajan,  with  climate  and  general  conditions  the  like 
thereto,  so  that  it  is  needless  to  say  more.  Of  this  district 
too  is  the  hamlet  called  Chahar  Dih, ''  Four  Villages.” 

Khubs,  Fiorzuk,  and  Hindljan? — These  are  districts 
lying  between  Arrajan  and  the  inner  districts  of  Fars. 
Khabs  was  a post  for  the  customs,  and  all  these  places  in 
climate  and  general  conditions  exactly  resemble  Arrajto 
in  all  points. 

Miadir? — A small  town  lying  on  the  seashore,  near  by 
0 the  castle  of  the  Amir  Firamurz  ibn  Handab.^  The 
climate  here  is  extremely  hot,  so  that  the  men  have,  in 
summer-time,  to  wrap  the  inner  rind  of  the  acorn  on  pai'ts 
of  the  skin  in  certain  places,  otherwise  it  would  chafe  into 
sores  by  the  excess  of  sweat  and  the  heat  engendered  there. 
Further,  they  have  the  habit  of  putting  on  many  shirts, 
and  they  wear  them  very  long.  By  reason  of  the  damp- 
ness and  the  unwholesome  climate  no  one  who  is  not 
a native  of  the  place  can  stay  out  the  summer  here ; 
all  others  go  up  to  Diz  Kilat^  and  the  castles  that 
belong  to  the  Amir  Firamurz,  and  there  they  remain 
[during  the  hot  months].  In  this  district  nothing  is  to  be 
had  except  sea-borne  goods  that  are  brought  hither  in 

^ In  one  place  spelt  Jallajan.  None  of  these  three  places,  nor  Chahar 
Bih,  now  appear  on  the  map,  but  they  are  mentioned  by  the  Arab 
geographers.  Niv  (printed  without  points)  is  given  by  IstalAri  (p.  Ill), 
who  names  Dayr  Ayyub  and  Dayr  ‘Omar  (1st.  112,  113)  as  of  this  region. 

^ Common  variants  are  Jins,  also  Jis  in  place  of  Habs  or  Miabs. 
Neither  this  place  nor  Furzuk  occurs  on  the  map,  but  they  appear  in  the 
Itinerary.  Hindijan,  which  Muqaddasi  (p.  422)  writes  Hindu-v^fin,  is  now 
known  as  Bandar  Hindiyan  (FNN.  239).  See  above  under  Biiad  Sliabur. 

^ Probably  to  be  identified  with  the  modern  Zaydun  (FNN.  278),  for 
this  Rishahr  cannot  be  the  small  town  of  that  name  lying  1-]|  leagues  and 
to  the  south  of  Bushahr,  though  this  last  is  stated  to  be  “one  of  the 
ancient  cities  of  Fars  ” (FNN.  210), 

The  name  of  his  father  is  uncertain.  It  may  be  read  Nadab,  Hamuli), 
or  Badab.  Not  given  in  Ibn-ai-Athir. 

® The  MS.  may  be  read  Diz  Killtb  pr  Gulab,  and  there  exists  a QaPah 
Gulab  or  Kilab,  this  castle  standing  0 leagues  south  of  Bihbahan  and 
4 east  of  Zaydun  (FNN.  278,  , 336). 


THE  PBOVIKCB  OF  FARS 


867 


ships,  for  nothing  except  fish,  dates,  and  Eishahri  flax  is 
to  be  come  by  in  this  place.  The  people  are  almost  entirety 
occupied  with  the  sea  trade,  but  they  have  neither  excel- 
lence nor  strength  of  character,  being  of  a weak  nature- 
The  town  stands  on  the  frontier  line  between  the  Arrajan 
District  and  Khuzistto.  The  men  here  are  honest,  occupying 
themselves  with  their  own  affairs,  but  they  have  been 
mishandled  by  one  tyrant  after  another,  fate  having 
been  against  them.  Further,  some  of  the  districts  near 
by  are  far  more  populous  than  that  round  Ri^ahr. 

Jannabd} — A small  town  lying  on  the  seashore,  and 
in  Persian  they  call  it  Ganfah,  vdiich  signifies  ''  Stinking 
Water’’.  Now,  a city  that  has  “Stinking  Water”  for  its 
name  must  be  described  as  of  an  evil  stinking  character, 
and  therefore  there  is  no  occasion  to  speak  of  its  condition. 
Nothing  that  need  be  mentioned  is  produced  in  this  place, 
and  all  that  can  be  said  is  that  it  lies  on  the  road  of  one 
going  from  Mahrubto  to  Siraf. 

Sln-lz.- — A little  town  tying  on  the  seashore.  There  is 
here  a small  fort.  The  place  lies  between  Mahxmban  and 
Jannaba,  and  they  weave  linen  cloths  here  which  are  very 
thick  and  soft,  and  these  are  knowm  as  Sinizi  stuffs.  They, 
however,  do  not  wear  well.  Nothing  else  is  produced 
excepting  dates  and  oil  for  lamps.  The  climate  is  good. 

3IaJirTibdn,^  ivith  its  District — Mahriibto  is  a place 
lying  so  much  on  the  seashore  that  the  waves  of  the  sea 
beat  on  the  houses  of  the  town.  It  has  a warm,  damp, 
unwholesome  climate,  worse  even  than  that  of  Ri^ahr. 
It  is  a seaport  that  all  ships  come  into  that  sail  either 
from  Fars  going  towards  Khuzistto.  or  that  set  out  by  sea 
from  Basrali  and  KhCizistan.  Likewise  all  tlie  ships  from 

^ The  ruins  known  as  Gunavah  lie  somewhat  to  the  north  of  Bandar 
Rig  (FNN.  209). 

“ The  name  of  Siniz  has  disappeared  from  the  map  ; its  site  is  probably 
near  modern  Bandar  Baylam,  the  chief  town  of  the  Qiravi  District 
(FNN.  279). 

^ Now  written  Mah  Ruban  (FNN,  289), 


868: 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 

the  sea  that  have  cargoes  from,  or  for,  the  districts  inland 
come  and  go  from  Mahruban, . whereby  its  custom-dues 
from  these  ships  are  very  considerable.  Except  for  dates 
they  grow  no  fruit  here.  They  breed  sheep,  however,  in 
great  numbers,  and  likewise  goats ; also  they  raise  calves, 
which  are  for  size  like  those  they  breed  in’  Basrah,  for  it 
is  reported  that  some  weigh  as  mucli  as  80  to  100  rati 
in  weight,  or  even  more.^  Linseed  and  flax  are  grown  here 
abundantly,  being  exported  to  neighbouring  parts.  In  the 
town  there  is  a mosque  for  the  Friday  prayers.  Tlie 
people  of  Mahruban  are  weak  in  character. 

The  Islands  which  belong  to  this  district  of  Qubad 
Khurah  are  as  follows : Jazmah  Hangam,  Jazirah  Kharik. 
Jazirah  Ram  [or  Dam],  and  Jazirah  Balur.^ 

The  description  of  the  towns  and  districts  of  Fars  being 
completed,  we  shall  now  proceed  to  notice  all  the  great 
rivers  and  the  lakes,  and  then  the  meadow-lands  and  such 
castles  as  are  still  in  good  .repair.  These,  therefore,  are 
the  great  and  celebrated  rivers  other  than  those  of  which 
a part  only  [lies  in  the  Fto  province].^ 

Rivers 

Nahr  Tab. — This  river  takes  its  rise  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Sumayram,^  increasing  in  size  till  it  reaches 

^ The  Baghdad  rati  was  under  three-quarters  of  a pound  avoirdupois  ; 
hence  4 to  5 stone-weight. 

^ An  Island  of  Hangam  (PNN.  318)  lies  to  the  south  of  the  Long 
Island  (Jazirah  Tawil),  near  Hurmuz,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Persian  Gulf, 
but  this  Hangam  Island  could  not  be  counted,  as  of  the  Qubad  Khurah 
district.  The  Island  of  Kharik  is  well  known  (FKK.  315),  bub  Ram  (or 
Dam)  and  Balur  cannot  be  identified. 

In  FNN.,  pp.  322^-30,  an  alphabetical  list  of  109  of  the  rivers  and 
streams  of  Fars  is  given.  Each  of  these  now  for  the  most  part  takes  it.s 
name,  section  by  section,  from  the  district  through  which  it  flows  ; heime 
one  river  during  its  course  goes  by  many  names,  and  the  109  enumerated 
do  not  stand  for  that  number  of  distinct  streams. 

The  Tab-Kurdistan-Jarrahi  River  does  not  rise  near  Sumayram,  for 
the  upper  basin  of  the  ghustar  River  lies  in  between.  Furthermore,  its 
mouth  now  lies  far  to  the  north  of  Siniz,  the  ghirin  River  flowing  down 
to  the  sea  here  in  the  intervening  country. 


869 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  PARS 

Arraito,  where  it  passes  under  the  bridge  called  Pul-i- 
Thakan,  Then  it  waters  the  district  of  Rishahr  and  flows 
into  the  sea  near  Siniz. 

Nahr  KhwahddnJ- — -The  source  of  this  river  is  at 
Juyikan.  It  waters  the  district  round  Nawbanjan,  and 
then  flows  through  Jalladjto  until  it  joins  the  River 
Shirin,  by  which  its  waters  reach  the  sea. 

Nalir  Jirrah^—T^YiiB  river  rises  in  Masaram,  and  it 
waters  the  district  of  Nahast  Masj an,  thence  passing  on 
it  waters  Jirrah  and  its  district,  also  part  of  the  Ghundijto 
District.  Beyond  this  it  joins  the  Bishapur  River,  and 
thus  its  waters  reach  the  sea. 

Nalir  The  Burazah  River  is  that  of 

Firuzabad,  and  its  source  is  at  ]^unayfghan.  It  irrigates 
FiruzabM,  with  its  district,  and  then  joins  the  Thakto 
River,  by  which  its  waters  reach  the  sea.  This  river  has 
its  name  from  Burazah,  the  great  engineer,  who  drained  the 
[lake]  off*  from  round  and  about  the  city  of  Firiizabad  [as 
described  above]. 

Nalir  Kur  [Cyrus  River].^— This  river  rises  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Kallax’,  and  it  is  a rebellious  stream  that 
will  irrigate  no  lands  unless  a dam  has  been  thrown  across 
it  to  raise  the  level,  and  thus  enable  the  waters  to  be  led 
over  the  surface  of  the  soil.  Now  the  dams  that  have 
been  built  across  its  stream  are  the  following  : The 
Rtoijird  Dam  ^ is  of  very  ancient  construction,  and  it  gave 
ii‘rigation  to  all  the  villages  of  the  Ramjird  District.  It 

^ The  Zuhrah-Fahliyan  River. 

- Tiie  Baliki-Jamilah  River.  Masaram  is  the  name  of  a village  in  this 
district  (spelt  now  with  a in  place  oi  md^  FNN,  281),  The  spelling 
JSfahast  Masjan  is  uncertain  ; possibly  it  is  a clerical  error  for  Nahiyat 
Sittajan,  **  the  Sittajan  District,”  near  the  head- waters  of  the  Tliakan 
River  (see  below  in  the  Itinerary).  There  is,  however,  a village  in  this 
region  still  called  Dih  Masghan,  or  Masqan,  lying  1 league  south-east  of 
Shikuft  (FNN.  281),  which  may  be  the  place  indicated  if  the  reading  be 
taken  avS  ISJasjan. 

The  Dihram^Firuzabad-Hunayfqan  River. 

**  The  Kfimfiruz-Rainjird-Kirbal  River. 

325.  ' 


870 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


had,  however,  fallen  to  ruin,  and  has  been  restored  recently 
by  the  Atabeg  Ohanli,  who  has  given  it  the  name  of 
Fal^ristan  [after  himself,  he  holding  the  title  of  FaMir- 
ad-Dawlah].  Next  comes  the  'Adudi  Dam/  the  like  of 
which,  as  is  well  known,  exists  nowhere  else  in  the  whole 
world.  To  describe  it  it  must  be  known  that  the  Kirbal 
District  [which  lies  round  and  about]  originally  was 
a desert  plain  without  water.  But  ^Adud-ad-Dawlah 
seeing  this  opined  that  if  a dam  were  built  here  the 
waters  of  the  River  Kur  would  work  wonders  on  this 
desert  land.  He  therefore  brought  together  engineers 
and  workmen,  and  expended  great  sums  of  money  to 
make  side  canals  to  lead  off  the  waters  of  the  river  from 
the  right  and  the  left  bank.  Then  he  [paved  the  river- 
bed], above  and  below  the  dam,  with  a mighty  w^eir 
[^adurwanl  constructed  of  blocks  of  stone  set  in  cement. 
Next  he  built  the  dam  itself  with  [stones  set  in]  tempered 
cement  and  sifted  sand,  so  that  even  an  iron  tool  could  not 
scratch  it  and  never  would  it  be  burst  asunder.  The 
summit  of  the  dam  w^as  so  broad  that  two  horsemen  could 
ride  abreast  across  it  without  the  water  touching  them, 
for  to  carry  this  off  sluices  were  made.  Thus,  finally,  the 
whole  of  the  district  of  Upper  Kirbal  received  its  irrigation 
by  means  of  this  dam.  The  Band-i-Qassar-  [the  Fullers' 
Dam]  had  been  built  of  old  to  water  the  district  of  Lower 
Kirbal,  and  it  too  had  fallen  out  of  use ; but  the  Atabeg 
Chauli  has  likewise  restored  this  to  working  order,  and 
[some  distance  below  it]  the  River  Kur  flows  out  into  the 
Lake  of  Bakhtigan. 

Nahr  Masin? — The  source  of  this  stream  lies  in  the 
hill  country  near  Sumayram  and  Simtal^t,  It  flows 
down  to  join  the  River  Tab. 

1 FN¥.  2.57,  the  Band-i-Amir. 

^ Now  known  as  the  Faydabad  Dam  (FNN.  257). 

^ The  Armish  and  Zard  streams.  Its  source  is  much  to  the  south-west 
of  Sumayram. 


THE  PROViJsOE  OF  EARS 


871 


Nalir  SInmn  ^ [the  Sweet- water  River]. — This  river  has 
its  source  on  the  frontier  of  the  Bazrang  District,  and 
it  flows  past  Gunbad  Mallaghan,  giving  water  to  many 
districts,  for  besides  that  of  Gunbad  Mallaghan  it  irrigates 
certain  of  the  lands  of  Arrajan,  finally  flowing  out  into 
the  sea  between  Siniz  and  Jannaba. 

Mahr  Bishairilr? — The  source  of  this  river  lies  in  the 
mountain  land  about  Bi^apuz*.  It  waters  the  city  of 
Bishapur  and  its  district,  as  likewise  the  homesteads  of 
Khi^t  and  Dih  Malik,  and  falls  into  the  sea  between 
Jannaba  and  the  Mandistan  District. 

NaliT  l^akan? — The  source  of  this  river  is  at  a village 
called  Jatru^^ali  [or  Chatruyah],  which  same  is  a well- 
known  village  with  its  district  belonging  to  the  Masaram 
sub-district  lying  round  about  Shiraz,  all  of  which  lands 
this  stream  waters.  From  here  it  flows  on,  passing  in 
turn  Kavar,  Khabr,  Simkto,  Karzin,  Qir,  Abzar,  and 
Laghir,  giving  water  for  irrigation  to  each  in  turn,  and 
finally  irrigating  part  of  the  district  round  Siraf.  In  its 
last  reach  the  river  passes  the  village  of  Thakan,  from 
which  same  it  takes  its  name.  Then  finally  it  flows  out 
into  the  sea  between  Najiram  and  Siraf,  and  in  all  the 
province  of  Fars  there  is  no  stream  that  is  more  bountiful 
for  irrigation  purposes  than  is  this  Thakan  River. 

Nahr  Pnrvdb.'^ — The  source  of  the  river  is  at  a village 
called  Purvab.  This  is  a most  blessed  river.  Most  of  the 

^ The  Shlrin,  Sar  Faryab  River.  Whatever  it  may  have  done  in  the 
past,  the  moiith  of  the  Shirin  is  now  at  a place  on  the  Persian  Gulf, 
lying  far  to  the  north  of  Siniz  and  Jannaba. 

- The  Zirah,  Khisht,  and  Shapur  River.  Dih  Malik  is  no  longer 
marked  on  the  map,  but  its  position  is  given  in  the  Itinerary. 

This  is  the  very  long  river  of  many  names,  of  which  the  first  portion 
is  now  known  as  the  Qarah  Aghach  (“Black  Wood  ”),  and  the  last  reach 
as  the  Mand  River  of  Mandistan.  Jatruyah  is  possibly  identical  with 
the  village  of  Ban^uyah,  lying  6 leagues  north  of  Shikuft  and  a little 
south  of  the  village  of  Masaram  (FNN.  280).  The  village  of  Thakan  is 
probably  represented  by  KakI,  the  chief  town  of  Mandistan  (FNN.  214), 

**  Otherwise  written  Pulvar.  The  Purvab-Kamin  River.  The  village 
of  Purvab  no  longer  exists. 


872 


IBN-Ai,«-BALKHI 

district  of  Marvda^t  is  irrigated  by  its  waters,  and  it 
flows  to  join  the  River  Knr.  This,  therefore,  as  given 
above,  is  the  description  of  the  greater  and  most  celebrated 
rivers  of  Fars,  and  besides  them  there  are  many  other 
streams  and  rivulets  of  lesser  size,  but  these  cannot  be 
noticed  lest  the  matter  run  to  too  great  length. 

Seas  and  Lakes 

In  regard  to  the  seas  and  lakes  of  Fars,  the  Persian 
Gulf  [Bahr  Fars,  otherwise  called]  the  Sea  of  Fars,  is  an 
arm  of  the  Great  Sea,  which  best  is  known  as  the  Green 
Sea,  being  also  called  the  Circumambient  Ocean.  On  the 
shores  of  the  Green  Sea  lie  the  lands  of  China,  Sind  and 
India,  'Oman,  'Aden,  Zanzibar,  and  Basrah  with  diverse 
other  districts;  and  each  particular  arm  of  the  Green  Sea 
bears  the  special  name  of  the  province  whose  lands  lie  on 
its  shores.  Thus  we  have  [one  arm  called]  the  Sea  of 
Fars,  another  the  Sea  of  'Omto,  and  then  the  Sea  of 
Basrah,  or  the  like  ; hence  it  comes  that  the  arm  [washing 
the  coast  of  Fars]  is  known  as  the  Sea  of  Fars. 

[And  now  as  to  the  lakes  of  Fars,  they  are  as  follows.] 

Bwhayrah  Baiit  Arzin  ^ [the  Lake  of  the  Plain  of  the 
Wild-almond]. — This  is  a sweet-water  lake,  and  when 
there  has  been  much  rain  it  is  very  full,  but  when  there 
has  been  lack  of  rain  the  lake  dries  up  almost  entirely, 
hardly  any  water  remaining.  It  measures  3 leagues  round 
and  about. 

Buhaymh  BalMigan? — This  lake  lies  surrounded  by 
many  well-cultivated  lands.  Such  are  those  surrounding 
the  towns  of  Abadah,  Khayrah.  Nayriz,  and  Khabraz  ; 
further,  all  these  districts  lie  at  no  great  distance  from  the 
lake  shore.  The  waters  of  the  lake  are  salt,  and  the 
circumference  of  the  same  is  20  leaofues. 

^ More  correctly  spelt  Arzhin  or  Arjin,  Dasht  Arjin  being  now  the 
name  of  a neighbouring  village  (FNN.  280). 

- FNN.  321.  The  places  mentioned  here  have  all  been  noticed  above. 


873 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  FARS 

BvJiayrah  Mahaluyah} — This  lake  lies  between  Shiraz 
and  Sarvistto.  Its  waters  are  salt.  All  the  streams  from 
near  Shiraz  and  its  district  flow  into  this  lake.  Its  size 
round  and  about  is  12  leagues. 

Biihayrah  Barkhwid? — This  is  a small  lake/and  a stream 
flows  out  of  it  that  is  called  the  Barvat  River. 

Biihayrah  Mur? — A small  lake  lying  between  Kazirun 
and  [the  district  of]  Mur-i-Jirrah.  It  measures  2 leagues 
in  circumference. 

Meadow-lands 

The  most  celebrated  Meadow-lands  of  Fars  are  these. 

Marcjhzar  UrcU — This  is  a very  rich  meadow-land,  of 
the  cold  region.  From  end  to  end  it  has  springs  of  fresh- 
water and  populous  villages,  and  of  these  last  are  the 
liamlets  of  Bajjah  and  Taymurjan.  There  are  others  too, 
and  their  lands  are  the  property  of  the  villages,  though 
they  have  to  pay  the  Land-tax  to  the  government.  This 
meadow-land  measures  10  leagues  in  the  length  by  5 across. 

Marglizar  Sikan.  — This  meadow  - land  lies  between 
Shiraz  and  Kavar.  It  is  a very  pleasant  place,  and 
there  is  here  a great  mass  of  standing  water,  near  which 
is  a forest  abounding  in  lions.  The  length  of  this 
meadow-land  is  5 leagues  by  3 across.^ 

^ The  name  is  now  spelt  Maharlu,  and  it  is  also  known  as  Buhayrah 
Namak,  ‘‘  the  Salt  Lake  ” (FNN.  322), 

- TheDarWiwid  Lake  and  River  are  mentioned  by  the  Arab  geographers. 
They  do  not  give  any  other  name  to  the  river,  and  the  reading  Barvat  is 
uncertain.  The  MS.  may  read  Purvab,  which  is,  however,  inadmissible. 
The  lake  appears  to  have  occupied  the  position  of  the  present  swamp, 
called  Sarah  Bahram,  at  the  soui'ce  of  the  Nurilbad  River  (FNNf. 
302,  303). 

^ The  Mur  (in  error  often  given  by  the  MSS.  as  Muz)  Lake  is  that 
now  known  as  Famur,  or  Daryachah  Parishan,  lying  east  of  Kazirun 
(FNN.  322).  Mur-i-Jirrah  has  already  been  mentioned,  -p.  51. 

\ For  Urd  see  above,  p.  21.  Taymurjan  is  no  longer  to  be  found  on 
\lie  map.  The  name  may  be  read  Tamirjan  ; it  is  probably  to  be 
ict^ntified  with  Timaristan,  which  YlUiut  (i,  197,  908)  gives  as  the  chief 
towri  of  Urd. 

® The  name  of  Shikan  is  now  unknown. 

^ ^ ' 


874 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


Marghzdr  DaM  Arzin} — This  meadow-land  lies  beside 
the  Arzin  Lake ; there  is  here  a forest  where  lions  are 
found.  The  length  of  the  meadow-land  is  10  leagues  by 
1 across.. 

Marghzdr  Ddrdh^ird.—This>  is  a small  meadow-land, 
measuring  only  3 leagues  in  the  length  by  1 in  the  breadth. 

Marghzdr  This  meadow-land  lies  on  the  bank  of 

the  Purvab  River.  It  is  a most  pleasant  place,  and  here 
[a  certain]  Baldalii  built  the  palace  of  Qali,  with  its 
beautiful  garden  and  a fine  tank.  This  meadow-land  is 
3 leagues  in  length  by  1 in  width.  In  winter-time  the 
fodder  here  is  excellent  for  cattle,  but  in  the  summer  it  is 
noxious  for  them  to  eat  the  grass  here. 

Marghzdr  Kdldn^—Thm  lies  near  the  tomb  of  tlie 
Mother  of  Solomon.  It  is  4 leagues  in  length,  but  has  no 
breadth  to  speak  of.  The  tomb  of  the  Mother  of  King 
Solomon  is  of  stone,  in  the  form  of  a cube.  No  one  can 
look  into  the  chamber  within  the  tomb,  for,  as  it  is  said, 
a talisman  has  been  laid  on  it,  whereby  anyone  who  shall 
give  a look  into  it  forthwith  becomes  blind.  I myself,  how- 
ever, have  never  found  one  who  had  made  the  experiment. 

Marghzdr  Rdn^ — This  is  a fine  meadow-land,  but  not 
so  good  as  that  of  Urd.  It  is,  like  the  last,  of  the  cold 
region,  and  has  many  springs  of  water,  also  villages,  that 
are  either  the  freehold  property  of  the  villagers  or  granted 
to  them  in  fief  for  military  service.  The  length  of  this 
meadow-land  is  7 leagues  by  5 across. 

Marghzdr  Bid  and  Ma^kdn.^ — A fine  meadow-land, 

^ See  j).  872,  note  1. 

^ See  above  under  Hiabrak  and  Qali  (p.  22).  The  reading  of  the 
name  Baldalii  is  very  uncertain  ; he  is  an  unknown  personage. 

Near  Pasargadte,  but  the  name  is  not  to  be  found  on  the  map.  Tiie 
tomb  is  in  point  of  fact  that  of  King  Cyrus. 

^ See  above,  under  Run  (p.  2B). 

® Probably  near  Dih  Bid.  The  village  of  Ma^ikan  or  Mashkun,  of  tlie 
Qunquri  District,  lies  on  the  Pulvar  River,  10  leagues  north  of  Pasargada* 
(FNN.  245).  In  Hamd-Allah  Rubat  Ma^k,  in  the  Itinerary,  occupies 
the  position  of  Dih  Bid.  The  Arab  geographers  give  Mushkan  as  the 


i 


THE  PROVINCE  OE  EARS 


875 


and  the  district  of  Basira  is  of  those  parts.  They  report 
the  climate  as  cold,  .and  it  is  7 leagues  in  length  by 
3 across. 

Margh  Baliman} — This  lies  above  Juwaym  [to  the 
north  of]  the  Shiraz  District.  It  measures  1 league  across 
by  the  same  in  length. 

Margh  Shidmi} — This  is  a very  beautiful  meadow-land, 
the  equal  of  which  can  hardly  be  met  with  elsewhere. 

All  round  and  about  it  are  well-cultivated  lands,  witli 

many  springs  of  water  and  running  streams.  In  spring-  ; 

time  water  collects  here,  and  being  held  back  forms  a lake 

in  the  midst  of  the  meadow-land.  The  length  of  this  land  ; 

is  10  leagues  by  the  like  in  breadth. 

Marghzdr  Kdmfwuz,^— This  is  a meadow-land  that  I 

stretches  level  after  level  along  the  banks  of  the  Kur  [ 

[or  Cyrus]  River.  There  is  here  a forest,  which  is  the  lair  | 

of  lions,  and  the  lions  of  Kamf irtiz  are  noted  for  their  I 

' ' ' ' ' 

savageness  and  strength. 

Now  besides  all  the  above  there  are  many  other  smaller  j 

meadow-lands,  which,  however,  are  places  not  nec 
to  mention  in  detail.  Moreover,  since  throughout 
from  one  end  to  the  other,  there  are  valleys  and  mo 
regions  ; everywhere,  therefore,  grazing-grounds  for 
are  to  be  found  in  an  abundance.  Lastly,  the  Mar, 
of  Kamah  and  Sarvat  ^ are  meadow-lands,  which,  t 
not  of  the  most  celebrated,  are  such  that  cattle  graz 
tliem  soon  become  extraordinarily  fat. 

chief  town  of  the  J awbarqan  District,  which  lay  at  tlie  head-wate: 

Farvab  or  Pulvar  River  {1st.  121 ; IH.  192 ; Yaq.  ii,  141  ; iv,  54J 
Basira  or  Lasira  see  above  under  Kamah  and  Faruq  (p.  24).  Dil 
given  below  in  the  Itineraries. 

^ Margh  is  apparently  an  abbreviation  for  Marghzar,  “ ineado"^ 

There  is  a place  marked  on  the  map,  2J  leagues  north-east  of  Tal 
which  is  called  Bahmani.  Juwaym,  as  already  said,  is  modern 
or  Guy  urn  (FNN.  191,  194). 

- giidan  was  one  of  the  Earthly  Paradises  (see  above,  p.  t 
position  is  nowhere  given. 

See  above,  p.  24, 

See  above  under  Kbabraz  and  Sarvat,  pp.  22,  24. 


876 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


Castles 

Description  of  the  Castles  in  Fars 
QaVah  IstaJ^r} — In  all  the  whole  world  there  is  no 
castle  more  ancient  than  this  one,  and  every  governor 
[of  Fars]  who  has  held  power  has  been  master  of  this 
castle.  From  the  times  *of  the  Pishdadian  kings  this 
castle  with  two  others  standing  near  by  have  been  known 
as  the  Three  Domes.  The  other  two  are  called  QaPah 
Shikastah  [the  Broken  Castle]  and  the  castle  of  ShankavM 
[or  Shakanvan],  but  these  last  are  now  in  ruins.  [For 
the  castle  of  IstaWir]  ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah  built  a mighty 
tank,  which  is  known  as  the  Hawz-i~'Adudi.  It  was 
constructed  in  a deep  gully,  down  which  the  stream  that 
passed  by  the  castle  flowed.  First,  ^Adud-ad~Dawlah  with 
boardings  closed  the  end  of  this  gully,  making  the  like 
of  a great  dam,  and  next  inside  this  he  set  cement  [in 
forms]  with  wax  and  grease  laid  upon  Hr6as-stuffs,  wnth 
bitumen,  bringing  the  whole  structure  to  the  upper  level 
all  round,  and  afterwards  when  it  had  settled  down  firmly 
nothing  could  be  stronger.  Thus  was  the  tank  made, 
and  its  area  was  a qaflz  [a  square  of  144  ells]  all  but 
a fraction,  being  17  feet  in  depth,  wherefore  if  a thousand 
ilien  for  a whole  year  were  to  drink  therefrom,  the  water- 
level  would  not  sink  more  than  a foot.  Then  in  the 
middle  part  of  the  tank  they  built  up  twenty  columns 
of  stone,  set  in  cement,  on  which  they  rested  the  roof  that 
covered  over  the  tank.  Further,  'Adud-ad-Dawlah,  besides 
this  tank,  built  here  other  water-tanks  and  cisterns.  The 
fault  of  this  castle,  however,  is  that  it  can  very  easily  be 
taken  by  assault.  Its  climate  is  cold,  being  very  like  that 
of  Isfahan.  Within  its  walls  are  many  fine  kiosks  and 

^ For  the  Three  Castles  of  Persepolis  see  above  (p.  26)  under  Istakhr. 
The  IstaHjr  Castle  lies  2 leagues  to  the  north  of  the  village  of  Fathahad. 
QaPah  Shikastah  (the  Broken  Castle)  is  now  known  as  Miyan  Q.aPah  (the 
Midmost  Castle),  and  lies  2^  leagues  to  the  north-west  of  Fathahad. 
The  castle  of  Ashkanvan  stands  one  league  south-east  of  DavShtak,  the 
older  Abraj  (FNN.  332-6). 


THE  PBOVmCE’.OE  EARS 


877 


beautiful  palaces,  also  a broad  maydaoi  [or  ground  for 
reviews]. 

QaVali  Bw^canat. — This  is  a strong  castle,  that  at 
the  present  day  is  still  in  the  hands  of  Siyah  Mil  ibn 
Bahurast.^  For  he  being  a good  man  [the  Saljuq  Sultan] 
has  allowed  him  to  keep  the  command  here,  and  has 
not  dispossessed  him  [as  has  been  the  case  with  other 
local  chiefs],  and  so  this  castle  remains  in  his  hands. 

Qal'ali  Khurshah. — This  castle  stands  5 leagues  distant 
from  Jahram.^  Khui*shah,  the  man  after  whom  the  castle 
takes  its  name,  was  a certain  Arab  who  had  been  appointed 
governor  in  these  parts  by  [Muhammad]  brother  of  [the 
Omayyad  Viceroy  of  Traq]  Hajjaj  ibn  Yusuf.  Now 
Khurshah  having  amassed  much  money  built  this  castle, 
and  taking  up  his  abode  therein  rebelled.  On  account 
of  this,  in  later  times  the  governor  of  the  [Darabjird] 
District  has  never  been  allowed  to  be  master  of  this  castle 
as  well ; for  of  a surety  power  and  wealth  in  a governor 
will  breed  conceit,  and  to  possess  this  castle  would  breed 
further  conceit,  and  where  in  a man’s  head  two  causes 
of  conceit  exist,  without  fail  these  result  in  the  disorder 
of  rebellion.  The  castle  of  ^Khur^ah  is  so  strong  a 
fortress  that  it  cannot  be  taken  by  assault.  Its  climate 
is  that  of  the  hot  region. 

QaVah  Raonm  Zcwan? — This  is  a very  strong  castle 
which  stands  near  Ghundijto,  -and  it  commands  that 
district.  The  climate  here  is  that  of  the  cold  region. 
Their  water  is  from  cisterns. 

QaVah  Ahadah.^ — This  is  a well-fortified  castle,  but 
in  all  general  particulars  like  many  other  small  castles. 
The  climate  is  temperate,  the  water  is  stored  in  cisterns, 
and  it  would  be  possible  to  take  the  place  by  assault. 

^ Probably  a mistake  for  Vishtasf  (see  Introduction,  p.  12).  He  was 
ehief  of  the  Mas^iidi  tribe.  And  see  p,  39. 

^ See  p.  34. 

See  above,  under  Ramm  Zavan,  p.  43. 

^ Of  Tashk,  near  Lake  BalAtigan.  , See  p.  30. 


878 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


QaVah  KJavvar} — This  is  a fortress  that  is  not  very 
strongly  fortified.  The  climate  is  cold  but  temperate ; 
and  its  water  is  obtained  from  wells. 

QaVah  Istahhanan} — A strong  castle  that  was  in  the 
liands  of  Hasiiyah.  But  Atabeg  Chauli  went  to  vrar 
with  Hasiiyah,  and  though  he  afterwards  made  peace 
with  him  he  dismantled  this  castle.  Now,  however, 
recently,  it  has  again  been  re-garrisoned. 

Diz  IqUd.^ — This  is  merely  a village  that  is  well 
fortified,  not  a castle. 

Diz  Abraj} — Above  Abraj  stands  a hill,  one  half  of 
which  is  fortified,  the  other  half  remaining  unfortified, 
so  that  it  could  be  surrounded  and  easily  besieged ; still, 
it  could  not  be  taken  by  assault,  or  quickly  invested. 
There  is  a running  stream  that  passes  along  the  fortified 
part  of  the  hill,  flowing  down  thence  to  the  plain,  where 
its  waters  are  used  by  the  people  of  the  village. 

QaVahd  Abadan,  or  ^'the  Garrisoned  Castles’'. — This  is 
the  name  of  certain  castles  which  are  mentioned  [in  the 
histories],  for  in  times  past  there  were  seventy  and  odd 
notable  castles  in  the  province  of  Fars,  all  of  which  the 
Atabeg  Chauli  took  by  force  of  arms,  and  then  dismantled 
for  the  most  part,  all  indeed  but  those  which  are  more 
particularly  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  section  of  the 
present  work. 

QaVah  Ispld  Diz,  or  ''the  White  Fortress  Castle".^ — 
This  in  the  most  ancient  days  had  been  fortified,  but 
for  long  years  had  been  dismantled,  so  that  no  one  could 
say  at  what  time  it  had  last  been  garrisoned.  Tlien  Abii 
Nasr  of  Tir  Murdan,  the  father  of  Ba  Jul,^  during  the 

^ See  p.  22.  Now  known  as  Qilat  Khar,  lying  1 league  to  the  south-east 
of  Arsinjan  (FNN.  174). 

“ See  above,  p.  34,  and  for  Hasuyah,  of  the  Isma^ili,  Introduction,  p.  IL 

^ A Diz  is  smaller  than  QaVah,  a castle.  See  above,  p.  23. 

**  Now  known  as  Hisar,  lying  half  a league  south-west  of  l)a,shtak. 
See  above,  p.  25. 

® Now  called  Qal'ah  Safid  (FNN.  334).  Seep.  58.  ® See  above,  p.  53. 


THE  PEOVmCE  OF  FAES 


879 


times  of  trouble  [at  the  end  of  the  Buyid  rule]  rebuilt  the 
fortifications.  Now  this  is  a fortress  that  entirely  covers 
the  mountain-top,  measuring  20  leagues  round  and  about, 
so  that  it  is  not  a mere  castle  nor  a place  to  be  held 
by  a handful  of  men.  It  is  a great  circular  mountain 
plain,  the  cliffs  below  it  being  of  white  rocks,  but  on 
the  npper  level  of  the  fortress  there  is  arable  land,  the 
soil  being  red,  which  they  sow  for  crops.  Here  too  they 
have  vineyards  of  grapes  and  orchards  of  almonds  with 
other  fruits : for  there  are  many  springs  of  water,  every- 
where in  the  ground,  and  when  they  dig  down  water  is 
easily  found.  The  air  here  is  quite  cool  and  pleasant, 
the  crops  too  are  most  abundant.  The  fault  of  this  castle, 
however,  is  that  it  must  be  garrisoned  by  a great  company 
of  troops,  and  that  when  the  rightful  sovereign  [namely 
the  Saljuq  Sultan]  ^ approaches  to  take  possession  thereof, 
the  country  folk  will  steal  away  [with  the  needful 
supplies  and  the  forage].  The  "White  Castle  stands  at 
a distance  of  2 leagues  from  Nawbanjan,  and  below  the 
castle  there  has  been  built  a small  fortress,  but  one  that 
is  well  fortified,  called  Astak.  All  round  the  White  Castle 
there  are  many  hunting-grounds  among  the  hills,  and 
within  the  castle  limits  there  are  numerous  fine  kiosks, 
and  there  is  also  a broad  review  ground. 

Qal'ah  Sahdrak} — This  stands  on  a great  hill,  which 
lies  4 leagues  distant  from  Firuzabad.  The  castle  was 
built  by  the  MasTidi  Kurds, ^ and  it  is  a very  fine  place. 
The  climate  is  cold,  the  water  excellent,  and  it  lies 
surrounded  by  arable  lands  that  are  never  let  to  go 
out  of  cultivation,  for  they  are  tilled  by  the  Shabankarah. 

^ Fadi^dh’i-mustaqlm : the  sense  is  by  no  means  clear,  and  the  text 
is  probably  corrupt.  The  passage  has  been  copied  verbatim  by  both 
Hamd- Allah  and  Hafiz  Abru.  Mustaqim  generally  means  “rightly 
directed”  by  Allah,  but  it  might  be  taken  to  mean  (the  king  who) 
“marches  straight”  on  the  foi'tress. 

* ISTow  called  Q.al‘ah  Sarah  (PNN.  334).  See  p.  46. 

3 See  Introduction  (p.  T2). 


880 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


It  is  indeed  a great  place,  and  all  the  year  round  corn  is 
grown  here. 

Qal‘ah  Kdrzm} — This  is  a castle  that  is  not  so  strongly 
fortified  as  some  others.  The  climate  here  is  veiy  hot. 
It  stands  on  the  banks  of  the  Thakan  Kiver,  and  they  have 
constructed  a syphon -tube,  by  which  water  from  the  river 
is  brought  up  to  the  castle. 

QaVdh  8amTdn?~Tl\m  is  a strong  castle  standing  near 
by  to  Juwaym  of  Abu  Ahmad.  The  climate  is  hot,  and 
their  water  is  from  cisterns. 

Qal‘ah  Khwaddn,  or  J^wdbddoi} — A strong  castle 
standing  in  the  midst  of  many  broad  lands.  The  climate 
is  temperate,  and  the  water  is  from  cisterns. 

QaVali  KhurramahJ^ — A well-fortified  castle,  standing 
among  cultivated  lands.  The  climate  is  temperate,  and  the 
water  is  from  cisterns. 

QaVah  Tlr-i-KJmdd  [the  Castle  of  God’s  Arrow]. — This 
castle  is  near  Khayrah,^  and  it  is  a sti'ong  place,  standing 
upon  the  summit  of  a high  hill.  It  is  for  this  reason 
that  it  is  called  God’s  Arrow,  for  it  cannot  be  taken, 
in  war.  The  climate  is  cold,  and  their  water  is  from 
cisterns, 

QaVah  Istahhr.^ — This  is  a very  strong  castle,  for  the 
which  reason  it  has  been  given  the  name  of  Istakhr-Yar, 

the  Friend  of  Istakhr  ” to  wit.  Its  climate  is  temperate, 
and  for  water  they  have  springs  here,  also  cisterns. 

^ See  above,  p.  40. 

“ Now  known  as  Qal‘ali  ‘Uthmanlu,  standing  2 leagues  south  of 
Juwaym,  or  Juyum,  of  Abu  Alimad  ; see  above,  p.  35  (FNN,  335). 

^ Muqaddasi  (p.  453)  spells  it  IQiwadhan,  but  it  is  probably  identical 
in  position  with  the  village,  or  stage,  of  Khwabdan,  mentioned  below  in 
the  Itineraries  and  standing  on  the  River  Khw'abdan,  which  has  been 
already  described  (see  p.  64).  In  that  case,  probably,  it  is  the  present 
Nurabad,  lying  1 J leagues  to  the  south  of  Fahliyan  (FNN.  303). 

See  above,  p.  30. 

® See  above,  p.  29.  Tlr,  ‘‘arrow,”  is  also  the  name  of  the  planet 
Mercury. 

Probably  on  the  hill  above  I^taMir,  Persepolis,  and  not  one  of  the 
8ih  Gunbadan  ; see  above,  p.  26. 


r 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  FARS 


881 


The  Castles  of  Ihirg  and  Tamm} — The  castle  at  Purg 
is  very  great  and  strong,  it  cannot  be  taken  in  war.  The 
castle  of  Tarurn  is  not  so  strong  as  the  other  in  regard 
to  its  fortiiications.  Both  have  a hot  climate,  and  their 
water  is  from  cisterns. 

QaVah  Ranhalir — This  castle  stands  in  the  Ranbali 
Pass.  It  is  a strongly  built  and  welPfortified  place,  and 
the  control  of  the  city  of  Darabjird  belongs  to  him  who 
holds  this  castle.  The  climate  is  excellent,  and  its  water 
comes  from  springs  and  from  cisterns.  At  the  present 
time  it  is  in  the  hands  of  the  people  of  Kirmto. 

QaVah  Giinhad  Mallaqhdn?—T\\iB  is  a castle  that  could 
be  held  by  one  single  armed  man,  so  strong^  fortified,  is 
it.  Its  climate  is  temperate,  and  water  is  plentiful  in  the 
cisterns.  They  keep  here  a store  of  corn  suflficient  for 
three  or  four  y^ars. 

The  Irdhistan  Castles}— are  so  numerous  as  to 
be  beyond  count,  for  in  this  district  every  village  has  its 
own  fortress,  perched  either  upon  a rock  or  crowning 
a hill,  or  again  built  on  the  level  ground.  And  in  all 
times  the  climate  liereabout  is  extremely  hot. 

Itineraries 
Distances  in  Fdrs 

The  distances  [along  the  high  roads]  all  start  from 
Shiraz,  because  this  is  the  central  point  in  the  province. 
From  Shiraz  going  towards  the  Isfahan  frontier  there  are 
three  main  roads,  namely,  the  way  by  Mayin  and  Run, 
tlie  way  by  Istakhr.  and  the  way  by  Sumayram. 

Of  these,  on  the  Mayin  and  Run  Road  it  is  counted  as 
52  leagues  from  Shiraz  to  Yazdikhwast,  the  frontier  stage 

^ The  eastle  near  Purg  is  that  now  known  as  QaPah  Bahman,  and 
it  stands  2 leagues  to  the  south  of  modern  Furg.  The  castle  at  Tarum 
is  not  given  (see  FNN.  217,  218).  See  p.  31. 

- The  castle  stands  4 leagues  to  the  east  of  Daifibjird  (FNN.  334). 
Bee  p.  33. 

See  above,  p.  52.  , See  above,  p.  48. 

JKAS.  1912. 


57 


882 


IBN-AL-BALKHI 


between  Fars  and  the  Isfahan  District.  The  first  stage  is 
of  6 leagues,  from  Shiraz  to  Dih  Gurg  in  the  Shiraz 
District;  the  second  stage  is  6 leagues  to  the  head  of  the 
J3ridge  over  the  River  Kur;  the  third  stage  is  of  4 leagues 
to  Mayin ; the  fourth  stage  is  of  6 leagues  to  Kushk-i- 
Shahriyar  in  [the  plain  of ] Da^t  Run ; the  fif® 

6 leagues  to  Dih  Basht  in  [the  plain  of]  Dasht  Urdj^^  ti^^ 
sixth  stage  is  7 leagues  to  Kushk-i-Zar,  also  of  Dasht  Urd  ; 
the  seventh  stage  is  of  7 leagues  to  Dih  Gawz  ; and  the 
eighth  stage  is  of  10  leagues  to  Yazdikhwast.^ 

The  road  by  Ista^r.  This  also  comes  out  by  Yazdi- 
khwast,  and  going  by  Iqlid  and  Surmaq  it  is  69  leagues 
in  length,  being  longer  than  [the  Mayin  Road] ; and  this  is 
the  Winter  Road,  which  is  used  when  the  other  roads  are 
impassable  [from  snow].  The  first  stage  is  of  7 leagues 
from  Shiraz  to  Zarqan,  the  second  stage  is  6 leagues  to 
[Padust  or  Pavdast],  the  third  stage  4 leagues  to  Istakhr, 
the  foui*th  stage  is  of  6 leagues  to  Kamah,  the  fifth  stage 
is  4 leagues  to  Kamhang,  the  sixth  stage  is  of  8 leagues 
to  Dih  Bid,  the  seventh  stage  is  7 leagues  to  Dih  Puland, 
the  eighth  stage  is  7 leagues  to  Surmaq,  the  ninth  stage 
is  5 leagues  to  AbMah,  the  tenth  stage  is  7 leagues  to 
Shtxristan,  and  the  eleventh  stage  is  8 leagues  to  Yazdi- 
khwast.^ 

^ Neither  Dih  Gurg,  “Wolf  Village,”  nor  the  Bridge  over  the  Kur 
now  exists;  Shahriyar’s  Kiosk  must  have  been  at  or  near  modern  Ujan  ; 
the  village  of  Basht  (or  Masht)  near  Aspas  ; while  Kushk-i-Zar  (Golden 
Kiosk)  is  now  generally  called  Kushk-i-Zard,  the  Yellow  Kiosk  (F.NN. 
2*20).  Mayin  and  Dih  Gawz  (Nut  Village)  have  been  already  noticed. 
Hadz  Abril  adds  that  this  last  was  also  known  in  Arabic  as  Qari}'at-al- 
l^ainir,  “ Yeast  Village.” 

Part  of  this  route  is  given  below,  p.  82,  in  duplicate,  in  the  itinerary 
for  Shlraq  to  Yazd.  The  village  of  Zarqan  exists  (FNN.  291).  The 
stage  called  Padust,  which  may  also  be  read  Mavdast,  is  uncertain,  and 
possibly  represents  the  village  of  Marvdasht.  Kamah,  as  already  said 
(f).  24),  stands  for  Kalilak,  Kamhang  (for  variants  see  1st.  129,  Muq.  457, 
458)  in  the  other  itinerary  has,  probably,  a double,  under  the  form 
Kaminak  ; there  given  as  another  stage  ; it  must  stand  for  some  place 
lying  between  Mashhad-i-Mur^ab  and  Mashhad  Mfidir-i-Sulayman,  the 
Tomb  of  Solomon’s  Mother,  otherwise  the  Tomb  of  Cyrus  (FNN.  801). 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  EARS 


883 


The  road  to  Sumayram;  and  from  Shiraz  to  Sumayraxn 
it  is  45  leagues.  The  first  stage  trom  Shiraz  is  of  5 leagues 
to  Juwayni,  the  second  stage,  on  to  Bayda,  is  3 leagues, 
the  third  stage  is  4 leagues  to  Tur,  the  fourth  stage  is  of 
5 leagues  to  Tir  Mayijto  of  Ktofiruz,  the  fifth  stage  is 
4 leagues  to  Jarmaq,  the  sixth  stage  is  4 leagues  to 
Kurad : the  seventh  stage  is  5 leagues  to  Kallar,  the 
eighth  stage  is  7 leagues  to  Dih  Tarsaan,  and  the  ninth 
stage  is  8 leagues  to  Sumayram.^ 

From  Shiraz  to  the  province  of  Kirmto  there  are  three 
main  roads,  namelj^  the  Rtidan  Road,  the  Shirjan  Road, 
and  the  road  by  Purg  to  Tarum. 

The  Riidan  Road ; and  from  Shiraz  to  Rudan  it  is 
75  leagues.  The  first  stage  is  in  10  leagues  to  the  head 
of  the  Dam  built  by  'Adud-ad-Dawlah,  the  second  stage  is 
in  10  leagues  to  the  village  of  Khuvar,  the  third  stage  is 
10  leagues  to  Abadah,  the  fourth  stage  is  6 leagues  to  Dih 
i\Iurd,  the  fifth  stage  is  7 leagues  to  Sahah,  the  sixth  stage 
is  11  leagues  to  Radhan,  the  seventh  stage  is  7 leagues  to 
Shahr-i-Babak,  the  eighth  stage  is  7 leagues  to  Ma^ra'ah 
Ibifihimi,  and  the  ninth  stage  is  7 leagues  to  Rtidto.*^ 

Dih  Bid,  Willow  Village,”  exists  (FNN.  244).  Dih  Puland  or  Buland, 
“Long  Village,”  must  have  stood  near  the  present  caravanserai, 
marked  on  the  map  as  Karvan  Saray  Khdn  Kiurrah,  lying  6 leagues 
north-west  of  Dih  Bid.  The  remaining  stages  have  already  been  noticed. 

^ The  name  of  Tir  Mayijan,  probably  the  chief  town  of  Kilmfiruz  (see 
above,  p.  24)  does  not  exist  on  the  map,  and  is  not  given  by  the  Arab 
geographers.  It  must  have  stood  near  modern  Ardakan  (FNN.  172)  ; 
Tir  Azjan,  0.^^  leagues  to  the  north  of  Fahliyan,  lies  too  far  to  the  west 
(FNN.  304).  The  remaining  stages  to  Sumayram  are  not  to  be  found  on 
the  present  map.  Jarjnaq  may  be  for  IJharbuq,  given  by  Isbikbri 
(p.  100)  as  the  capital  of  Al-Aghrastan  ; and  Muqaddasi  (p.  447)  gives 
the  spelling  Kharmaq.  Dih  Tarsaan  would  appear  to  be  identical  with 
a stage  given  by  Ibn  l^urdadbih  as  Tajab,  and  b}^  Muqaddasi  as  Az-Zab. 

- This  is  the  route  by  the  north  side  of  Lake  Bakhtigan,  and  most  of 
the  stages  have  already  been  noticed.  The  ruins  of  Shahr-i-Babak  exist, 
but  Mashra^ah  IbiVihimi,  ‘‘  the  Passage  of  Ibrahim,”  is  wanting,  and  for 
.Mashra'ah  IIuOz  Abru  gives  Mazra^ah,  the  Field  of  Ibiaihim,”  while 
the  Arab  geographers  put  about  here  Qariyat-al- Jamal,  in  Persian  Dih 
Shuturan,  “Camel  Village.”  Eudan,  too,  they  give  as  the  name  of  the 
district  lying  between  Yazd  and  Shahr-i-Babak  (see  above,  p.  18). 


884 


IBK-AI.-BALKHI 


The  fairjan  Road  ; and  from  Shiraz  to  Shirjan  is 
80  leagues.  The  first  stage  is  in  4 leagues  to  Dili  Biidan, 
the  second  stage  is  3 leagues  to  the  two  villages  of 
Dariyan,  the  third  stage  is  7 leagues  to  Khurramah,  tlie 
fourth,  stage  is  6 leagues  to  Kath  [or  Ki.^t],  the  fifth, 
stage  is  7 leagues  to  Khayrah,  the  sixth  stage  is  9 leagues 
to  Nayriz,  the  seventh  stage  is  7 leagues  to  Q.utriih,  the 
eighth  stage  is  7 leagues  to  Mashrahh,  the  ninth  stage  is 
5 leagues  to  Parbal  [or  Parbak],  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
stages  are  together  15  leagues  to  Mashra^ah  Muliaffafali 
[^^the  Passage  of  the  Mirage.”]/ and  the  twelfth  stage  is 
of  10  leagues  to  the  border  of  the  stony  [or  salt]  plain 
of  Shirjto/ 

The  road  by  Purg  to  Tarum ; and  from  Shiraz  to  tliis 
last  it  is  70  leagues.  The  first  stage  is  in  6 leagues  to 
Mahaluyah,  the  second  stage  is  9 leagues  to  Sarvistan,  the 
third  stage  is  of  9 leagues  to  the  village  of  Kurng  the 
fourth  stage  is  in  5 leagues  to  Pasa,  the  fifth  stage  is 

7 leagues  to  tlie  village  of  Fustajan,  the  sixth  stage  is  in 
4 leagues  to  the  frontier  of  the  Darabjird  District,  the 
seventh  stage  is  in  6 leagues  to  Darabjird,  the  eightli  stage 
is  in  6 leagues  to  Rustaq-ar-Rustaq,  the  ninth  stage  is 
12  leagues  to  Purg,  and  the  tenth  stage  is  10  leagues  to 
Tarum.2 

^ This  is  the  route  along  the  south  side  of  Lake  Bakhtigan.  The 
village  of  Budan  is  probably  modern  Pudinak,  lying  a league  or  juore  to 
the  east  of  K%u*az.  The  MS.  of  Hafiz  Abril  gives  “Two  Villages  caff/ 
Dariyfin  ” ; also  at  the  present  day  there  are  two  hamlets,  one  called 
Du  Dih,  “Two  Villages,”  the  other  Dari  van,  lying  respectively  7 and 

8 leagues  to  the  east  of  Shiraz  (FJSfH,  191),  Kat^  {or  Kisht)  is  now 
known  as  Khan  Kat,  standing  9 leagues  to  the  north-west  of  Istahhanat 
(PKK.  178).  Here,  again,  both  the  places  called  jHashra'ah,  “ Pass”  or 
“Passage”,  are  given  in  Hafiz  Abrii  as  Mazra'ah,  “a  Cultivated  Field  ” : 
and  neither  they  nor  Parbal  (with  other  variants,  as  Sarbak,  etc.)  are  to 
be  found  on  the  modern  map, 

- The  route  along  the  south  side  of  Lake  Maharlu  and  most  of  the 
places  liave  been  already  noticed.  The  stage  Mahaluyah  is  modern 
Maharlu,  a village  on  the  southern  shore  of  the  lake,  8 leagues  to  the 
south-east  of  Shiraz  (PKH.  194). 


THE  PROVIHCE  :OF  EARS 


885 


i 


From  Shiraz  to  the  frontier  of  the  Khiizistan  province 
is  62  leagues.  The  -first  stage  [from  Shiraz]  is  to  Juwaym 
in  5 leagues,  the  second  stage  is  Khullar,  the 

third  stage  is  5 leagues  to  KFarrarah,  the  fourth  stage  is 

4 leagues  to  Dili  Gawz  of  Tir  Murdany  the  fifth  stage  is 

3 leagues  to  Kiisjan,  the  sixth  stage  is  3 leagues  to 
Nawbanjan,  the  seventh  stage  is  4 leagues  to  Khwabdan, 
the  eightli  stage  is  6 leagues  to  Kishn,  the  ninth  stage  is 

5 leagues  to  Gunbad  Mallaghan,  the  tenth  stage  is 

4 leagues  to  Sahah,  the  eleventh  stage  is  of  4 leagues  to 
Habs,  the  twelfth  stage  is  of  6 leagues  to  Furzuk,  the 
thirteenth  stage  is  4 leagues  to  Arrajto,  and  the  fourteenth 
stage  is  of  4 leagues  to  Bustanak.^ 

From  Shiraz  to  the  coast  towns  namely, 

Jannaba,  Siniz,  and  to  Mahrtiban,  it  is  62  leagues.  The  first 
stage  [from  Shiraz]  is  4 leagues  to  Juzhirkan  [or  Juhirkan], 
the  second  stage  is  6 leagues  to  Dasht  Arzan,  the  third 
stage  is  10  leagues  to  Kazirim,  the  fourth  stage  is 
9 leagues  to  Khi^t,  the  fifth  stage  is  of  7 leagues  to 
Tawwaj,  the  sixth  stage  is  4 leagues  to  Dili  Malik,  the 
seventh  and  eighth  stages  are  10  leagues  to  Jannaba,  the 
ninth  stage  is  6 leagues  to  Siniz,  and  the  tenth  stage  is 

6 leagues  to  Mahriiban.'^ 

From  Shiraz  to  the  coast  districts  {A'mCd-i-Slf),  being 
39  leagues.  The  first  stage  [from  Shiraz]  is  in  7 leagues 
to  Masaram,  the  vsecond  stage  is  6 leagues  to  the  Sittajan 
river-bed,  the  third  stage  is  3 leagues  to  Jirrah,  the 
fourtli  stage  is  4 leagues  to  Glnindijto,  the  fifth  stage  is 
6 leagues  to  Rawa-adh-D6nwan,  the  sixth  stage  is  in 

‘ Kusjaii  is  modern  Kusingan,  3 leagues  to  the  south-east  of  Fabliyan, 
Init  neither  Kishn  (which  may  be  read  Kathan  or  Kanasli),  SfiUah  (like 
Siihah  near  Niriz),  nor  Bustanak  are  to  be  found  on  the  map.  The  other 
stages  have  been  already  noticed,  and  all  are  mentioned  in  the  Itineraries 
of  the  Arab- geographers,  from  whom  this  road  is  copied. 

“ The  name  Juzhirkan  is  uncertain,  and  not  found  elsewhere.  Hamd- 
Allali  gives  it  as  ‘‘  the  Wall  of  Hajji  Qawwam  Dih  Malik,  as  already 
said  (p.  GT),  is  no  longer  to  be  found.  The  other  places  have  been 
noticed. 


886 


lB?r-AL-BALKHI 


6 leagues  to  Tawwaj,  the  seventh  stage  is  7 leagues  to  the 
coast.^ 

From  Shiraz  to  Najiram,  which  is  65  leagues.  The 
hrst  four  stages  [from  Shiraz]  to  Ghundijan  are  in  total 
20  leagues  by  the  road  that  has  just  been  given.  Then 
the  fifth  stage  is  in  7 leagues  to  Bu^takan,  the  sixth 
stao'e  is  in  5 leap'ues  to  Bushkanat,  the  seventh  stage  is 
in  10  leagues  to  the  village  of  Shanana,  the  eighth  stage 
is  in  8 leagues  to  [the  beginning  of]  Mandisfcan,  the  ninth 
stage  is  7 leagues  to  the  further  limit  of  Mandistan,  and 
the  tenth  stage  is  8 leagues  to  Najiram.^ 

From  Shiraz  to  Siraf  by  way  of  Firuzabad  it  is 
86  leagues.  Fi'om  Shiraz  the  first  stage  is  of  5 leagues 
to  Kafrah;^  the  second  stage  is  5 leagues  to  Kuvar,  the 
third  stage  is  5 leagues  to  Ehunayfqtoj  the  fourtli  stage 
is  5 leagues  to  Firuzabad,  the  fifth  stage  is  8 leagues  to 
Simkan,  the  sixth  stage  is  7 leagues  to  Habrak  [or 
Hirak],  the  seventh  stage  is  5 leagues  to  Karzin,  the 
eighth  stage  is  of  8 leagues  to  Laghir,  the  ninth  stage 
is  8 leagues  to  Kuran,  the  tenth  stage  is  of  four  days’ 
march  from  Kuran  to  Siraf,  this  being  of  30  leagues. 

From  Shiraz  to  Yazd  it  is  60  leagues.  The  first  stage 
is  to  Zarqan,  in  6 leagues  ; the  second  stage  [is  of  6 leagues 
to  Padust,  and  thence  on  to  Istaldir  it  is  4 leagues]  ; ^ the 
third  stage  is  of  6 leagues  to  [Kamali],  the  fourth  stage 
is  of  4 leagues  to  Kamhang,  the  fifth  stage  is  of  4 leagues 
to  Dill  Bid,  the  sixth  stage  is  of  12  leagues  to  Abar- 
quyah,  the  seventh  stage  is  of  5 leagues  to  Dili  Shir,  the 

^ Kudbal-i-Sittajfin,  “ the  river-bed  of  the  Sittajan,”  appears  to  be  the 
river  otherwise  called  the  Thakan  (see  above,  p.  65,  and  ef.  Lst.  130, 1.  <>). 
Also  it  seems  likely  that  the  stages  are  inverted,  and  that  Alrusarain 
should  come  after,  south  of,  the  river-bed.  Bawa-adli-Dhiwan  is  identical 
with  Ramm-Zavan  already  noticed  (p.  43). 

“ All  these  places  have  already  been  noticed  (see  above,  p.  39). 

^ Modern  Kafr  or  Kafri,  lying  2 leagues  or  more  to  the  south-w'cst 
of  ^iraz  (FKN.  294).  The  remaining  stages  have  all  been  noticed. 

^ Added  from  the  route  already  given  (p.  78),  Kainah,  tlie  next  stage, 
is  given  in  the  MS.  as  Kamhang,  a repetition. 


887 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  FARS 

eiglith  stage  is  of  4 leagues  to  Tumarah  Bastar  [or 
Tiifaiali  Basb],  and  the  ninth  stage  is  of  9 leagues 
to  Yazd> 

[Ibn-al-BallAi  next  relates  the  history  of  the  Shabto- 
karah  and  of  the  Kurdish  Ramms,  with  a short  discussion 
of  the  characteristics  of  the  Persians  from  the  point  of 
view  of  their  government.  These  sections  have  already 
been  given  in  epitome  in  the  Introduction.  After  wliich 
follows  a succinct  account  (fols.  S9b-d0b)  of  the  revenues 
of  Fars,  which  needs  to  be  translated  in  full ; and  then 
the  MS.  closes  with  the  long  paragraph,  epitomized  in 
the  Introduction,  relating  the  closing  years  of  the  last 
of  the  Buy  ids.] 

Revenues 

In  the  Histories  it  is  reported  that  in  the  days  of  the 
early  Persian  [Sassanian]  kings  and  until  the  reign  of 
Chosroes  Anm^irvan  the  revenue  of  these  provinces  was 
assessed  at  one-third  or  one-fourth  or  one-fifth  of  the  crop, 
according  to  its  abundance,  and  this  custom  of  Fars  was 
similar  to  that  in  usage  in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom. 
When,  however,  Anushirvan  established  his  land-tax 
(kharaj)  in  all  his  kingdoms,  the  land-tax  of  Fars 
amounted  to  36  million  [silver]  dirhams,  equivalent  to 
3 million  [gold]  dinars.-  In  the  early  days  of  Islam,  after 
Fars  had  been  conquered  [by  the  Arabs],  for  a time  there 
was  nothing  but  massacre  and  pillage  and  all  things 
were  taken  by  force,  but  at  length  matters  quieted  down, 
and  the  ruin  and  disorder  that  had  overspread  the  land 
began  to  be  amended.  Then  finally,  in  the  reign  of  the 
Caliph  'Abd-al-Malik,  Hajjaj  [Viceroy  of  Traq]  dispatched 

^ TTie  first  half  of  this  Itinerary  as  far  as  Dih  Bid  is  a duplicate  of  that 
already  given  (p.  78).  Dih  Shir,  Lion  Village,”  is  marked  on  the  map 
between  Abarquh  and  Yazd,  but  Tumarah  Bastar  (with  variant)  is 
uncertain,  not  being  mentioned  by  the  Arab  geographers,  or  to  be  found 
on  the  modern  map,  where,  in  the  position  indicated,  now  stands  the 
village  of  Taft,  possibly  the  same  name  corrupted. 

' The  gold  Dinar  was  equivalent  to  about  ten  shillings,  and  the  silver 
Dirham  to  about  ten  pence. 


888 


liis  brother  Muhammad  to  be  Governor  of  Fars,  who 
founded  Shiraz  and  built  many  towns  throughout  the 
province ; at  this  time  the  total  revenue  from  the  customs  ^ 
of  Fars,  which  included  the  one-tenth  on  the  ^sea  ships, 
iimounted  in  all  to  three  million  dirhams.  Next,  in  the 
geography  of  Qudtoah  ^ it  is  stated  that  the  land-tax  of 
Fto  in  the  reign  of  Harun-ar-Radiid  was  registered  at  two 
million  dinars.  Then  during  the  troubles  of  the  reign  of 
Amin,  with  the  massacre  of  the  people  and  the  disorders, 
all  the  registers  were  carried  off  and  burnt ; but  as  soon 
as  Mamun  found  himself  firmly  established  in  the  Caliphate 
he  ordered  new  assessments  to  be  drawn  up,  when  it  was 
established  that  the  total  of  the  revenue  of  the  provinces 
of  Fars,  Kirmto,  and  'Omto  was  to  amount  to  2,600,000 
dinars.  This  assessment  was  efiected  in  the  year  200 
(815).  Next,  in  the  reign  of  the  Caliph  Muqtadir  [295  to 
320  (908  to  932)  the  Wazir]  ‘Ali  ibn  Tsa  made  a [new] 
general  assessment,  and  the  copy  of  the  portion  relating 
to  Fars,  with  which  province  Kirman  was  also  reckoned,  is 
as  follows : The  total  revenue  of  Fars,  Kirman,  and  'Oman, 
in  regard  to  the  yearly  receipts  from  the  customs,  amounted 
to  2,331,880  red  gold  dinto.  Of  this  total  the  portion 
paid  over  by  Fars  with  its  dependencies,  including  the 
customs  collected  at  [the  port  of]  Siraf  and  the  one-tenth 
levied  on  the  sea-shipping,  amounted  to  1,887,500  dinars. 
And  of  this  last  total  Fars  with  its  dependencies, 
excluding  the  Siraf  customs,  paid  in  1,634,500  dinars, 
while  Siraf,  with  the  one-tenth  levied  on  the  sea  ships, 
paid  253,000  dinars. 

[Of  the  grand  total  first  given]  Kirman  and  'Oman 
together  paid  444,380^  dinars,  but  of  this  sum  Kirman 

^ The  word  used  is  mu^malaL 

2 Cf.  text  of  Ibn  Khurdadbih,  p.  237,  and  the  translation,  with  notes, 
pp.  6-11.  Our  MS.  gives  the  name  as  JaTar  ibn  Quclamah  ; itsiiould  be 
Qudamah  ibn  JaTar. 

''  The  MS.  in  error  gives  4,044,380  by  a mistake  of  Uizar  for  md  ; the 
addition  of  the  two  items  gives  the  sum  as  above. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  PARS 


889' 

with  its  dependencies  contributed  only  364,380,  this  being 
reckoned  as  excluding  the  revenues  of  [the  towns  of] 
Fahl  and  Fahraj,  and  also  not  counting  the  [revenue  of] 
districts  collected  in  the  name  of  individual  Amirs  by 
tlieir  agents,  and  further  not  including  the  revenues  set 
aside  for  the  two  sanctuaries  [of  Mecca  and  Medina]  and 
which  Munis  the  chamberlain  [of  the  Caliph  Muqtadir] 
was  responsible  for  collecting.  [The  sum  therefore  above 
given  is]  the  net  remainder  which  is  paid  over  to  the 
Divan.  But  taking  the  places  in  ‘Oman  by  themselves, 
these  paid  80,000  dinars. 

In  [early]  times  the  Amirs  [of  Fars]  called  themselves 
the  Sons  of  the  Calipli,  for  none  would  call  himself  merely 
Amir.  Further,  they  had  seized,  on  their  own  behalf,  upon 
much  property  that  of  right  belonged  to  the  State,  and 
this  mostly  by  force  of  arms  ; then  those  parcels  of  land 
which  had  now  come  to  belong  to  them  were  ever  after- 
wards reckoned  to  be  their  own  fiefs,  those  who  had  come 
into  possession  taking  for  themselves  the  revenues,  though 
before  these  had  all  belonged  to  the  State.  At  the  time 
when  ‘Adud-ad-Dawlah  came  to  power  he  made  buildings 
[and  constructions]  without  number,  such  as  dams  [on  the 
rivers  for  irrigation  which  vratered]  the  lands  he  brought 
under  cultivation.  Wherefore  in  his  days  the  sum-total 
of  the  revenues  of  Fars,  Kirinan,  and  ‘Ointo,  including  the 
one-tentli  derived  from  the  seaports  at  Siraf  and  Mahriiban, 
amounted  to  3,346,000  dinars.  Of  this  sum  Fars,  with  the 
one-tenth  levied  on  the  ships  which  sailed  from  Siraf  and 
Mali rfiban,  paid  2,150,000  dinars;  while  from  Shiraz  and 
[the  new  suburl.)  of]  Gird  Fana  Khusru  came  316,000  dinars. 
Then  Kirnuui  with  [the  port  of]  Tiz  and  its  districts  gave 
750,000  dinars;  while  the  towns  in  ‘Oman,  not  including 
FaraS^  paid  in  130,000  dinars. 

^ The  reading  is  uncertain,  and  what  place  is  meant  unknown.  The 
MS.  might  be  read  Maza*  or  Maragh,  with  other  variants. 


XXIV 


MOTES  Oir  A KUEBISH  BIALECT,  SULAIMAMIA 
(SOIJTHEEM  TIJEKISH  XUEBISTAM) 

By  E.  B.  SOANE 

fllHE  short  sketch  of  the  Sulaimania  dialect  of  Kurdish 
^ here  presented  is  part  of  the  result  of  a study  during 
residence  of  several  months  in  and  about  that  town. 

The  dialect  is  closely  allied  to,  and  its  grammatical 
forms  identical  with,  that  of  the  Mukri,  a widespread 
tongue  probablj^  meriting  the  title  of  the  main  Kurdisli 
language.  The  dialect  used  in  Sulaimania  is  spoken 
with  slight  variations  by  the  Kurds  of  Shiian,  Qaradagh 
Bana,  Sardasht,  the  Qarachiilan  district,  and  Shahr-i-Zur 
(Guranbar  or  Khulmar),  whose  lands  lie  around  the 
Sulaimania  plain.  The  language  of  the  bazar  is  somewhat 
more  developed  than  that  of  the  district,  but  as  it  is  only 
by  the  addition  of  technical  words  imported  from  the 
Persian,  Turkish,  and  Arabic,  which  stand  as  foreign 
words,  the  Kurdish  is  not  affected,  nor  do  words  of  the 
mxtive  tongue  appear  to  have  dropped  out  to  give  place 
to  importations.  Certain  of  the  Turkish  words,  whicli 
are  the  same  as  those  adopted  by  most  of  the  other 
Kurdish  dialects,  may  be  considered  almost  as  a part  of 
the  tongue  of  the  district,  and  have  entered  from  the 
time  of  the  settlement  of  Turks  in  the  districts  of  Kirkuk 
and  Altun  Keupru  on  the  plains  to  the  west  of  this  part 
of  the  Kurdish  mountain  system. 

Sulaimania  is  the  most  southerly  point  at  which  the 
northern  and  middle  — or  true  type  — of  Kurdish  is 
spoken.  Farther  south  and  east,  over  the  Persian 
frontier,  the  correct  Kurdish  form  becomes  replaced  by 


892  SULAIMANIA,  A KUBBISH  DIALECT 

tlie  old  Persian  and  semi-Lurish  dialects  of  Aoraman,, 
(turaiL  Kalliur,  and  Zangana,  which  are  separated  from 
the  Sulaimania  and  allied  Jaf  dialects  by  the  River 
Sirwan  and  the  considerable  mountain  systems  of  Aoraman 
and  Jhanru. 

Sulaimania,  as  a centre  of  the  present  district,  has  only 
existed  some  230  years  (it  was  founded  by  Sulimto  Baban 
in  A.B.  1677)  since  its  rebuilding  upon  an  ancient  site  by 
the  founder,  who  was  of  the  Pishdir  district  of  the  Baban 
tribe  (still  found  near  Erbil),  which  itself  was  allied  to  tlie 
Hakkari  race,  once  the  most  powerful  and  authoritative 
of  all  Kurdish  races,  and  still  a famous  tribe  and  countiy. 
By  this  means  the  secondary  tongue  of  the  Mukri  (above 
referred  to)  was  extended  as  far  south  £is  Shahr-i-Zur, 
a little  district  previously  inhabited  by  peasants  speaking 
the  Aoraman  (or  sedentary  Guran)  dialect,  that  also 
spoken  by  tlie  old  Ardalan  dynasty  of  Sina  in  Persian 
Kurdistan. 

The  Mukri  language  above  indicated  is  spoken  in  the 
districts  around  Sauj  Bulaq,  and  to  the  east  as  far  as  the 
Turk  tribes,  north-west  to  the  borders  of  the  Hakkari 
Kurds,  whose  tongue  is  similar,  nortli  to  Lake  Urumia, 
and  south  to  Ai'dalto,  the  old  dialect  of  which  has  been 
driven  out  by  Kurdish,  to  linger  still  in  Pava,  Palangan, 
Rxzho,  and  Aoraman. 

Generally  speaking,  it  is  the  Sunni  tribes  of  Kurds  who 
use  the  true  Kurdish  language,  and  the  Shi'ah  tribes 
whose  dialects  are  those  with  an  admixture  of  Lur  forms 
in  verb,  noun,  and  grammar. 

It  will  therefore  be  readily  understood  that  tlie 
Sulaimanian  will  comprehend  with  little  difficulty  a Kurd 
of  Bitlis  or  Erzerum  or  Bayazid,  while  he  is  put  to  some 
pains  to  understand  the  language  of  the  Aoramani  or 
Guran,  who  live  but  a few  days’  journey  away. 

The  corruptions  due  to  mispronunciation  are  numerous 
in  Sulaimania,  but  have  been  quoted  in  the  following 


893 


SULAIMANU,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 

notes  in  some  instances,  as  they  are  not  without  value  in 
affording  comparisons  with  words  in  Persian,  which  have 
developed  along  the  lines  of  change  usual  in  that  language. 
Some  of  tlie  bad  pi'onunciation  of  the  townspeople  is  due, 
they  tliemsolves  assert,  to  the  large  number  of  Jews  and 
Chaldeans  who  were  converted  to  Islam  and  became  Kurds 
in  dress  and  language  after  the  change,  influenciuo-  to 
cl  small  extent  tlie  general  pronunciation  of  the  place  and 
introducing  Arabic  and  Syriac  words. 

The  local  dialect  has  become  fixed,  to  a certain  degree, 
by  the  large  amount  of  poetry  written  by  the  extra- 
ordinarily large  number  of  Kurdish  poets  who  have 
nourished  there.  A considerable  literature  exists,  but 
there  is  no  prose  amongst  it,  and  as  is  usually  the  case 
in  Kurdistan  a large  number  of  poems  have  been  Avritten 
in  Persian  and  some  in  the  Horam  or  Aorami  dialect, 
formerly  the  Court  language  of  the  old  Valis  of  Ardalan, 
to  which  reference  has  already  been  made. 

The  Sulaimanian  is  often  termed  Kurmanji,  like  that  of 
the  Hakkari  and  Northern  Kurds,  and  can  be  counted,  as 
has  been  indicated,  to  be  a part  of  the  general  Kurmanj  ''  ^ 
language, 

111  passing  it  may  be  remarked  that  the  dialect  quoted 
by  de  Morgan  in  his  Etudes  Lingwistiques,  tome  v,  as  that 
of  Siilaimania  is  not  that  of  the  immediate  district,  but  of 
the  villages  beyond  Qara  Dagh,  wliicli  partakes  of  the 
idiom  o£  the  Jaf  tribe.  The  Jafi  described  in  the  book  is 
not  that  of  the  Jaf  tribe  at  all,  but  mei'ely  that  of  one  of 
the  alienated  subsections  speaking  degraded  KermanshahL 
The  true  Jafi  is  very  different  from  that  quoted  by  him, 
and  is  nearer  to  Sulaimanian. 

The  pronunciation  of  the  Sulaimanian  is  remarkably 
ill -sounding.  As  in  most  dialects  many  fundamental 

^ There  is  a popular  interpretation  of  this  word  among  the  Kurds 
themselves,  who  say  that  it  is  ‘®Kurdraanj”,  meaning  the  ^‘people  of 
Kurds It  is  still  applied  to  all  peoples  of  undoubted  Iviirdish  origin. 


894 


SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


consonants  Iiave  entirely  disappeared,  medial  d suffering- 
most,  giving  such  examples  as 


main, 

for  mddymi, 

a mare. 

ayam 

,,  aid  am 

I give. 

laiya 

,,  laida 

strike ! 

Mm 

,,  hiddm 

which. 

„ jud 

a Jew. 

haidhh 

„ haidaq 

a standard. 

d occasionally  changes  to  as  in 
Mlilalca^  for  Midal:a, 


a key 


or  even  to  ng  (pronounced  like  -ng  in  English  wrong), 

for  tundj 
,,  ztnda 
paibmd 


speedy 
alive 
a shackle 


tiiug^ 
zing  a 
faiwang 

unless  the  ng  be  simply  the  result  of  losing  the  final  d and 
making  the  n nasal. 

b has,  as  in  so  many  Kurdish  and  Persian  dialects, 
undergone  the  usual  change  to  tv,  as  in 

dmvdl,  for  dumhcd^  a boil. 

giinodhh  ,,  gurhdq  a frog. 

araiva  ,,  arab  an  Arab. 

In  tvafr  (Persian  harf,  bafr)  the  w is  not  a change,  but 
merely  a preservation  of  v in  Zend  vafra ; gh,  which  exists 
in  Persian  words,  often  disappears,  as  in 

duy  for  dugk. 

rim  ,,  rughan. 

dm  ,,  durugkj  etc. 

st  often  softens  to  0,  as  in 

^ daZj  for  dast. 

nm  ,,  rdst. 

The  initial  A often  appears  where  Persian  does  not 
possess  it,  but  it  w'ould  seem  that  the  Kurdish  h is  not 
necessarily  redundant,  but  a preservation  of  the  initial 
h in  the  Zend,  to  which  Kurdish  lies  much  closer  than  does 


SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


895 


Persian.  On  the  other  hand,  thei’e  is  a great  tendency  to 
add  an  h,  as  will  he  seen  in  the  following  words : — 

against  Persian  Zmidi  lim^jwnan. 


ha  gar 
liangwhi 

hCitia 
haor 
kiisldr 
hail  Cm  (I 


agar, 

angahm^  ef.  English  h in  ‘‘honey 
the  same  word. 
dmadan? 
ah', 
iishtur, 

Idna, 


In  some  dialects,  notably  that  of  Sina,  there  is  a tendency 
to  add  h wherever  possible,  such  recently  imported  words 
as  cvvval  appearing  as  Jiawal, 

s lias  been  preserved  where  Persian  has  changed  to 
A,  as  in 

against  Persian  ; Zend 
Ctsen  ,,  ,,  cihan]  Sanskrit 

As  in  many  other  dialects,  words  presenting  hh  in 
Persian  occur  with  /cor  Ay  as 

hir^  against  Persian  Mar, 
hishh  ,,  ,,  Mushk, 

hawir  ,,  Arabic 

g changes  often  to  as 

iagm%  iov  teg arg, 
maisli  ,5  migas. 

There  are  two  vowel  sounds  which  are  very  difficult  to 
indicate  adequately  on  paper  ; these  are  the  two  forms 
of  met  with  in  such  words  as — 

(1)  where  j is  represented  by  a u so  narrow  as 

to  be  almost  7,  and  followed  immediately  by  an  almost 
imperceptible  sound  of  e as  in  het.  This  diphthong  wall  be 
represented  here  by  ib. 


^ The  common  rule  of  consonant  change  covers  this  apparent  incon- 
gruity. Amadan  l:)ecomes  dwadan  (cf.  Bakhtiari,  Mamaseni  owaidan), 
the  d hardens.  The  initial  h needs  no  further  explanation. 


896 


SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 

(2)  where  the  zamma  or  vdv  is  represented  by 

the  same  narrow  %b,  very  short,  followed  by  o short,  the 
two  forming  a diphthong  difficult  to  pronounce.  This 
sound  will  be  represented  here  by  u. 

Apart  from  these  thei’e  is  the  ^6  sound,  as  of  tlie  similarly 
marked  letter  in  German,  and  the  'ic  value  of  whicli, 
following  Kurdish  use  I have  written  i where  its 
value  is 

The  long  C sound,  or  is,  in  nearly  all  cases  wliere  the 
same  peculiarity  exists  in  obsolete  Persian,  pronounced 

/■•ai,.  as  . , 

c saif\  an  apple, 

sliaiTy  a lion, 

where  , meaning  milk  ”,  is  pronounced  sldr. 

The  Mukri,  Sulaimania,  and  allied  dialects  are  notable 
for  the  liquid  pronunciation  of  the  letter  I,  exactly  as  in 
Russian,  which  will  be  indicated  here  by  1. 

The  marked  ng,  or  nasal,  has  been  noted  above. 

The  Substantive 

It  is  probable  that  the  Sulaimania  dialect  once  possessed 
all  the  Kurdisli  forms  of  inflexion  of  the  noun,  some  of 
which  appear  in  the  Mukri,  and  nearly  all  in  tlie  Hakkari 
and  Northern  Kurmanj.^  At  present,  as  in  Persian,  recourse 
is  had  to  prepositions  to  form  most  of  the  cases. 

The  plural  is  formed,  as  throughout  all  pure  Kurdish, 
by  the  addition  of  but  tlie  termination  (original]}’- 

a diminutive)  is  almost  invariably  prefixed  to  the 
syllable,  so  that  words  which  in  some  cases  hardly  admit 
of  a diminutive  sense^  adopt  them  in  tlie  colloquial  (but 
not  in  the  written)  language,  which  presents  often  enough 

^ See  my  “ Kobes  on  a Kurdish  Dialect,  fciie  Sluidi  Branch  of  Kenminji  " : 
JRAS.,  October,  1909,  pp.  898-9. 

- Tixe  final  >al  oceurrifig.  in  Kermanshahi,  Kalhur,  and  the  Persia n- 
.adopted  /(If  ife  a Luiish  .t'V  ■ t ' 


SULAMAKIA,  A KUKDISH  DIALECT 


897 


the  pure  -an.  So,  in  poetry,  the  plural  j^a7lc?a'7^,  colloquial 
ixmahln  = ''  thoughts  ”,  ideas 

On  the  other  hand,  a word  ending  in  a vowel  takes  -ak- 
or  -h-  as  a support  for  the  vowels,  as  in  the  plural 
gattrdkdn  from  gativd,  where  gaurcidn  would  be  feeble. 

There  is  no  use  of  the  singular  form  witli  a plural 
meaning  as  is  so  general  in  Persian ; the  plural  sense  must 
be  expressed  by  the  plural  form. 

There  exists  also  in  Kurdish  a definite  singular  form, 
which  is  seen  in  Persian  in  the  final  form  -i — 


kharulatn,  I bought  one  mule. 

Culmni  amad^  one  man  came. 

The  Kurdish  has  the  particle  -ek  which  it  uses  in 
precisely  the  same  manner — 

a}str~eh-7h  kirn^  I bought  one  mule, 
puureh  hat ^ one  man  came. 


not  to  be  confused  with — 

a'istraha-am  kirri,  I bought  the  mule  (dim.). 
punoaka  hat^  the  man  (dim.)  came. 

Genitive.  This  case  is  formed  with  the  use  of  i between 
the  thing  possessed  and  the  possessor,  as 

vninalddcichm,  my  daughter’s  child. 

, fw/z  hmvln,  a summer’s  day. 

In  Sulaimania  the  particle  is  sometimes  so  lengthened 
as  to  form , tlie  principal  sound  in  the  phrase  objective. 
There  is  no  case  ending  or  indication  of  the  objective 

sense, 

PTejyositional  Oases 

There  still  remains  in  the  Sulaimanian  dialect  the  form 
-da,  which  is  a regular  rule  in  Mukri  and  Northern  dialects^ 
occurring  in  a noun  following  a preposition.  In  Sulaimani  a 


.TEAS.  1912. 


oS 


898 


SULAIMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 


it  is  occasionally  heard  in  the  following  senses,  in  the  dative 
and  ablative  cases  : — 

1 hatm  la  leh  da  = I came  from  the  village. 

rrd  hurdawa  = He  has  tied  to  town. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  word  = '^£or  ” ^ i^^ 
in  place  of  6a  = ''to’',  and  not  infi^equently  the  word 
Za  = '‘from”  is  used  in  the  same  sense  exactly;  a habit 
still  observed  by  the  Kurd  when  he  speaks  Persian, 
it  being  quite  common  to  hear  a Mukri,  Jaf,  or 
Sulaimanian  say  kuja  oniraM To 

where  are  you  going  I ''  translating  from  his  own  language 
lahii  dacM, 

Sulaimania  possesses  a curious  diminutive  form  in  -Tila, 
which  is  rarely  encountered  in  vulgar  Persian  of  Shiraz 
(in  one  or  two  words,  as  huchidu  for  kfichelca)^  and  in 
Sina  of  Persian  Kurdistan,  as  in 


peAtdicla  = a small,  little  one  (tiny). 
maishula  ==  a little  fly,  from  maish^  a fly. 
mairfda  = a little  ant,  from  miira. 
hulaha  = Icii  q-  ula  + aha,  double  diminutive. 
jfdaha  + iila  + aha,  double  diminutive. 

This  is  very  common  in  Sulaimania. 

Below  is  a comparative  list  of  some  of  the  commoner 
nouns  in  use: — ^ 


Sulaimania. 
haor 


u 


Id 

wafr 

mdngisho 

hdrdn 

tair 


Remakks. 

Yidgar  Persian  aor,  old  form  avra 
Deletion  of  final  d 
Zend  mfra 

As  in  Persian 

Loss  of  medial  and  final  g 


Meanino. 

clouds 

wind 

snow 

moonlight 

rain 

hail 


^ ^‘Northern ” and  Middle ^ Kurdish  are  used  for  Hakkari,  Kermanji 
(North),  and  Mukri,  Bilbasi,  Raw^dtizi,  and  Pishdir  (Middle). 


SULAIMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 


899 


StTLAlMANIA, 

Remarks. 

Meaning-. 

sahd 

As  in  Mukri 

ice 

d(jir 

As  in  all  Kurdish 

fire 

agirddn 

As  in  all  Kurdish  of  the  north 

a stove 

plita 

Inversion  of  1 and  Z5,  cf.  Persian 
fitila ; obsolete  Persian,  how- 
ever, gives  pilita  ; all  ap- 
parently from  Arabic 

a wick 

dim 

Deletion  of  d after  \ 

mankind 

JU 

mindl 

As  in  Southern  Kurdish,  <?has 
disappeared  from  minddl 

a child 

V ■' 

J 

hurr 

As  in  all  Kurdish  and  in  South 

Persian 

a boy 

J 

e. 

Meh 

Korth  and  Middle  Kurdish. 
(?)  from  Turkish  ji 

a girl 

pidiv 

As  in  all  Kurdish  and  in  Lurish 

a man 

A ■ 

c^; 

zhhi 

a woman 

nurd 

^‘The  man/^  Sulaimania  and 

Mukri  use 

a husband 

hrd 

The  final  syllable  -dar  does  not 
appear  in  any  of  the  Kurdish 
tongues  in  this  or  other  words 
like  madar,  hjiwdhar,  BhyJiar^ 

dtikhtar,  etc. 

a brother 

khvakhlc 

The  root  hhwd  as  in  Persian 

hhwdhar  minus  -or  and  with 

diminutive 

a sister 

hdwh 

As  in  all  Kurdish 

a father 

lJ^}o 

duth 

The  Southern  Kurdish  gives 

900: 


STJLAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


SULAI  MANIA. 

Remarks. 

MeANIN(4. 

^ib 

zdivd 

Change  of  m to  to  and  dis- 
appearance of  final  cl 

a bridegroom 

ili 

■;  j . 

ndic 

Change  of  m to  w from 

a name 

■"  ■ ' 

liatdw 

Corruption  of  with  initial 

h»  Southern  Kurdish  shows 

only  the  word  khivar 

the  sun 

l-jCj  L’# 

mam/ 

As  in  all  old  dialects  of  Persian 

and  in  all  Kurdish 

the  moon,  a 

month 

astdra 

Sometimes  given  an  initial  h 

a star 

haidnl 

Also  in  Caspian  coast  dialects 

to-morrow 

morning,  the 
morning 

suhhaint 

Mukri  also.  Prom  Arabic  , 

'w  *• 

+ ' 

■ ■■ 

the  morning 

A 

Jj  “ 

mmaru 

Alukrl  also 

noon 

pasli-i-nmru 

early  afternoon 

Iwdra 

All  Kurdish  and  obsolete  Persian 

late  afternoon 

rnj 

Zend  raoehof  Persian  rm,  Persian 

dialect  nWi 

the  day 

shaic 

night 

A-j  ij 
•*-^ 

dwalna 

Root  = yester  + 

yesterday 

pain 

Zend  para 

the  day  before 
yesterday 

-/  •»? 

par 

Also  obsolete  Persian;  inodern 
Persian  'Uw.b 

last  jv.iw 

char 

Also  jEakkarl 

the  face 

::-'V 'ilkCs--' 
Jv 

chaw 

All  Kurdish 

the  eyes 

nducliaw 

ff 

the  forehead 

Ujl  J 

dan 

Northern  Kurdish  also 

the  teetii 

STJLAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


901 


SULATMANIA. 

Bemaeks. 

Meaning. 

r'" 

• t 

dam 

jSi'ortliern  luirdisli  and  ( jj 

the  mouth 

'jt' 

llw 

1 The  distinction  between  the  two  | 
■)  lips  appears  only  in  local  [■ 
i Sulaimania  dialect  j 

the  upper  lip 

UcJi 

the  lower  lip 

ninuh 

Persian  , Sanskrit  nahha 

the  nails 

hrfL 

Sanskrit  other  Kurdish 

tlic  eyebrow 

hrzhdn 

the  lashes 

'■  ■ J 

■ ■■ 

pnh 

General  Kurdish  nse;  cf.  obsolete 
Persian  * brooked” 

a rainbow^,  curls 

iKsti  S'  1 

‘ J 

d(/irtja 

North  and  Middle  Kurdish 

the  side  locks 

of  a woman 

, 

qkJi 

Also  used  by  Turkomans  of  the 

district 

tangled  hair 

smlr 

Other  dialects,  s?mlf  swil,  etc. 

the  moustache 

ulnk 

Also  Northern  Kurdish 

the  breast 

mil 

Middle  and  Southern  Kurdish. 

Northern  has  ustu^  which  is 

also  sometimes  used 

the  neck 

mnust 

Southern  dialects  use  hilhy  a word 
.signifying  ^^an  appendage’’ 

a finger 

A 

uS'V 

zhnz 

Yariatioii  of  forms  of  the  same 

word  in  all  Persian  and 

Kurdish  dialects 

the  knee 

sqdn 

Also  isq ; Zend  asta 

a bone 

mrdl 

the  heart 

c«J; 

J 

%ih 

As  in  all  Kurdish  and  Northern 

Lurish.  Persian 

the  belly 

lash 

Persian  uses  S for  a body  ” 
or  corpse  ” 

a body,  living 

or  dead 

902  SULAIMAKU,  A KUEMSH  DIALECT 


SuLAIMxVNIA. 

. Remarks. 

Meaking. 

ddr 

Obsolete  Persian,  also  Sanskrit 

darUj  Zend  daru 

a tree 

tin 

As  in  all  pure  Kurdisb 

grapes 

if 

gla 

As  in  all  pure  Kurdisb,  except 
when  g is  hardened  to  ch 

a leaf 

truzi 

Middle  Kurdish 

a kind  of  cu- 
cumber, 

JlsMwis 

nUh 

Middle  Kurdish 

lentils 

uUT 

alat 

All  Kurdish,  except  Northern 

pepper 

Icalalc 

All  Kurdish.  Persian 

a small  melon 

shuti 

All  I^orthern  Kurdish.  Southern 

_ 1 A 

a water-melon 

liarml 

Obsolete  Persian 

a pear 

larsiaila 

Sulaimania  only 

unripe  grapes 

Idsih 

Middle  Kurdish 

a carrot 

dang 

All  Kurdish 

a noise  ' : : 

CT'' 

dsen 

Zend  agmhf  Sanskrit  aym 

iron  ■ ■ ■ 

%ir 

Obsolete  Persian 

gold 

iij 

%ltv 

Obsolete  Persian 

silver 

pdhhir 

Northern  and  Middle  Kurdish 

use  also 

copper 

>• 

mi% 

Sulaimania  and  South  Kurdish 

use 

copper 

Mill 

Korth  and  Middle  Kurdish. 

Southern  = 

salt 

hirkh 

Pehlevi  hamk,  Persian  harra 

a lamb 

LSjJJ 

hkinh 

Other  Kurdish,  hkin^  Ihinha 

a goat 

U-f-'l 

aslc 

Preservation  of  b in  Sanskrit 

a gaxeile 

SULAIMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 

903 

SULAIMANIA. 

Eemauks, 

Me  AXING. 

haiqush 

Turkish,  hayaqush 

an  owl 

IcalasMr 

All  Kurdish,  the  lion-headed  ” 

a cock 

rewz 

. M . . 5»  ■ ■ ■ 

a fox 

i 

Jiam/ 

Persian  has  not  preserved  the  7^, 
presenting  the  obsolete  l-Jo  1 

a bee 

zardioala 

The  yellow  one  ” 

a hornet 

marmilka 

Approximately  the  same  in  all 

Kurdish 

a lizard 

t >sJUjJ  1^3 

' v.-' 

dupishk 

Two  claws  ’’ 

a scorpion 

waran 

All  Kurdish 

a ram 

ji 

paz 

All  Kurdish  (Aliddle),  Zend 

pasa 

a sheep 

V 

psihka 

Northern  Kurdish 

a cat 

katka 

Sulaimania  only 

a cat 

L-Jw 

malushk 

Similar  in  all  Kurdish 

a sparrow 

»>» 

marr 

Aliddle  Kurdish 

a ewe 

L— 

kaicrdfdik 

Middle  Kurdish.  Southern 

Kurdish  kdwir 

a sheep 

c;^A- 

main 

As  in  all  Kurdish,  loss  of 

medial  d 

a mare 

nidid 

Preservation  of  Zend  and  San- 
skrit s 

a fish 

y 

mirklik 

One  of  many  Kurdish  variations 
of  Zend  root  word  ynaregha 

a fowd 

niaish 

Loss  of  medial  g \ cf.  Fr.  moucJie 

a fly 

LS^ 

khisM 

Similar  in  all  Kurdish 

a centipede 

lA-}/ 

harivuh 

f j »♦ 

a hare 

mairula 

Northern  and  Aliddle  Kurdish 

(see  text) 

an  ant 

904 


SULAIMANIA,  A KT7EDISH  DIALECT 


SULAIMA>;IA. 

Remarks. 

Meaning. 

z 

nlahh 

Middle  Kurdisli  use.  Persian 

any  beast  of 

meaning  = donkey 

burden 

(iistr 

Obsolete  Persian 

a mule 

ZJ 

haruldlch 

Ear  + uldhh  = donkey  + beast 

an  ass 

of  burden 

ivirch 

Of.  other  Kurdish,  lirs,  hirchy 

a bear 

etc.  Persian 

’•  V V 

chdaiha 

The  inhabitant  of  wilds  ” 

a sparrow 

lird% 

Zend  mra%a 

a hog 

jy- 

luq 

Of.  vulgar  Persian  (from 

a frog 

the  sound  of  the  creature) 

g^dluncha 

Kurdish  also  , etc. 

a beetle 

CK-1  aXIw« 
y •• 

maishula 

Piminutive  of  malsh 

a gnat 

malsli 

K orthern  and  Middle.  Southern 

a dy 

gives  malm 

‘A 

. w -7  • 

laush 

Northern  and  Middle 

the  side  of  the 

body 

hit 

Northern  and  Middle 

the  snout 

J3 

(v_ 

q^dch 

Turkoman  use 

the  foot 

pd%hia 

Northern  Kurdish.  Pers. 

the  heel 

Jchurl 

All  Kurdish,  used  to  name  a 

wool 

woollen  cloth  in  Persia  about 

300  years  ago 

JTTT 

machir 

All  Kurdish 

thread 

^Vij 

raqdla 

Middle  Kurdish 

the  ankle 

tisln 

All  Kurdish 

a thread  spindle 

JU 

maJ 

All  Kurdish  and  Lurish  use 

a tent  or  a 

residence 

l:s- 

y 

hhdnu 

Northern  and  Middle  only 

a house  (built) 

SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH -■  DIALECT 


905 


SULAISIAXIA. 

Remarks. 

AIbaninci. 

■ 'A  ■ 

■ ^ ■ 

limish 

Mid.  Ivnrdish.  Prom  Ar.  , 

a court 

U y 

y,.' 

Itr 

tj 

n M 

a well 

J '] 

' >'*•> 

zldr 

Middle  Kurdish  ( ==  that  which 

a room 

is  underneath) 

hems 

All  Kurdish  except  Kerman shahi 

a shirt 

(larpal 

Middle  and  Mukri 

trousers 

f 

hated 

All  Kurdish.  Prom  Arabic 

a tunic 

salta 

Prom  Arabic  salta 

a waistcoat 

.A/ 

girrfdn 

All  Kurdish;  cf.  obsolete  Persian 

a pocket 

a collar,  from  ‘Vthe 
edge  being  sewn  ’’ 

clidh' 

Loss  of  medial  d 

a veil 

glhiwanha 

= f/elu  + land  4-  aha 

a necklace 

milwanha 

= mil  + land  aka 

if 

j'dih 

All  Kurdish ; cf.  Persian  use  of 

clothing 

Jul  for  **  horse  clothing  ’’ 

A 

har% 

All  Kurdish.  Zend  lerez 

a high  place 

JfJ 

J • 

hard 

Northern  and  Middle  ; cf.  in 

a stone 

, a place  in  South 
Persia,  a stony  promontory 

hCinz 

An  excavation,”  all  Kurdish 

a well 

A 

hiio 

All  Kurdish 

a mountain 

raif/a 

?>  . 

the  road 

,('vV 

eham 

a river 

, ■•:  ■■ 

tarn 

,,  also  Persian 

mist 

\ 

jf 

qur 

M iddle  Kurdish.  ^ * Blind  w ater,  ’ ’ 

mud 

hllam 

a lagoon 

the  word  hulaw^  where  w has 
not  changed  to  is  also  used 


906 


SULAIMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 


SULAIMANIA. 

Remarks. 

Meanixo. 

JuCtJ  ; 

All  Middle  and  JS^ortheni  dialects 

a high  peak 

mil 

a » 

a pass,  or  neck 

Imwin 

ISfortliem  Kurdish  also.  Old 

summer 

Persian  df  Sanskrit  dlhdy 
formed  by  addition  of  initial 
h 4-  dr  4-  in  (attributive  affix) 

= the  sun  season 

gldwakh 

the  star  Sirius 

4^3 

qsa 

All  Kurdish  use  ; ? for  Ar.  ^^3 

a word 

dru 

Disappearance  of  gh,  Zend 

a lie 

draugha 

sivang 

Northern  and  Middle  Kurdish. 

an  oath 

Obsolete  Persian 

(■jOjlilj 

%dwdwa^g 

Zamad-hand 

a wedding 

luh 

Middle  and  Northern  Kurdish 

a bride 

aish 

Middle  and  Northern  Kurdish 

an  ache 

(Southern  has 

f I,''*  - - *■> 

shU 

All  Kurdish.  Old  Persian 

a madman 

fair 

Middle  Kurdish 

habit 

\jj\^ 

shdrazd 

Pree  of  the  town,’^  Mukri 

acquainted 

and  Hakkarl  (Middle  and 

%vitli  a 

Northern) 

country 

i>j}^ 

khazura 

Middle  Kurdish 

amother-in-law 

tarn 

Prom  Arabic 

taste 

C— 

maishik 

Similar  change  to  that  in  mahh 

the  brain 

naurdz 

Mukri  nawrds  = ‘Sight  in  the 

the  centre 

middle  ** 

1:5- *3 

j 

nmvhhd 

Of.  Persian  naoddn 

a spout  for 

water 

SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


907 


SULAIMANIA. 

Remarks. 

Mbanihg. 

hhwl 

Similar  in  all  Kurdish 

salt 

rlr 

All  Kurdish 

memory 

hinas 

...>>. 

breath 

t jj 

harusha 

Middle  and  Northern  Kurdish 

wind-sweeper  ” 

a fan 

mrishami 

Middle  and  Northern  Kurdish 
**  water-pouring’’ 

sprinkling 

ji.}^ 

Jiau'ir 

Arabic  change  M to  h 

and  m to  w 

dough 

ehaisht 

Persian  L^3i[:>-  very  seldom 

used 

food  cooked 

Mika 

Northern  Kurdish  gives  hekj 

Southern  khd 

an  egg- 

charm 

Old  V of  charva  changed  to  m 
(to  5 in  Persian) 

grease 

: .♦ir 

ehaur 

Same  as  above 

a greasy  thing 

qazdn 

Local  use  of  Turkomans  also 

a cooking-pot 

^3J 

run 

Disappearance  of  gh,  all  Kurdish 

clarified  butter 

V J ■ 

kaucMk 

Turkish  fjA  li 

a spoon 

i^3s 

halusha 

Initial  A.  Persian  Kurdish 

gives  initial  h in  all  compounds 
of  ; also  of.  Persian  *li, 

a ■■  T ■ ..  ■ ■ ■■ 

a peach 

a plum 

4^ 

*• » 

f/uleMla 

Other  Kurdish  gurcMj  Lurish 
gurdala 

kidneys 

hjjj 

f/tza 

Obsolete  Persian 

earthen  pot 

slmlna 

Middle  Kurdish 

a large  basin 

hamhbik 

K.  Kurdish,  from  root  j sift” 

a sieve 

imS^^ 

hailak 

Korthem  Kurdish 

a small  sieve 

908  SULAIMANIA,  A KtTRDISH  DIALECT 


SULAIMANIA. 

Remabks. 

Meaxixg. 

Jb 

hatdl 

Erom  Arabic  Jlk; 

emptiness 

darih 

“ Wbat  tears  ’’ 

a thorn 

gir%hdld 

Mutilated  Persian 

colocynth 

dlr%i 

All  Kurdish;  root  ; ,J, 

a needle 

L< 

hund 

All  Kurdish ; cf . Persian 

a hole 

mkgut 

Arabic  Remarkable 

a mosque 

example  of  mutilation  and 
consonant  change 

nwahh 

Softening  of  m to  v) 

prayer 

Icalrd 

Middle  Kurdish 

“ so-and-so,” 

a fellow 

Inn 

Middle  Kurdish  and  iJ^orthern, 

a wound 

from  root jJ,  ‘‘cut” 

haraq 

Erroneous  initial  h ; Arabic 

sweat 

haj'm 

Erroneous  initial  h ; from  Arabic 

fatigue 

zsh 

Mid.  and  North,  Turkish 

work 

ujCljfc 

Mshh 

Afiddle  and  Northern  Kurdish  ; 

thought 

cf.  Persian  , 

U'  J 

sum 

All  Kurdish  and  obs.  Persian 

fear 

Manic 

Aliddle  and  Northern  Kurdish 

employed,  busy 

gereh 

Middle  Kurdish,  also  Turkish 

'■"■necessary  b 

prt 

Northern  Kurdish 

a bridge 

hilh 

Obsolete  Persian  and  modern 

Southern  Kurdish  meaning  = 
“a  finger”.  Sulaimania  and 
Mukri  use  it  with  the 

meaning  of 

a tail 

rashwdla 

“ The  black  fellow  ” 

a swift 

SULAIMAXU,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 

909 

SULAIMANIA. 

Remaeks. 

Meaning, 

hdla 

Northern  and  Middle  Kurdish 

a locust 

lur^^argan 

Obsolete  Persian 

a merchant 

jmthciz 

J>"  ■ 

a broker 

chirchi 

Mid.  Kurdish  and  local  Turkish 

a pedlar 

(I must 

Mid.  Kurdish,  him  at  the  door’" 

a neighhonr 

tan  kilt 

Middle  Kurdish 

alongside 

A 

" ' 

shin 

Other  Kurdish  liaslnn,  obsolete 

blue 

Persian 

yj'"*' 

sitr 

All  Kurdish 

dark  red 

j' 

Ctl 

Middle  and  Northern  Kurdish 

full  red 

and  Turkoman 

rash 

Middle  and  Northern  Kurdish 

black 

spl 

Middle  and  Northern  Kurdish 

white 

( Southern  Kurdish  = char  mu') 

The  Veeb 

The  Sulaimaiiiaii  verlj  presents  features  of  great  interest 
and  is  here  quoted  fully,  and  a moderately  complete  list  of 
its  verbs  is  given.  These  impart  to  Kurdish  generally  (for 
the  Sulaimaniaii  are  very  little  different  from  those  of 
Hakkari,  Kurmanji  (North),  and  Mukri)  that  character 
which  allows  it  at  once  to  stand  as  a different  laneuao'e 

, O O' 

froia  Persian,  and  not  a corrupt  dialect. 

Every  sense  that  the  Persian  can  obtain  with  its  verb 
forms  can  l.)c  expressed  by  the  Kurdish  by  its  own  very 
dissimilai‘ forms,  which  may  be  compared  by  students  with 
those  of  old  Iranian  tongues. 

The  verb  ‘'to  be”  demands  first  attention,  and  one  is 
confi*onted  immediately  with  its  similarity  to  the  verb 
“ to  become  ”,  a feature  common  to  Kurdish  and  Lurish ; 
cf.  Bakhtiari  hla  ==  " it  has  been  ”,  him  = “ it  has  become  ”, 
arid  other  examples.  The  similaritj’'  is  so  great  as  to  at 


910 


SIJLAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


first  engender  a belief  that  they  are  one  and  the  same  verb, 
but  examination  shows  otherwise.^ 

I place  the  two  verbs  side  by  side  here,  showing  only 
the  simplest  moods,  which  are  most  used. 

The  infinitives  are — 

hia7if  to  be 
hun,  to  become 

as  in  all  Kurdish  dialects. 


Present  Indicative 

To  be  ” “ To  become  ” 

.FFIEMATIVE.  Ne(4AT1VE.  AfFIEMATIVE.  NEGATIVE. 


r' 

am 

r' 

nim 

or 

abim  or  daUm 

nub  bn 

^.1 

1 

711 1 

ahU 

n 

dalut 

kn b 

nablt 

i 

ah 

7iia 

ahi 

dalu 

cr 

nail 

Cji' 

In 

71171 

alln 

dalun 

ndhin 

m 

7im 

M 

ahln 

ft 

dulu7i 

nab  in 

In 

nlan 

>• 

aim 

dab  in 

ndhin 

The  dual  form  in  the  affirmative  of  “ to  become  ’’  is  due 
to  the  loss  of  initial  d (the  sign  of  the  present  indicative 
in  Kurdish  verbs),  which  is  replaced  in  the  more  southerly 
of  the  true  Kurdish  dialects  by  initial  a,  and  in  either 
form  provides  one  of  the  truest  signs  of  a Kurdish  or 
Lurish  tongue,  for  the  latter  uses  no  prefix  in  this  place 
except  the  Southern  dialects  (Bakhtiari,  .Mamaseni, 
Kuhgelu,  etc.),  where  an  initial  I occurs,  corrupted  from 
Persian  m%. 

In  the  negative  form  of  the  verb  ''  to  become ''  %ve  have 
probably  na  + him,  for  in  dialects  using  only  da-  in  the 

^ See  my  “Notes  on  the  Shadi  Branch  of  Kermanji”:  JRAS., 
October,  1909. 


SULAIMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 


911 


affirmative  it  is  replaced  by  na  in  the  negative,  such 
a form  as  nddabim  never  occurring. 


Preterite 

" I was”  etc.  » I became/’  etc. 


or 

l i 

A 

hum  or  a?}i  hu 

r- 

1 

hum 

k-. 

rO 

ujy,  M 

hul  , 

, at  hu 

o 

a 

hul 

® , ■ 

a 

*S 

hu  , 

, i hu 

11 

hu 

o 

L e4H 

hun 

> 

ca 

CD 

: 

Pi 

hun 

egative 

CD 

p., 

pH 

hun 

£ijD 

O 

hun 

hun 

■ j 

hun 

The  verb  to  be  ” shows  here  an  irregularity  which  does 
not  occur  in  .ilukri,  etc.,  wliich  shows  ^ , him,  etc.  For 
note  on  the  formation  of  preterite  witli  initial  pronominal 
forms.,  see  after. 


Perfect 

“ I have  been,”  etc. 


Affikmattve. 

NEC4AT1VE. 

1 2 

3 

huma  tvHKpj 

hima 

amhua 

namhua 

— 

— ~ 

— 

athua 

■ ■ 

natbua 

J' 

hua  — 

— 

■ ■ ^ 

D» 

hua 

: J 

naihua 

— 

— — 

amtln  hua 

namanhua 

— 

fan  hia 

tan  hua 

natanhua 

— 

ay  an  hia 

ay  an  hua 

naydnhua 

The  two  verbs  here  are  in  such  similarity  that  it  is 
necessary  only  to  indicate  that  form  3 of  “ to  be  ” is 
the  regular  form  for  *'to  become”,  the  negatives  being 
identical. 

The  imperfect  sets,  Nos.  1 and  2,  are  met  with  in  their 
entirety  in  other  allied  dialects. 


912 


SULAXMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 

Conditional  Form 

(Equivalent  of  Persian  and 
“ To  be  ” ''  To  become  ” 

With  liagar  = “ if  ” 


Jiagar  him 
ha  gar  hit 
^s!b  hagar  hi 
fjb  hagar  hin 
hagar  hin 
,tj  hagar  hin 


jCjb  hagar  hihvm 
hagar  hi  hiait 
jXib  hagar  hahaga 
jfjb  hagar  hi  bin 
hagar  hihin 
,.t-o  hagar  hihin 

w. * • V ^ V‘  , 


Impercitive 

“ Be 

> ! , 

“ Becomt 

M / 

Aj  ha ! 

hin! 

Past  Participle 

<U) 

hia 

bikJ  hua 

The  Injiniiwe 

This  is  formed,  as  in  xill  Kurdish  dialects,  by  -n,  -in, 
OT  -din. 

In  connexion  with  intinitive  terminations  it  maj"  be 
noted  that  most  of  the  Persian  verbs  endino-  in  -hhtan 
have  their  root  ending  in  z,  as — 

hdkhtan  = hCiz 
sCikhtan  — Bdz 
dmuhhtan  — dmuz^  etc., 

and  Kurdish  has  in  every  case  where  it  uses  the  same  root 
formed  its  infinitive  from  it  direct,  as — 

sazin,  from  sdZj 
hdzin  ,,  Ja2,  etc. 

^ There  is  a iovm  Mhiaitin  which -follows  Lurish  use,  and  is  very 
occasionally  heard  in  Sulaimanm. 


SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


913 


The  Present  Indicative  ■ 

The  regular  Kurdish  verb  forms  the  present  indicative 
on  tlie  model  of  da  + y'  + pronominal  particle,  but  in  the 
southern  forms  ai  or  C6  takes  the  place  oi  da (the 
d having  been  weakened  and  dropped,  as  is  so  common), 
and  a little  variation  may  occur  in  the  pronominal 
terminations,  particularly  in  the  second  person  singular, 
where  -it  often  takes  the  place  oi  aizliit  iov  aizlil. 
Again,  b^’^  a coincidence,  the  same  confusion  may  occur  in 
the  3rd  singular,  where  the  Kurdish  C = “ he  ” may  be 
replaced  by  the.  Persian  -ad  hardened  to  -it.  It  is 
therefore  possible  for — 

ahlu  to  mean  ^‘tkou  speakest”,  or  '‘lie  speaks”, 
ov  aizhit  ,,  „ „ ,, 

owing  to  the  similarity  of  form  but  difference  of  meaning 
of  the  purely  Kurdish  and  the  Kurdo- Persian  suffixes. 
Thi>s  confusion,  however,  occurs  as  a rule  only  in  dialects 
where  a proximity  to  Lurish  or  Guran  tongues  has  led  to 
the  interchangealnlity  of  form. 

In  Suhiimania  town  as  a regular  thing  it  may  be  said 
that  the  ai-  prefix  in  the  present  indicative  is  heard  as 
often  as  the  da-,  wliich  was  formerly  universal.  A kind 
of  custom  has  thus  sprung  up  by  which  certain  verbs  are 
constructed  with  da-  and  others  with  ai,  which  distinction 
will  be  shown  in  the  verb  tables. 

The  following  is  tlie  present  indicative  of  a regular 
veri) : — 

From  haoin,  ‘‘  to  fall  ” 

A FFIRV  ATIVE.  KeGATIVE. 

aha  warn  etc. 

1 ^ P 

ahittn 

or  aha  HI.  or  ahawa 

^ Tins  is  particularly  noticeable  in  the  modern  dialect  of  Sina  of 

Ardahm,  Persian  Kurdistan. 


914  SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 

Affirmative. 

akawan 

ahmvan 

almvan 


From  t/4z, 'Ho  speak  ” 
Both  prefixes  are  equally  used. 


ailm 

A' 

dalim 

aill 

dall 

^ or 

^ '* 

aili  or  aila 

^L'or^^Ij 

dall  or 

A' 

ailn 

■ 

data  i n 

A.' 

ailn 

A' 

daln 

A' 

ailn 

daln 

l^egativ( 

B = etc.,  for  both 

forms. 

The  liquid  I makes  this  a very  difficult  verb  to  pronounco 
properly,  In  becoming  a peculiar  concrete  sound. 

A very  large  number  of  verbs  have  pretixial  words 
(adverbs,  etc.),  such  as  hal,  jKir,  tai^  led,  da,  which  are  so 
closely  connected,  and  so  easily  form  junctions  with 
another  word,  as  to  appear  at  first  sight  an  integral  part 
of  the  verb.  So  closely  are  they  joined  that  the  modifying 
letter  of  the  verbal  tense  is  lost  in  many  cases,  e.g.  : 

1.  laikhuin  “ to  strike  hard. 

2.  laiddn  = to  pulverke, 

3.  feradun  — to  cast  away. 

Present  Indicatives 


1. 

laihham. 

2. 

laiam. 

3. 

ferayam. 

laikM, 

layi. 

feraiyi. 

laihha. 

lam. 

fmiya. 

laildiin. 

lay  an. 

feraytn. 

laikhin. 

layin. 

ferayin. 

lailihan. 

layan. 

ferayan. 

SULAIMANIA,  A K0EDISH  DIALECT 


915 


Preterite 

The  Siilainiania  tongue  follows  the  proper  Kurdish  use 
here.  The  regular  form  is  (from  Imatn  = to  fall 


I fell”,  etc.). 

-am  Icaot 

-emdn  haot 

-at  Icaot 

-it an  haot 

-t  haot 

-ay ml  haot 

There  is  a form  which  serves  all  purposes  to  Lurish  and 
Southern  Kurdish,  but  'which  is,  among  the  pure  Kurdish, 
only  used  wlien  tlie  verb  itself  forms  a complete  sentence, 
and  in  the  affirmative  only.  It  is— 

hiofni  or  Icaotmdn  or  Iriotm 

kmtl  haottun  ,,  haotin 

Jcaot  haotm/an  ,,  haotan 

Tins  is  necessary,  as  the  regular  form  required  some 
letter  before  the  pronominal  prefix  of  the  regular  form, 
even  if  it  be  only  the  iiegative,  as  I fell  not’', 

for  which  it  is  not  permissible  to  use  the  Lurish  and  South 
Kurdish  nakaotm,  the  negative  of  the  alternative  form. 
The  use  of  tlie  alternative  is  therefore  very  limited,  as  any 
sentence  with  a word  in  front  of  the  verb  provides  the 
necessary  support  for  tlie  regular  form.  Example  of 
both  uses  : la  harzim,  haot  = I fell  a long  way”,  equivalent 
to  la  barz'J  + hui  kaof,  the  pronominal  prefix  joining  itself 
to  the  preceding  word. 

Kaofai  could  only  be  used  if  no  other  words  were 
uttered. 

Tlu‘  answer  to  sucli  a phrase  might  be  : Chlunit  kaot  ? — 

How  didst  thou  fall  ? " not  chlun  haoti  ? 

Past  Imperfect 

This  form,  in  Persian,  constructed  of  m%  + •/  + Pro- 
nominal affix,  in  Southern  Kurdish  + hx  + pronominal 


916 


SULAIMANIA,  A KaKDiSH  DIALECT 


affix,  occurs  but  rarely,  the  preterite  or  perfect  form  being 
usually  employed.  Occasioncully,  however,  the  Southern 
Kurdish  form  is  heard — 

'' I used  to  fail,”  etc. 


haoUam 

, cA  ••  7 , 

haotldin 

kaotidi 

kaoMin 

t ..  { 
V-sJ  jb 

kaotld 

kaoiuin 

The  Kermanshahi 
never  used. 


Perfect 

“I  have  fallen ” 

This  is  quite  regular,  and  follows  tlie  pure  Kurdish 


pronominal  form  + ^/  + cviva, 

, as  follow 

Affirmative. 

Xegatiye. 

i-p-f  J.1 

am  kaotaiva 

i*' 

at  kaotawa 

ikaotawa 

ff  ^ 

!>}J^  o''’'*' 

amdn  kmtaiva 

ayp 

^ ,lv\ 

j ^ ^ 

at  an  kaotaiva 

aydn  kaotaiva 

In  the  case  of  verbs  with  a prefixial  word  with  the 
infinitive  as  laikhistu  (see  before),  the  form  Ix/eoim.^s 
naturally — 

Affirmative. 


r- 


,J  him  khestawa 


hit  Mestawa 


Negative. 


etc. 


lai  hhesimva 
himan  Mestawa 
kheBfmm 
hy^n  hkmtma 


SULAIMAKIA,  A KUBBISH  DIALECT 


917 


The  Conditional 
Present 

■ That  or  i£  I fall 


Simple  Tekb. 


Compound  Infinitive  Vebu. 


1 ( ' 

hikawam 

Im  hlkham 

hlkatvl 

J 

lai  hikJiai 

y '•  • 

hikawa 

^aJ 

lai  likha 

hlhawin 

lai  likhhi 

hikawm 

lai  btkhin 

J'frA 

h thaw  an 

lai  llkJian 

The  negative  clianges  position  from  its  place  before  the 
pronominal  prefix  (see  simple  verb)  owing  to  its  place 
being  already  occupied 

Perfect  Past 

Tliis  is  seldom  used,  and  has  three  forms,  the  first  of 
whicli  is  most  heaixl — 

1 2 3 


../.y'  t 

• ft  J «S  .4 

am  kaoiuwa 

r-' 

kaoiu  hum 

4J  4!^ 

..  J J 

haotuma 

^ ft  ft^ 

yj  y 

at  kaofuica 

kaotu  hul 

kaotuta 

etc. 

•J 

y • 

yy 

kaoiu  hu 

.^■.‘4j’4i 

■ . -^J  J , 

kaotuwa 

yy 

kaotu  hun 

kaotuna 

A , .-.y  i., t 

.,wM 

JJ  J V,. 

kaoiu  hun 

y J 

kaotuna 

iijis  n..' 

1 • » *r 

(ftJ 

kaotu  hun 

4J  4^ 

kaotuna 

Tlie  third  form  is  that  commonly  heard  in  Sina  of 
Ardalan  (Persian  Kurdistan)  and  Kermtoshah,  and  the 
first  is  the  purest  Kurdish.  The  compound  infinitive 
verb  shows — 

laim  khestuiva 

uj  [ 

lalt  hlmtuwa 
etc.  etc. 


918 


SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 
Past 

That”  or  I should  fall" 

Simple  Verb.  Compound  Infinitive  Verb. 

j^j  lim  haotuiva  ^ la'mi  hihhhfuica 

hit  laotuiva  hit  hiMiistuwa 

hlhaotuwa  ^ hi 

bUr'S  liman  haotuiva  hmiinhihhistuiva 

uW  haotuiva  bl^^isT^  hifCm  lihliisf.uiva 

hfP  llydn  haotuiva  bh'x^cs:r  la  if  an  hihhisifnva 

Tins  is  seldom  heard,  but  it  is  encountered  in  poetry, 
and  occasionally  in  oral  translation  of  Turkish  or  Persian 
where  the  Kurd  is  rendering  with  exactitude  the  sense  of 
the  foreign  language. 

lonperative 

hihmva  Aiai'i!  laihha 

hihawin  laihhin 

The  imperative  may  also  take  an  initial  ihJhJ.  a wr>rd 
common  to  Sulaimania  and  Mukri  only,  and  renders  the 
imperati^^e  more  emphatic. 

It  also  may  be  added  to  the  conditional  in  tlie  sense  of 
certainty  of  occurrence  of  the  action,  as — 

dcdi  hihawam  ^ that  I shall  certainly  fall. 
dull  hihlstm  = that  I shall  certainly  licar. 

Such  a phrase  also  has  a purely  future  signiticatiom 
Future ' 

The  future  is  usually  formed  by  (1)  use  of  uhi  = it  will 
become”,  (2)  -aiua,  or  (3)  with  both — 

(1)  all  higura  = he  will  change  it. 

(2)  daitawa  « he  will  come. 

(3)  all  liruwa  ««  he  will  go. 


STJLAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


919 


The  second  is  most  generally  employed.  It  is  the 
present  indicative  + -awa,  and  is  not  heard  in  Hakkari 
and  Northern  Knrmanji. 

They  are  all  three  obviously  purely  Kurdish  uses,  as 
there  is  no  parallel  to  them  either  in  Gurto,  Persian, 
or  Lurish. 

Past  Participle 

Thei'e  are  two  forms  of  this : (1)  in  -u  or  U’,  (2)  in  -ra  ; 
the  latter  being  a peculiar  and  novel  feature  of  this  brand i 
ol:  Kurdish. 

One  verl.)  may  use  both  these  forms,  as  appears  most 
convenient  euphonically ; for  instance,  from  the  verb  dan 
appears  dwiv  = given and  in  the  perfect,  I have  given/’ 
it  would  and  does  naturally  occur  as  -m  dawa,  but  the 
second  form  may  l.)e,  and  often  is,  made  use  of,  in  some  of 
which  cases  the  pronominal  particle  is  placed  after  the 
root  thus  : ddrnrd  = del  + m + ra,  a formation  of  great 
peculiarity. 

This  occurs  in  a great  many  instances,  and  it  may  be 
taken  tliat  in  tlie  case  of  a verb  whose  root  terminates  in 
a,  vowel,  the  pronominal  consonant  precedes  tlie  -rd  for  the 
sake  of  avoiding  a weak  word  like  da  + rd  + m,  though 
this  is  (]uite  a regular  rule  with  all  verbs  whose  roots  end 
in  a consonant  ; thus,  from  hitzhdiv,  past  part,  hiizlird, 
perfect  = hiizhrdm,  not  hizhmrd, 

Tliis  formation  in,  and  use  of,  rd  appears  to  exist  only 
in  Suiaimania,  for  I never  heard  it  in  Hakkari,  Erbil, 
ru)r  Mukri. 

The  ^'erb  tables  will  show  the  verbs  usually  taking  -rd 
ill  the  past  participle. 

Infinitive  Prefixes 

These  art‘,  as  above  remarked,  so  essential  to  many 
verbs,  and  ha\'e  so  little  use  apart  from  them,  that  they 
may  be  quoted  here.  The  commonest  are — 


920 


SULAIMANIA,  A KUEBISH  DIALECT 


hal, 

giving  the  meaning 

back,  lip. 

hi 

destroying,  crushing, 

Ud 

in  it,  to  it. 

rd 

movement. 

dci  ,,  away,  down. 

par  ox  far  ,,  out,  away. 

Of  these  lial  (the  equivalent  of  the  Persian  hav) 
far  the  coininonest. 


Causative  Form 

The  Persian  forms  the  causative  by  tlie  insertion  of  -Cm 
before  the  infinitive  ending.  The  Mukri  and  Sulaimania 
form  by  the  same  method,  using  the  syllable  -lain,  as 
irsiainin,  ''to  affright, ” from  tirsin,  " to  fear,”  and  so  on. 


Certain  Peculiarities 

1.  The  language  has  almost  lost  the  use  of  the  v^erbs 
din,  " to  see,”  palCi  krdu,  " to  find,”  and  uses  the  first  only 
in  the  1st  person  singular  preterite  and  perfect,  mdl  = 
" I saw  ”,  mduva  = " I have  seen  ”,  otherwise  using  the 
phrase  chao  pal  kaotn  = " the  eyes  falling  upon  This 
signifies  both  seeing  and  finding. 

2.  In  common  with  all  Kurdish  tongues,  the  verb  “ to 
have”  does  not  exist,  the  sense -being  conveyed  as  in 
Turkish  and  Arabic  = “ to  be  ”,  " to  . . . ”,  as — 


para  myya  La  lac  Y = Hast  tliou  money  r 
Is  there  money  to  thee?  (lit.  at  thy  side). 

JSfa,  pCvram  niyya  = Ko,  I have  no  money. 

Ko,  money  to  me  is  not. 

3.  There  is  only  a relic  of  the  verb  "to  want”,  "to 
wish  ”,  which  is  complete  in  Northern  Kurdish,  which  gives 
khazin,  wazin,  etc}  Sulaimania,  ixi  colloquial  language, 

^ As  an  example  of  how  often  Kurdish  has  produced,  by  its  consonant 
and  vowel  changes,  a word  closely  resembling  English,  we  have  the  verb 
wissin,  'Ho  wish,”  in  a middle  dialect ; . 


SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


921 


possesses  no  such  verb,  expressing  its  meaning  by  hm 
hrdn  = to  be  pleased  to 

4.  Owing  to  the  position  and  nature  of  the  pronominal 
particle  certcrin  curious  forms  occur,  wdiere  an  objective 
pronoun  is  introduced ; thus,  in  colloquial  Persian  the  word 
hibarmn  has  a meaning  take  me  aAvay  ” or  take  me  ”, 
and  can  also  be  interpreted  ''  I may  take  Kurdish, 
however,  avoids  this  ambiguity  by  a traiivsposition, 
presenting  for  tlie  first  meaning — 

take  me 

bt  - imperative  prefix. 

-m-  = pronominal  particle. 

^ba  = root  “take  ’L 

Blham  would  mean  correctly  and  only  “that  I take”. 
This  use  leads  to  such  complications  as — 

tadMnfi  = thou  gavest  it  to  me. 
ta  = thon. 
dCa  = gavest, 
m ~ me. 

I = it. 

Persian  would  have  to  use  the  analytic  form  iti  dadl 
amxh  bi  man. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  Kurdish  by  this  means 
produces  a higlily  syntlietic  form.  In  the  phrase  ivoutlshl 
another  peculiarity  is  observed — 

IV Old-  = he  said. 

-tsh-  = also. 

-2  = to  him. 

Persian  presents  guftish  hmn^  but  ish  in  Pervsi<Mi  means 
“ to  Iiim  ”,  not  also  ” as  in  Kurdish.  This  form  in 
Kurdish  is  produced  by  the  necessities  of  euphony,  as 
iroiiU-Uk  (tlie  regular  form)  would  allow  the  sense 
“ to  him  ” to  disappear. 


Infinitive.  Transliteration.  Pres.  In i>.  Preterite.  Imperative.  I’ast  Part.  Enolish. 


922 


SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


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SULAIMANIAj  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 


923 


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^ 3 B VI.  3 .r  I 


taqdnin  AjUj  yUj  to  fire  a cannon 


Infinitive.  Transeitekation.  Pe,es.  Ind.  Preterite.  Imperative,  Past  Part.  English. 


SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


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SULAIMANU,  A KUB0ISH  DIALECT 


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Infinitive.  Tkanbliteeation.  J^kks.  Ind.  Piieterite.  Imperative.  Past  Part.  EN<4Lisir. 


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Although  this  is  but  rrd  prefixed  to  wtismij  it  is  given  here  thus,  ns  wusdn  is  never  used  alone. 


YE.  Trahsltteratiox.  Pres.  Ind.  Preterite.  Imperativi:.  Past  Part.  Enueisr. 


SULAIMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 


INFINITIVE,  Tkanslitekatiox.  Pkks.  Ind.  Preterite.  Jairerative.  Past  Part.  Exciltsii. 


SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


JEAS.  lOl’i. 


60 


INFINITIVK.  Th.vnslitkkation-.  1'khs.  1x1).  1'ketisiute.  Imperative.  Paist  Part.  Exomsh. 

fthtsin  see  khktii  , lai  being  prefixed  - to  strike 

^ hi  (Ian  see  dun  J , lai  being  prefixed  to  strike  very  hard 

lai  hirdn  see  hivdn  > hi  being  prefixed  to  press 


STJLAIMANIA,  A KUKDISH  DIALECT 


931 


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SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


SULAIMAXIA,  A KUEBISH  DIALECT 


933 


Pronouns 

These  are  as  simple  as  in  Persian,  and  possess  no 
inflexions  for  ease.  Unlike  the  extreme  Northern 
Knrnianji  the  1st  person  singular  presents  the  same 
form  as  Persian,  for  the  Bayazid  and  Erzernm  dialects 
o'ive  a:z. 


I 

mhif 

AYe  alma, 

Thou  J or 

y \ iu  or  atuy 

You  aiwa, 

He,  she,  it  J 1 

with  the  reflexives- 

div, 

They  awdn, 

Myself 

. . A *S>-' 

1 > 

Jckwam 

= him  a -{-  am. 

Thyself 

J 

hhvat 

= him  a “h  t. 

Himself 

' 1 ■ 

‘-'J 

kliwid 

= Ichiva  "h  2. 

Ourselves 

hhwamdn 

= khwa  -h  a 7)1(1.71, 

Yourselves 

Ichcatdn 

= khwa  -f  atd7i. 

Themselves 

hhicaydn 

= klnva  P ay  an 

The  possessive  is  formed  by  adding  one  of  the  words 
-f,  hi,  or  Idn,  usually  the  last,  making — 

= mine. 

hm-i-tu  - thine,  etc. 

The  Persianized  form  mal-l-min  is  seldom  heard. 

The  dative  and  objective  forms  are  usually  affixed  to 
x'erirs  when  possible,  as  in  Persian,  and  give  the  followin 
regular  forms  (though  the  position  may  change  accordin 
t.o  the  re(|uirements  of  euphony) — 

tada  + m = thou  gavest  -p  to  me. 

d(l  + = he  gave  + to  thee. 

mda  +2  =1  gave  + to  him. 

da  + man  =»  he  gave  -p  to  us. 

mda  + tCm  I gave  + to  you. 

mda  + yan  = I gave  -P  to  them. 


bJO  CO 


SULAIMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 


The  objective  form  becomes  obscure  in  such  cases  as — 

lai  + 2?  + dd^  thou  struckest  me. 

lai  + ^ + w + ddy  I struck  thee. 

lai  + l + m + da,  I struck  him. 

lai  + mCm  -4-2+  dd,  he  struck  us. 
lai  + fan  + w + ^^7  I struck  you. 
lai  + ydn  + 7n  + da,  I struck  them. 

All  these,  however,  show  the  perfect  regularity  of  the 
Kurdish  pronominal  form,  as  the  terminations  and  prefixes 
of  the  verbal  forms  are  identical,  except  for  the  last  three 
persons  in  the  present  indicative,  we,  ^mii,  they  go/’  all 
represented  by  final  n,  aoh,  + n.  Here  the  first  syllable 
of  the  plural  forms  has  disappeared,  leaving  onty  a final  -11. 
This  is  a distinctive  feature  of  Middle  and  Northern 
Kurdish,  which  presents  the  same  form. 

Demonstrative  pronouns  are  as  in  North  and  Middle 
Kurdish,  which  give  and  j\  = this  ” and  ''  that 
Sulairnania  has  preserved  the  original  m in  the  first  of 
these  words,  giving  (Zend  aem).  The  plurals  aiid 
iUljl  give  “these”  and  “those”. 

Interrogatives  The  first  have  the  same 

interrogative  and  conjunctive  use  as  in  Persian.  ^In  is  tlie 
Persian 


Adveebs,  Prepositions, 


The  commonest  of  these  are  as  follows* 


from,  at,  a word  in  use  wherever  Kurdish 
is  spoken 

for,  at,  as  iu  at  what  price,” 

a local  Sulairnania  word 
to,  as  in  jyj  , pam  tvoaft,  '‘he  said 


SULAIMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 


935 


ho 

for,  to,  as  ^^forme’^;  ( ^‘to 

Kirkuk  ’’ 

Jt! 

lagal 

with.,  as  ^ » waira  lagali  hliwam 

= come  with  me 

b 

ha 

together  with 

L5^ 

hat 

without 

j 

lanaw 

in,  naw  being  ‘^the  interior” 

L5’’ 

till 

in,  i.e.  at  the  bottom  ” 

.J 

j 

lasar 

on  top  of 

ji) 

lazhlr 

under 

lap  hilt 

behind 

J 

lawar 

before  ; ivar  is  common  Kurdish,  now 

signifying  in  front  forward  ” 

hhu'Cir 

down,  low 

J.! 

han 

up,  high 

J 

J' 

lahar 

by  reason  of 

pa'ish 

ill  front 

;v;a 

J y 

(hi  w CUV 

at  the  back  of 

lashun] 

in  pursuit  of,  behind 

shun  j 

jar  an 

formerly 

jar 

a time 

jar  eh 

once 

ista 

now 

» j»  t 

aiv  loahht 

then 

lawai 

here 

laura 

there 

J" 

haira 

here 

liar  jai 

wherever 

, -O- 

L5  * > 

liamu  jai 

everywhere 

6 


SULAIMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 


Mch  jai 


lahi  ? 


,U.- 

-X  . ■ , 


L/-' 


ehlun 
chun  ? 
wd 


amjdr 

lashhi 


Aji  qadd 


.O 


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,U^. 


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%u 

tmelc 
yelcjdr 
chan  ? 
ehanl  ? 


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har 

nd 

lari 

laid 

wahu 

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anjdhh 


J^) 


JH.J^ 


jdrltir 

ish 

luchi  ^ 
lu? 


nowhere 
where  ? 

how  (from  Arabic 

how  ? 

thus 

this  time 
perhaps 

certainly  (Snlaimania  town  only,  from. 

Arabic) 

late 

early 

in  a little  while 
suddenly 

how  much  ? how  many  ? 
how  much  ? how  often  ? 

well,  good 

every,  always,  ever 
nO'  ■ 

yes  (often  pronounced  mlari) 
towards,  with 
like,  resembling 
as  far  as 
as  yet 

hardly  (Turkish 
very 
again 
also 
why? 
why  ? 


937 


SULAIMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 
POETEV 

The  following  are  some  verses  hy  Mustafa  Beg,  whose 
pen-name  w'as  Hajari  Kurdi,  who  wrote  about  1815-20  a.d. 

The  verse  form  is  the  commonest  of  Kivrdish  poetry 
couplets,  the  first  two  or  three  of  the  poem  rhyming  both 
lines,  the  subsequent  verses  rhyming  only  the  last  line 
with  the  first  verses. 

There  is  much  more  Persian  in  the  verse  than  in  the 
spoken  language,  and  Aralfic  words  are  widely  employed. 

1. 

Tidani  sar  mCilim  chaol  rmh  i fattcmat 

Fai  handi  dilu  dinim  kCthil  i parhJumit. 

lieacl  and  house  are  captives  of  thy  seductive  black  eyes. 

My  heart  and  faith  are  bound  to  thy  bewitcliiiig  coifiiire. 

'Hhe  captive  of  a raid 

Kiikiil  i pur ishanit.  The  or  cock’s  comb,  is 

used  to  denote  in  poetry  the  headgear  of  a woman,  which, 
among  the  outside  people  and  villagers,  is  often  a large 
turban  of  many  coloured  silk  handkerchiefs, 

2.  Gharamat  aya  ho  am  dil  rusa'dm  hilzai  tva  girdit. 

Fansit  haligirra  laim  ttr  set  khwat  bJ  wa  widnit. 

Thou  art  enraged  against  this  heart,  thou  wilt  shame  me 
before  thee. 

lleinove,  then,  thy  liandfrom  me  ; be  your  own  faith  to  yourself 
(i.e.  keep  your  love  to  3murself). 

Aya  = “ it  comes  ” ; Persian  digar  = ‘‘then’’,  ''again”  ; 
UY6  (jirdit  = " around  ”,  " before  thee  ” ; sd,  " now.” 

3.  Waku  khanjar  %ijau8hmi  t€i  ru%hi  haAiar  dataki. 

liJiiin  i dil  mazluwdn  law  nawki  mizhgdnit. 

Like  a he  art- stabbing  dagger,  till  the  last  day  may  there  drip 

The  blood  of  oppressed  hearts  from  within  thy  lashes. 

Dafaki  is  pres,  indie,  of  taldn^  ''  to  drip,” 


938 


SULAIMANIA,  A KURDISH  DIALECT 


Below  is  one  of  a few  rubaiyat  of  Nali,  the  most 
celebrated  Sulaimanian  poet,  a Kurd,  of  Panjwin,  who  died 
about  1870.  His  poems  cover  a great  variety  of  subjects, 
metre,  and  form,  comprising  ghamliyyat,  a hajw  on  himself, 
a very  fine  maTth%yya,  d^  tarjl^and^  MiA.  several  qasida. 
He  has  also  written  a large  number  of  gurdni,  a Kurdish 
form,  where  the  first  line  is  sung  by  one  man,  and  the 
two  or  three  words  comprising  the  second  line  are  repeated 
in  cliorus  by  the  rest  of  those  present. 

Zao  sdwa  7iur  i Mduica  cJidimm  lirniva  min 

Bn  hdtmit  laraiwa  hi  chaw  am  hirrlwn  min 

Hall  ndmd  lahm'l,  pai  tu  dlia  md 

Farmu  hi ^iardahai  mhakm  har  hirriwa  min. 

Prom  then,  that  my  eyes’  light  was  cut  from  my  sight, 

I wore  my  eyes  awaiting  her  return  from  the  road, 

So  that  when  no  screen  hid  her  (i.e.  at  last  she  came)  my  sight 
for  her  had  lasted. 

She  said:  have  torn  away  for  ever  from  thee  my  life’s 

curtain.” 

A chorus  song  or  gurani.  The  accented  syllables  are 
sung  with  great  emphasis,  and  are  marked' — 

1.  BastT  hta  wa  dds  i shahdwam  hi  hi  mr  chum 

Qurhdni  vefatm 

2.  Tu  Yhsifi- no  hiisfi  la  Bar  mmr  hJmhmil 

31  in  piri  mttfmii 

3.  Farqzhi  nahdrd  nafs  naftsm  hizdi/at 

IVahshi  la  mlmjat 

4.  Lam  ku>ihai  tva/irdnm  har  mamawa  wa  hiihmn 

Wai  slid  warn  waklim 

I give  the  Persian  equivalent  of  these  x'erses,  as  supplying 
a better  explanation  in  a smaller  space  than  English — 


From  //  to  trample  down 


1 


SULAIMANIA,  A KUEDISH  DIALECT 


939 


(‘jir 

j\ 

I,  ^ if  wXJ  (J^AAIuA,^  aAaiWIii  ^11  r t 

The  following  is  one  of  the  few  specimens  of  prose 
encountered,  a letter  written  by  a Kurd  to  the  writer 
while  living  in  Sulaimania  as  a Persian.  English  literation 
is  given  with  Pei’sian  under  it — 

Bimirgmdr  dmfrzd  ghuldm  Husain  i fdrsl,  hhizmatm. 

Bimirgavdr  agJia  mirza  GJiulmn  Husain  i Irdm,  hhidmntam. 

Fash  i arz  das  hmi  ahvdlalcdnit^ 

Fas  az  arz  i dast  hilsi  m aJivdlat^ 

After  kissing  thy  hand  and  asking  thy  health, 


hhvd  shuhir  loa  saldmatm  gaisht  la  Halahja, 
hhudd  sJiuhr  hCi  salamat  rasidam  hi  Alahja. 

God  tlianks  with  safety  I arrived  to  Halabja. 

ndzdnam  o mahtuh  1 hhwam  hi  nuisrdm  gaishtaica 
namidanam  dn  makkih  i hlmdam  hi  navishta  mn  rasida  ast, 

1 know  not  that  letter  of  myself  that  I have  written  is  arrived 

yd  ?m»  Biijdr  i rim  i Sayyid  Ali  Ahahiult  hdtawa. 

yd  hJiair.  Khahar  i rughan  i Baygid  Ali  Aha  ‘ JJhaidii  amada  asL 
or  not.  Kews  of  the  rughan  of  Sayyid  Ali  Ababaili  is  come. 

Hama  %oa  Mahha  daln  runimdn  niyya^  tva 
Ahmad  va  Mihail  mignyand  rughan  nadarim^  va 
Ahmad  and  Mikail  say  oar  rughan  is  not,  and 

Khvdja  Mansurish  rut  ho  Tawila.  Hagar  haz  dahai 
Khdja  Mansur  ham  raft  hi  Tavlla,  Agar  mihhahl 
Kliaja  Mansur  also  went  to  Tavila,  If  you  desire 

rfuiaka  histaini  dgdm  ha  id  hmuism  ho 
rughan  higlrt  dgdh-am  hun  ta  hinamsam  hi 
rughan  to  get  advise  me  till  I write  to 

Khiodja  MansuTy  para  la  Mahha  hisiama,  tva 
Khwdja  Mansur,  pul  az  Mihail  higirad,  va 
Khwaja  Mansur,  money  from  Mikail  may  take,  and 


940 


SULAIMAUfU,  A KUKDISH  DIALECT 

rimahi  likirra.  Ista  shash  lar  run  laioai 
rughmi  hikharacL  Ucda  shish  bar.  rughmi  injd 
rugiiaii  may  buy.  Now  six  loads  rughan  here 

Jim/ 1/ ail  dafaruslm^  wall  tama  i MaMia  %ura^ 
hast- ash  inifurusJiand ^ vail  tanud  i Mihail  IJiaili  ast, 
it  is  they  sell,  hut  greed  of  Mikail  is  ranch, 

wa  Idmai  zur  puJia-a.  Itir  hln  i bazar gmim 

va  khudash  Jchaili  mumsilc  ast,  Digar  mal  i tijdrati 
and  himself  very  mean  is.  Then  that  of  merchandise  I 

JiamCt  biguram  bo  run  yd  na,  hagar  hall 
avurdam  avaz  kimam  bd  rughan  yd  khatr,  agar 
brought  may  I change  for  rughan  or  not,  if 

bzhairam  mdl  I chdkish  hayya^  iv  a par  dm 
tamlz  bldiham  vhlz-idchub  hast,  va  pulam 
I pick  out  that  [which]  of  goodness  also  is,  and  my  money 

hayya  laldl  Jcdbardek  lawai.  Mansur  daJai  du  so  ' 
hast  pishi  yak  liasi  injd.  Mansur  mignyad  davist 
is  with  one  so-and-so  here.  Mansur  says  two  liundred 

tahrdnia  Jcaoshahdntsh  zuram  furushtl,  qazdnjish 
qirdn  ast  Icafsh-ha  ham  khaill  fur u/ch tarn,  manfa'at  ham 
qirans  is  The  shoes  also  much  I sold,  profit  too 

Idrdima.  Ish  ivalcu  jdrdn  hair  a niyya. 

Icarda  ast.  Kdr  misl pishtar  injd  nist. 
is  made.  Affairs  like  formerly  here  are  not. 

Jihicd  bika  Ilamavand  blao  ben  hash  abl. 

khudd  biJiunad  Ilamavand  bar  taraf  shavand  Ichitb  mlshavad, 
God  do  the  Hamavand  scatter  well  it  will  become. 

Itir  ddnishtm  bo  farmdnit 
Digar  ?iishasiam  bardyi  farmdyish-at 
Further  I sat  for  thy  commands. 

Hama  i Mukiii. 
Ahmad  the  Mujoji. 

7 Rajah,  1327. 


XXV 

THE  BELTA  IH  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


A NOTE  ON  THE  BBANCHES  OF  THE  NILE  AND  THE 
KURAHS  OF  LOWER  EGYPT,  WITH  MAP 

By  a.  R.  guest 

lyTANY  changes  have  taken  place  in  tlie  Delta  since  the 
Middle  Ages,  and  the  former  geograpliical  conditions 
require  to  be  understood  in  order  that  the  mediaeval 
history,  of  Egypt  maybe  followed.  Besides,  the  mediaeval 
geography  is  of  obvious  importance  as  a means  of  arriving 
at  the  state  of  Egypt  in  ancient  times.  An  adequate 
historical  map  of  the  mediaeval  period  is  much  wanted, 
and  this  paper  is  intended  as  a contribution  towards 
a map  of  this  kind. 

•The  nature  of  the  material  available  is  such  that,  if 
a representation  of  the  country  is  to  be  obtained  tliat  will 
give  a satisfactory  idea  of  its  past  character,  it  will  have 
to  be  built  up  bit  by  bit.  Descriptions  of  various  dates 
will  have  to  be  brought  together  and  compared,  and 
indications  will  have  to  be  obtained  by  piecing  together 
a number  of  small  facts.  No  comprehensive  and  systematic 
geographical  accounts  exist  that  would  enable  the  result  to 
be  achieved  more  readily.  The  first  step  seems  to  be  to 
lay  down  as  accurately  as  possible  such  outlines  as  can 
be  established  with  certainty.  Wo  deal  here  with  the 
branches  of  the  Nile  and  with  the  administrative  divisions 
in  force  between  the  seventh  and  tenth  centuries. 

The  Nile.  In  Tables  1-14  at  the  end  of  this  paper  are 
set  out  all  tlie  itineraries  relating  to  the  interior  of  the 
Delta  in  the  tenth  and  twelfth  centuries  that  appear  to  be 
forthcoming.  With  a single  exception  these  itinei^aries 
follow  branches  of  the  Nile.  One  column  in  the  tables 
shows  the  names  of  all  the  places  still  in  existence  which 


942 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


appear  to  be  identical  with  places  mentioned  in  the 
itineraries.  All  these  existing  places  are  marked  on  the 
accompanying  map.  By  comparison  it  can  be  seen  that 
the  itineraries,  as  a rule,  are  accurate  with  regard  to  the 
names  and  the  order  in  whicli  tliey  come,  but  they  contain 
some  mistakes  due  no  doubt  to  copyists,  and  others  that 
look  as  if  they  were  original  errors. 

By  following  the  itineraries  on  the  map,  one  can 
establish  that — 

1.  In  the  twelfth  century  of  our  era  the  main  arms  of 
the  Nile — the  Rosetta  and  Damietta  branches — followed 
almost  exactly  the  same  course  as  they  do  now.  The 
point  of  bifurcation  at  Shatanuf  was  about  three  miles 
further  north  than  where  the  division  takes  place  at 
present.  There  was  also  a difference  in  the  Damietta  arm 
near  Damirah. 

2.  In  the  tenth  century  the  Rosetta  branch  ran  in  the 
same  bed  as  at  present.  The  point  of  bifurcation  was 
then  at  Shatanuf,  but  precise  information  beyond  this  as 
to  the  Damietta  branch  in  the  tenth  century  is  wanting. 

3.  A third  arm  of  the  Nile,  which  was  in  existence  in 
the  twelfth  century,  still  remains  open.  Khalij  Tinnis 
(Table  No.  14)  is  substantially  identical  with  the  present 
El  Bahr  es  Saghir. 

4.  The  other  branches  of  the  Nile  shown  by  the 
itineraries  to  have  been  in  existence  in  the  twelfth 
century  have  disappeared.  At  least  two  of  these  branches 
led  (through  lakes)  to  the  sea,  viz.,  Khalij  el  Iskandarlyali 
and  Khalij  Shana^^  (Tables  Nos.  2 and  13).  One  could 
show  that  the  others  for  the  most  part  were  navigable 
channels. 

It  can  be  proved  that  the  minor  canal  system  must  have 
changed  almost  entirely  since  the  twelfth  century,  and  it 
seems  probable  that  the  alteration  has  been  complete. 
El  Maqrizi  (i,169)  cites  a detailed  account  by  El  Makhzumi. 
a twelfth  century  writer,  dealing  with  the  irrigation  of  the 


THK  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


943 


province  now  known  as  El  Bnliairah,  which  correvSponds 
with  the  district  formerly  called  El  Ilanf  el  Gharbi,  and 
on  examination  it  appears  that  the  canals  of  the  province 
were  quite  different  from  the  existing  ones.  As  to  the 
territory  between  the  Rosetta  and  Damietta  branches,  the 
arms  of  the  Nile  described  by  Idrisi  cut  across  the  lines  of 
all  the  principal  canals  of  the  present  day,  and  the  latter 
cannot,  therefore,  be  as  ancient  as  the  twelfth  century, 
except  perhaps  for  parts  of  their  track.  The  course  of  the 
present  Tur'at  el  Fir'auniyah,  for  instance,  is  intersected 
by  the  branch  of  the  Nile  described  in  Table  No.  5,  and 
had  this  canal  in  the  time  of  Idrisi  joined  the  Damietta 
branch  of  the  Nile  with  the  Rosetta  branch,  as  it  does  at 
present,  Jazirat  Bani  Nasr  Avould  have  been  divided  into 
two  islands.  That  there  was  such  a division  is  unlikely  : 
it  seems  thus  to  be  tolerably  certain  that  Et  Tur'at  el 
Fir'auniyah  was  not  in  existence  in  the  twelfth  century, 
and  this  deserves  special  notice,  because,  owung  to  its 
importance  as  a channel  at  the  present  time  and  the 
association  its  name  seems  to  convey,  Et  Tur'at  el 
Fir‘auniyah  has  been  supposed  to  be  of  great  antiquity. 
‘All  Mubarak's  article  in  his  Khitat  (xiv,  70) 

rather  suggests  that  this  channel  did  not  become  of 
consequence  until  recent  times.  As  regards  the  region  to 
the  east  of  the  Damietta  branch  of  the  Nile,  one  can  see 
that  the  present  Tur'at  el  Btihiyah  is  different  from  the 
branch  of  the  Nile  that  is  described  by  Idrisi  as 
running  by  El  Buh^t  (Table  No.  13).  The  date  of  the 
construction  of  Bahr  Abi  el  Munajja,  the  chief  of  the 
southern  canals  now  in  existence  in  this  part  of  the  Delta, 
is  known  to  have  been  506  A.H.  = 1113  A.D.  (Khitat,  i, 
487).  The  other  existing  large  canals  here  appear  to  be 
modern,  except  Balir  Muwais — the  so-called  Mudzz  canal. 
This  has  been  identified  (Baedeker,  192)  with  the  ancient 
Tanitic  arm  of  the  Nile,  but  on  what  ground  does  not 
appear. 


1)44 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Khalij  Misr,  tlie  ancient  canal  that  once  united  Fustat 
with  the  Eed  Sea,  is  not  mentioned  in  tlie  itineraries,  but 
it  would  seem,  from  an  allusion  by  Mas^iidi  {Miivtij, 
i,  147),  that  in  the  tenth  century  this  canal  still  readied 
as  far  as  Birkat  et  Timsah,  and  a couple  of  centuries  latei* 
its  termination  was  not  far  from  tliis  lake,  for  Abu  S41ih 
states  (Quatremere,  Mem,  Geogr.  i,  62)  that  the  canal 
ended  at  Es  Sadir,  and  Es  Sadir  was  a village  near  » 
'Abbasah.  The  exact  course  of  this  canal  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  retraced.  Part  of  it  appears,  according  to 
"Ali  Ba.^a  Mubarak  (xviii,  123),  to  have  been  followed  near 
Bulbais  in  making  the  modern  Ismadliyah.  Canal,  and  the 
two  must  ill  general  liave  corresponded.  Khalij  Misr  is 
indicated  on  our  map  by  a line. 

A branch  of  the  Nile  that  it  is  necessary  to  mention  is 
Khalij  Saradus.  It  appears  from  Khitat,  i,  487 — similar 
passages  occur  elsewdiere — that  in  the  twelfth  century 
this  Khalij  was  the  principal  source  of  the  irrigation  of 
Esh  Sharqiyah,  up  to  tlie  time  that  Bahr  Abi  el  Munajja 
was  made.  Saradus  was  a village  in  the  province  of 
El  Gharbiyah  {Taj,  iv,  166,  Ibn  Jhan,  and  others);  the 
name  is  vocalized  in  the  Taj.  It  was  a da^?"  s journey  from 
both  Damietta  and  Fustat ; near  it  there  was  a mosque,  ^ 
evidently  of  some  celebritjq  called  Masjid  el  Khidr;  it  was 
notorious  for  its  crocodiles,,  and  there  vtxs  a large  canal 
leading  from  it  (these  facts  are  from.  El  Afuqaddasi). 
From  the  above  it  can  be  gathered  that  Saradus  was  on 
the  Nile  somewhere  to  the  north  of  Binha  el  ‘Asal,  about 
opposite  to  which  the  province  of  El  Gharbiyali  begins. 
There  seems,,  however,  to  be  nothing  in  the  ordinarily 
accessible  sources  to  show  the  direction  taken  by  the 
Khalij.  Ibn  Serapionb  description  of  tlie  Nile  clears  up 
this  point.  The  Khalij;  of  Saradus,  according  to  Ins 
account,  was  one  of  the  principal  brandies  of  tlie  Nile,  and 
as  he  shows  that  it  flowed  past, :Ban4  and  Bxisir  it  is  plain 
that  for  part  of  the  way  it  ■ eor^eaponded  with  the  present 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGE8 


945 


Damietta  arm.  But  the  Damietta  month  is  not  treated  by 
Ibn  Serapion  as  the  main  outlet  of  the  Nile  in  this  quarter, 
and  towards  the  sea  the  arm  he  calls  Khalij  Saradus  was 
probably  equivalent  to  Khalij  Tinnis.  The  canal  stated 
to  have  led  from  Saradus  is  probably  the  same  as  a branch 
of  the  Nile  described  by  Ibn  Serapion  as  leaving  tlie  river 
at  that  place,  and  sending  out  a second  branch  after 
running  30  miles.  Both  these  branches  seem  to  have 
flowed  into  the  sea  between  Damietta  and  Rosetta.  It  is 
not  only  with  regard  to  these  branches  that  Ibn  Serapion 
differs  from  our  maps.  The  Pelusian  arm  of  the  Nile  is 
briefly  traced  in  his  description,  and,  moreover,  is  described 
as  being  the  main  stem  Qamud)  of  the  eastern  part  of  the 
river.  This  was  certainly  not  the  case  in  the  twelfth 
century,  as  is  shown  by  the  reason  for  making  Bahr  Abi 
el  MunajjA  It  may  be  doubted  whether  the  Pelusian  ✓ 
branch  was  in  existence,  as  a navigable  channel  at  any 
rate,  in  the  tenth  century,  when  Ibn  Serapion  wrote,  or 
even  a century  or  two  before.  Probably  Ibn  Serapion's 
description  relates  to  a period  a good  deal  earlier  than  his 
own  day.  It  cannot  be  treated  here  in  further  detail,  but 
it  deserves  to  be  considered  separately.  It  might  throw' 
some  light  on  the  Greek  authorities,  although  there  is  one 
point  in  which  it  is  certainly  defective,  and  the  text  is 
faulty  in  several  respects. 

Administrative  Divisions.  The  broader  divisions  of 
the  Delta  were  as  follows : — 

Er  Rif  and  Asfal  el  Ard,  These  terms  are  equivalent, 
both,  according  to  Ibn  Duqm^q  (v,  42),  denoting  Lower 
Egypt — the  pai-t  of  Egypt  to  the  north  of  old  Cairo. 
Severus  is  an  example  of  a writer  who  uses  Er  Rif  to 
signify  Low'or  Egypt,  in  contradistinction  wdth  Es  Sa^id, 
Upper  Egypt. 

Batn  er  Rif  was  the  region  between  the  main  Nile  arms, 
and  El  Ilcmf  esh  ^arqi  and  El  Hauf  el  GJiarM  were 
respectively  the  territory  east  and  w^est  of  the  Nile.  Tins 
JEAS.  1912.  61 


946  THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 

appears  from  tlie  classification  of  the  Knralis  wliicli  is 
given  in  the  tables. 

The  terminology  of  the  Arab  writers,  however,  is  not 
uniform.  Er  Rif  and  El  Hauf  are  used  by  some  of  them 
in  a difierent  sense.  Istakhri  defines  (54, 1.  11)  El  Hauf 
as  the  part  of  Egypt  lying  to  the  of  the  Nile  below 

old  Cairo,  and  Er  Rif  as  the  part  to  the  The 

definition  appears  from  Ibn  Duqmaq  (v,  42,  1.  20)  to  have 
been  copied  practically  verbatim  by  Ibn  Hauqal ; but  in 
the  printed  text  of  Ibn  Hauqal  (106,  1.  10)  it  comes  out  in 
a mangled  form.  The  passage  must  certainly  be  corrected 
to  read  the  opposite  of  what  it  says.  Er  Rif  was  the 
centre  and  El  Hauf  the  margin,  instead  of  the  other  way 
round. 

El  Hauf  alone  is  also  used  by  some  of  the  historians 
and  geographers  in  a third  sense  to  denote  the  part  of 
Lower  Egypt  outside  the  Nile  to  the  east.  This  limited 
application  of  the  term  to  the  district  more  precisely 
distinguished  as  El  Hauf  esh  Sharqi,  occurs,  for  instance, 
in  the  history  of  El  Kindi  and  in  the  geography  of  Ya'qubi 
(see  Table  No.  18),  and  it  is  evidently  the  origin  of  the 
statement  in  El  Qclmus  that  El  Hauf  is  a place  (ndhiyah) 
opposite  Bulbais. 

Finally,  Ya'qubi’s  classification  of  the  Kurahs  given  in 
Table  No.  18  restricts  Batn  er  Rif  to  the  eastern  part  of 
the  country  lying  between  the  principal  arms  of  the  Nile. 

The  Kurahs  of  Egypt  were  administrative  divisions 
according  to  a system  which  was  in  force  from  the  time 
of  the  Arab  conquest  up  to  the  Fatiinite  period.  The 
precise  date  at  which  they  were  superseded  need  not  be 
inquired  into  here.  They  were  related  to  the  older  nomes, 
but  there  were  only  twenty  nomes  in  Lower  Egypt,  and 
the  number  of  its  Kfirahs  was  much  greater,  so  that  tlie 
Kurah  was  a smaller  division. 

The  aim  here  is  to  determine  the  correct  names  of  the 
Kurahs  of  Lower  Egypt,  and  to  establish  their  positions. 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


947 


Man}"  of  tlie  names  can  be  identified  at  once,  but  some  of 
them  present  difficulties.  There  is  little  to  be  got  from 
a comparison  of  the  different  forms  of  tlie  same  names 
which  occur  in  Arab  MSS.,  for  quite  as  often  as  not  tlie 
majority  is  on  the  side  of  error.  Sometimes  a clear 
authority  can  be  found  for  the  spelling,  but  the  most 
certain  guide,  when  it  can  be  obtained,  is  the  form  of  the 
name  in  Coptic.  Nearly  all  the  Kurahs  were  called  after 
the  towns  which  were  their  centres,  and  it  is  in  most  cases 
possible  to  identify  the  central  towns  or  to  give  a fairly 
close  indication  of  their  whereabouts.  Other  li.sts  of 
Kurahs  occur  besides  those  that  have  been  used.  Those 
given  by  Ibn  KhurdMbih  and  Qudamah  {Bib,  G.  Arab,,  vi) 
are  examples  ; the  names  are  so  much  corrupted  in  the 
originals  tliat  the  lists  are  not  of  much  service  for  the 
purpose  in  view,  and  the  Kurahs  are  arranged,  moreover, 
with  little  regard  to  order.  The  three  lists  whicli  have 
been  reproduced  in  Tables  Nos.  15-17  classify  the  Kurahs 
generally  on  the  same  plan,  but  there  is  a good  deal  of 
difference  in  detail  between  one  of  these  lists  and  the 
other  two.  The  two  which  resemble  one  another  seem  to 
represent  the  same  oidginal,  and  Khitai  for  its  version 
cites  the  authority  of  El  Quda'i.  On  comparing  these 
lists,  it  appears  that  the  Kurahs  were  not  stable  divisions  ; 
some  areas  in  one  case  are  treated  as  separate  Kurahs  and 
in  the  other  as  parts  of  a Kfirah,  and  this  accounts  for  the 
varying  numbers  given  for  the  total  of  the  Kurahs  by 
different  persons.  El  Ya'qubi's  list,  set  out  briefly  in 
roman  characters  in  Table  No.  18,  differs  widely  from  the 
others  with  regard  to  the  classification.  The  first  three 
lists,  by  including  Daqhalah  and  Nawas^  in  Batn  er  Eif, 
seem  to  treat  the  mouth  of  the  Nile  by  Tinnis  as  more 
important  than  that  by  Damietta,  that  is,  they  regard  the 
arm  leading  to  Tinnis  as  the  principal  eastern  arm  of  the 
Nile.  Why  they  include  S4  and  Shabas  in  El  Hauf  el 
Gharbi  instead  of  in  Batn  er  Elf  is  a mystery.  It  may  be 


948 


THE  DELTA  IN'  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


suspected  tliat  the  reason  is  connected  with  a change  in 
one  of  the  western  arms.  Ya'qubis  arrangement  of  the 
central  Kuralis  in  two  divisions  (ii,  iii)  and  his  description 
seem  to  impl}^  that  there  was  a branch  of  the  Nile  running 
north  and  south  down  the  middle  of  the  Delta.  Possibly 
there  may  luxve  been  a change  between  his  time  and  that 
of  Idrisi  two  centuries  later. 

As  to  the  map  appended,  the  outlines  have  been  drawn 
chiefly  from  the  t'ottV'oo'  Hiap  of  the  P.W.D.,  Cairo.  The 
official  volume,  called  El  Qdmim  el  Jtighrafi  lil  Quir  el 
Mimd  (1899),  has,  as  a rule,  been  the  guide  for  the  rendering 
of  the  modern  names.  This  compilation  contains  a list  of 
all  the  towns  and  villages  in  Egypt,  and,  except  in  the 
case  of  the  smallest  villages,  the  Arabic  names  are  also 
given  grouped  under  the  police  districts  {markaz)  to  which 
they  belong  and  accompanied  by  a rendering  in  European 
characters.  The  European  rendering  has  not  been  adopted 
here  as  it  stands,  but  it  has  been  used  to  make  a tran- 
scription according  to  the  ordinarily  accepted  equivalents. 

The  following  is  a list  of  the  principal  books  referred  to 
in  this  paper  and  in  the  tables : — 

La  G&ographie  de  I ’Egypte  d I 'epoque  Copte,  Par  E . Amelineaii. 
Paris,  1893. 

Mirnoires  geographiques  et  historiques  stir  VEgypie,  Par 
E.  Quatremere.  Paris,  1811. 

Bibliotheca  GeograpJiorum  Arahicomm,  Ed,  De  Goeje. 
Leyden,  1870-94. 

Maqrizi^s  Kliitat.  Bulaq,  1270. 

'All  Basha  Mubarak’s  KhitaL  Bulaq,  1306. 

Ibn  Diiqmaq’s  Intisdr.  Cairo,  1893. 

Ibn  Tuhfah.  Cairo,  1898* 

Idrisi,  Description  de  VAfrique  et  de  VEspagne,  Ed.  Dozy 
and  De  Goeje.  Leyden,  1866. 

Ibn  Serapion’s  Geography.  MS.  Brit.  Mus.  Add.  23879. 

Baedeker’s  Lower  Egypt,  1895. 

Abul  Fedae,  Descriptio  Aegyptif  Ed.  Michaelis.  Goett.  1776. 

El  Kindt,  Governors  and  Judges  of  Egypt,  London,  1912. 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


949 


An  indication  of  the  dates  of  the  mediaeval  authorities  whose 
names  occur  may  be  useful.  In  the  summary  below  (B.G.) 
denotes  writers  of  works  included  in  the  Bibliotheca 
Geograpliomm  Arabicomm,  The  dates  in  these  cases  and  in 
some  of  the  others  are  taken  from  Mr.  Le  Strange’s  Palestine 
■under  the  Muslims, 


Ibn  Hiurdadbih  (B.G,  vi)  . 

A.D. 

wrote  circa  864 

A.H. 

250 

Qudamah  (B.G.  vi)  . 

>> 

c.  880 

266 

AVqiibi  (B.G.  vii) 

891 

278 

Ibn  Serapion 

}■> 

c.  900 

286 

Mas^udi 

5> 

943 

882 

Istakhri  (B.G.  i) 

. J J 

9ol 

340 

El  Kindi  .... 

,, 

c.  951 

340 

Ibn  Hauqal  (B.G.  ii) 

J5 

978 

367 

Muqaddasi  (B.G.  iii)  . 

)5 

985 

375 

Severus  .... 

J) 

c.  1010 

400 

Idrisi  .... 

55 

1154 

548 

Abu  Salih 

J) 

c.  1210 

606 

Yitqut  .... 

55 

1225 

623 

Abii  el  Fidfi 

5) 

1321 

721 

Ibn  Duqmaq 

J5 

c.  1400 

802 

Maqrizi  .... 

5 5 

c.  1417 

820 

Ibn  Ji‘an  .... 

55 

c.  1476 

880 

950  THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  No.  1.  Itineraries  from  Misr  by  the  east  bank  to 
Zdfaitah  and  by  the  west  bank  to  Shatanuf. 


Idrisi,  p.  148. 

Idrisi,  p.  159. 

Place  with  which 
identified. 

Distance^ 

mU. 

Name  in  text. 

Distance, 

mil. 

Name  in  text. 

Ea^it  banlc. 

West  hank. 

Old  Cairo  (Misr  el  ^Atiqali). 

Not  identified. 

Jo  Ia]  1 

El  Qahirali  (Cairo). 

10 

Not  identified.  A. 

hVj\j 

Anbabali.  A. 

5 

Sbiibra  el  Kliaimali. 

5 

Easus. 

5 

\ . 

El  Nbaraqariiyah. 

0 

Not  identified. 

20 

El  A^sas. 

5 

^alaqan. 

5 ■; 

Para  wall.  B. 

lo 

Zufaitali.  C. 

,■■.■■20;  " 

Shatanuf.  B. 

THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


951 


A.  Described  as  two  towns  situated  between  the  two  banks  of  the 
Nile,  i.e.  on  an  island. 

B.  It  will  be  seen  that  Darawah  is  now  between  the  Nile  arms.  At 
the  time  of  the  itinerary  it  appears  to  have  been  altogether  to  the  west 
of  the  Nile. 

C.  “This  village  is  at  the  head  of  the  island  where  the  Nile  divides 

into  branches,  and  the  village  faces  the  town  of  Shantuf  (Shapinuf), 
which  is  at  the  head  of  the  branch  leading  down  to  Tinnis  and  Dimyat” 
(p.  149,  11.  4-6),  “ Opposite  to  it  on  the  western  side  is  Shantuf,  which 

is  a fair  town  ” (p.  loO,  1.  12). 

D.  The  identity  of  Shan^f  and  Shatanuf  is  clear  from  Ibn  Hauqal. 
“At  the  south  end  of  (a7d)  Shantuf,  the  Nile  parts  into  two  divisions 
proceeding  northwards  [iJci  asfcd)  and  reaching  the  sea  ; and  from  each 
one  of  these  two  divisions  there  spring  off  two  branches  reaching  the 
sea”  (IdiM,  p.  149,  11.  7-8).  This  description  does  not  seem  to  agree 
altogether  with  Idrisi's  itineraries.  They  give  two  branches  to  the 
eastern  arm,  but  only  one  to  the  western  arm,  unless  the  small  channel 
from  Samdaisa  (Table  No.  4,  D)  is  counted  as  a branch. 

The  course  of  the  Nile  over  most  of  this  section  must  in 
the  time  of  Idrisi  liave  been  much  the  same  as  to-day. 
The  river  seems  to  have  taken  a sharp  bend  to  the 
westward  at  Shalaqan,  which  is  shown  by  the  distance 
given  thence  to  Zufaitah  and  by  tlie  position  of  Darawah. 


952  THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  No.  2.  Itineraries  from  ^atanuf  to 
Alexandria. 


Ibn  Hauqal,  p.  90. 

IpB-isi,  p.  159. 

Plage  with  which 

IDENTIFIED. 

Distance, 

saqs. 

Ncmne  in  text. 

Distmicey 

mil* 

Name  in  text. 

6 

15 

Skatanuf . 

|Uirim  Dinar. 
Ashmun.  A. 

10 

18 

^u^csiT  ^j\ 

Jurais. 

Not  identified. 

Not  identified. 

10 

50 

i?  J J 

Et  Tarranah. 

12 

j J 

from 

Shataniif 

j J 

Eislitami.  B. 

16 

J 

, 4.'  1-m) 

Tunub.  C. 

^abur. 

16 

Jj' 

, XXsL"'* 

! " 

En  Naqaida. 

16 

LuaJ  0 

^ liiCwJ  ^ 

Dinsbal, 

16 

[Ahj3. 

LuaIj^ 

Qartasa.  D. 

12 

liiAj.1^^^  1 ft 

i ^ L5- ' Jv'^‘ 

Not  identified. 

12 

■ V ■ . ^ i: 

Not  identified. 

12 

16 

A i 

■'  i 

i ■•  ' 

Barsiq.  E. 

lAaiyun.  E. 

8 ' 

j: ' 'hjs'r 

Not  identified. 

8 

i-;  .'v, 

El  Iskandariyali 

(Alexandria). 

958 


THE  DELTA  IK  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


A.  Ashmiin  is  called  in  the  P.W.D.  map  Ashmun  Jurais.  Juraish  in 
Idrisi  looks  like  a mistake, 

B.  It  would  appear  that  both  texts  are  incorrect  with  regard  to 
this  name. 

G.  Tunut  seems  to  be  a mistake. 

D.  Qar^sil  is  now  a part  of  Damanhur. 

E.  Ibn  Tlauqars  text  seems  to  be  incorrect  with  regard  to  this  name. 

E.  Thus  in  El  Qamus  el  Jughrafi ; El  Kirvaun  according  to  Bakri 

and  Qamus.  The  latter  is  nearer  the  original  pronunciation. 

Tlie  brancli  o£  the  Nile  followed  by  these  itineraries 
appears  to  represent  the  ancient  Canopic  arm,  wdiich 
Avould  seem  from  Ibn  'Abd  el  Hakam  (Maqrizi,  i,  71,  h 8) 
to  have  been  diverted  by  Cleopatra  from  a point  near 
Kiryaun  to  Alexandria.  It  appears  to  be  clear  from 
Maqrizi,  i,  71, 169  seq.,  that  the  term  Khalij  el  Iskandariyah 
Avas  limited  to  the  part  between  Shabur  and  Iskandariyah. 
Idrisi  (149,  1.  16)  indicates  that  this  was  called  Khalij 
Shabur,  and  calls  (160,  1.  7)  the  whole  branch,  from  as  far 
south  as  TanAnah,  Nahr  Shabur.  Khalij  el  Iskandariyah 
once  was  the  principal  channel.  It  had  begun  to  silt  up 
before  239  a.h.  = 854  A.D.  Maqrizi  gives  details  with 
regard  to  the  efforts  by  which  from  time  to  time  it  was 
kept  open  down  to  his  day.  It  has  now  disappeared. 
Tlie  other  portion  of  the  Nile  included  in  this  section  is 
showm  to  have  followed  the  same  course  as  at  present. 


954 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  No.  3.  Itinerary  from  Babij  (Abij)  by  a branch 
OF  THE  Nile  past  FarnawI  to  Bilihb. 


Ibn  HAr(jAL,  p.  93. 

Place  with,  wit 

IDENTIFIED. 

' ' 1 

Dhfrmce^  j 
saq».  i 

Name  in  text. 

j AbiJ.  A. 

ITot  identified. 

A. 

12 

Farnawa.  B. 

15 

Not  identified. 

6 

Abii  Kharasli. 

12 

^5- 

Fi^a  Balkliab. 

15 

Not  identified. 

c. 

15 

, J U 

Sanabadah.  D. 

10 

i 

Not  identified. 

E. 

955 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


A.  These  two  towns  appear  to  have  been  close  to  one  another,  and 
to  have  had  portions  on  both  banks  of  the  Nile  (p.  92,  1.  16). 

B.  Described  as  on  the  same  bank  as  Babij  and  Mahallat  Babij,  with 
.a  portion  on  the  west  bank. 

C.  The  editor  conjectures  that  this  place  is  the  same  as 

(Table  No,  4,  D),  but  it  will  be  seen  from  the  map  that  this  cannot  be 
the  case,  unless  the  itinerary  is  incorrect. 

D.  It  seems  probable  that  the  vocalization  in  the  text  is  incorrect. 

E.  There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  the  correct  name  of  this  place 
was  Balhib  (or  Bilhib) : see  Butler,  Arcih  ConqueM  of  Eijypt^  p.  289, 
note.  Fazarali  appears  to  be  the  nearest  village  to  the  position  for  the 
site  indicated  by  the  itineraries.  Dibi  seems  to  be  too  far  north. 

The  channel  described  here  has  disappeared.  The 
distances  given  in  the  itinerary  seem  to  be  very  incorrect. 


956 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  No.  4.  Itinekaries  feom  Babij  to  Rashid  by 

THE  PRESENT  MAIN  CHANNEL. 


Ibn  Hauqal,  p.  92. 

Idkisi,  p.  161. 

Place  with  which 

IDENTIFIED. 

Distance, 

sags. 

Name  in  text. 

Distance, 

mil. 

Name  in  text. 

t!- 

AWj. 

ISTot  identified. 

6 

u 

15 

C .u 

'iXsi* 

Sa  el  Hajar. 

Mahallat  Sa.  A. 

10 

MahallatDiyai.  B. 

10 

20 

Es  Myall.  C. 

0 

i 

CSyi^^\  ccIjST'*  . 

Jamijun.  A. 

1 Mit  el  A^raf. 

1 Snrimbai. 

15 

J 

j Euwah.  D. 

18 

j Sindiyun.  D. 

15 

.:OV  ■■ 

1 Not  identified.  D. 

6 

! Not  identified.  E. 

Ends  here 

20  1 

Mitubis. 

Not  identified. 

15 

El  Jiddiyah.  C. 

(?) 

Ra^id. 

THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


957 


A.  Possibly  there  is  a mistake  in  the  text. 

B.  The  name  in  the  text  of  Ibn  Hauqal  appears  to  be  incorrect. 

C.  The  name  in  the  text  of  Idrlsi  appears  to  be  incorrect. 

I).  At  Fuwah,  according  to  Idrisi,  the  Nile  divided  into  two  branches, 
which  formed  an  island  called  Jazirat  er  Rahib.  Sindiyun  was  at  the 
end  of  this  island  ; from  Samdaisii,  on  the  west  bank  and  opposite  to 
Sindi^'iin,  a small  channel  led  to  a narrow  lake.  This  lake  led  to  another, 
b}'  which  Alexandria  could  be  approached  within  a short  distance. 

E.  See  Table  No.  3,  E. 


The  Nile  here  followed  the  existing  channel.  It  will  be 
observed  that  the  distance  from  Surunbai  to  Fiiwah  which 
is  given  by  Idrisi  is  quite  inaccurate,  and  some  of  the 
other  distances  do  not  correspond  in  the  two  authors. 
From  Remark  D and  the  absence  of  mention  by  Idrlsi  of 
a channel  running  west  of  this  section,  it  seems  likely 
that  the  F<xrnawit  branch  (see  Table  No.  3)  had  dis- 
appeared in  his  time. 


958 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  ISTo.  5.  Itineraries  by  a branch  of  the  Nile  from 
Abu  Yuhannis  to  BabIj  (AbIj). 


Ibn  HaitqaLj  p.  01. 

Idrist,  p.  160. 

Place  with  which 

Distance, 

saqs. 

j!^ame  in  text. 

Distance, 

mil. 

Name  in  text. 

IDENTIFIED. 

iSTot 

given 

J^’either  identified.  A. 

6 

Not  identified.  P. 

16 

Manuf  (el ‘TJlya).  C. 

14 

Not  identified. 

Tita.  P, 

12 

Pisfia  Sulaim  (?).  E. 

iU 

' El  Pindariyali. 

, , •*.y  . * 

1 

Not  identified. 

j«j  Asr’* 

Malmllat  Marhiim. 

jll4U 

Qulaib  Ibyar  (or  Abyar). 

10 

Ablj. 

THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


959 


A.  The  inoutli  of  this  cliannel  accordinjj^  to  Idri'si  (p.  160,  1.  16}  was 
near  Himal  es  Sunairn,  and  Ibn  Hauqal  (p.  92,  1.  2)  takes  the  first 
distance  from  xVbii  Yuhaniiis.  The  latter,  which  was  probably  about 
o])posite  to  the  former  and  on  the  east  bank,  was  some  miles  above 
Tarranah  (Tarnut) : see  Table  No.  2.  The  statement  made  by  both 
geographers  that  the  channel  began  opposite  Tarnut  is  to  be  taken 
merely  as  a general  indication. 

B.  Cf.  a village  about  four  miles  north-east  of  Maniif. 

0.  Idrisi's  itinerary  seems  to  be  wrong  here.  The  other  Alanuf, 
called  by  him  (see  Table  No.  6)  Manuf  el  ‘UlyA,  appears  by  the  distances 
to  have  been  considerably  to  the  north  of  this  one ; but  the  name  in 
Coptic,  as  well  as  in  Arabic,  indicates  that  Manuf  el  ‘Ulya  must  have 
been  to  the  south  of  Manuf  es  SufiA.  The  place  is  in  any  case  the 
existing  Manuf,  and  our  map  follows  Amelineau  (p.  251)  in  identif^dng 
it  with  Man  Ilf  el ‘UlyA. 

I).  The  text  seems  to  be  incorrect. 

E.  Eishtt  Sulaim  comes  on  the  line,  but  not  in  the  right  place. 

The  island  formed  by  this  branch  and  the  main  western 
arm  is  cfilled  by  Idrisi  Jazirat  Baiyar,  no  doubt  a variant 
o£  Aby^r,  a name  for  the  district  given  by  Ibn  JiAn,  who, 
like  Ibn  Duqmaq,  calls  the  island  Jazirat  Bani  Nasr.  The 
branch  as  shown  on  the  map  is  drawn  by  taking  a line 
between  places  given  by  these  two  authors  as  belonging 
to  the  Jazirah  and  those  they  assign  to  the  adjacent 
provinces.  The  result  agrees  well  with  the  itineraries. 


960 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  No.  6.  Itineraries  op  the  land  route  from 
Shatanuf  to  El  IskandarIyah  (Alexandria),  as  far 
AS  Eashid. 


Ibn  Haitqal,  p.  89. 

i iDRisi,  p.  158. 

Place  with  which 

Distance, 
:'y  . saqs.  ' ■ 

Name  in  text. 

Distance,  i 

Name  in  text. 

IDENTIEIED. 

Not 

given 

Bhatanuf. 

m 

i Biibk  el  Ahad  (?).  A. 

uJlL; 

! Not  identified.  A. 

16 

' Lmm^ 

1 Not  identified.  3. 

16 

..  C» 

j Surad. 

16 

Sakha. 

16 

Ends  here 

Not  identified. 

16 

Mislr  (?).  C. 

. 16 

j Sanhiir  el  Madinah. 

16 

■ 

1 ■ ■ ' 

1 Not  identified.  D. 

20 

■ "o'' 

^-(sCISKr 

I ■ 

1 

1 ■" 

j Not  identified.  E. 

10 

1 El  Enrnllus.  F. 

■ , i. 

Not  identified. 

Bashid . 

I 


961 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 

A.  Probably  the  two  names  represent  the  same  place.  The  dist^anee 
given  in  the  hrst  itinerary  makes  the  identification  doubtful. 

B.  Aceording  to  Table  No.  5,  C,  Idrisi’s  itinerary  should  be  coiTected 
here  to  read  Manuf  es  Sufla,  instead  of  Manuf  el  ‘Ulya.  Amelineau, 
conjectures  (p.  251)  that  Manuf  es  Sufla  is  the  same  as  Mahallat  Alanuf. 
The  distance  from  Surad  given  in  the  itinerary  offers  a difficulty. 
Shibin  el  Kaum,  as  an  ancient  and  important  town  on  the  route, 
suggests  itself,  but  there  is  a difficulty  with  regard  to  the  distances 
here  also. 

C.  The  text  is  doubtful,  and  the  present  Misir  is  not  in  the  right 
place. 

D.  SeeTableNo.  10,  H. 

E.  In  Qamus,  Nastaru.  Amelineau  mentions  that  it  was  in  existence 
as  late  as  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century.  It  appears  to  ha^'e  been 
on  an  island  (Ibn  Hauqal  and  Ibn  Duqmaq,  v,  113),  approachable  when 
the  water  was  low  by  causeways.  Khalil  az  Zaliiri  (‘Ali  Basha,  M.  xvii,  7) 
and  Abu  el  Pida- (Descr.  a^Egypt.,  -p.  30)  both  place  Nastarawah  between 
Burullus  and  Rai^id.  Abu  el  Eida  indicates  that  it  was  by  the  sea- 
shore. The  P.W.D.  map  sho'ws near  the  place  given  in  our 

map  for  Ikhna.  It  is  hardly  likely  that  can  be  the  site  of 

NastaiAw’ab,  although  the  names  are  clearly  connected  with  one  another. 
Buhairat  el  Bushmur  was  called  later  Buhairat  en  Nastarawah  (Tarikh 
Kanisat  el  Iskandariyah,  cited  by  ‘Ali  Bashil,  M.  xvii,  7),  and  Khali j en 
Nastaru  {Bib.  G.  Arab,,  vii,  339)  would  seem  to  have  been  a name  for  the 
Bosetta  branch  of  the  Nile  near  the  estuary. 

F.  Thus  vocalized  in  Qamus  in  accordance  with  the  present  pro- 
nunciation. The  name  occurs  at  present  only  in  connexion,  with  the 
lake,  district,  and  strait,  or  Bugh^z.  The  position  given  in  our  map  for 
the  town  is  taken  from  Mr.  Butler’s  map  in  The  Conquest  of  Egypt. 

Beyond  Sakha  this  itinerary  is  hardly  intelligible.  The 
route  seems  to  double  back  over  the  same  ground  in 
coming  from  Burullus.  Possibly  the  Sanhur  referred  to 
may  have  been  some  place  other  than  Sanhur  el  Madinah. 
Tur‘at  Bulqinah  (Table  No.  10)  would  then  have  led  in 
a much  more  probable  direction  to  Burullus,  and  En 
Nastarawah  would  be  placed  on  a line  between  Sakha 
and  Burullus  on  6ne  of  the  islands  of  the  lake.  Tlie 
distance  from  El  Mahallah  (el  Kubra)  to  Sanh-iir  would 
agree  better  with  that  mentioned  in  the  note  to  Table 
No.  10.  There  seems,  however,  to  be  no  evidence  that 
there  was  a town  called  Sanhhr  in  the  required  position. 


JRAS.  1912. 


62 


902 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


i 


Table  No.  7. 

iTINERARy  By  THE  NiLE  FROM  ZXJFAITAH 

TO  Mil’  EL  ‘AttAr. 

iDpisi, 

p.  150. 

Place  with  which 

Distance^ 

miL 

IDENTIFIED. 

Name  in  text. 

^ Zufaitah. 

Shatanuf.  A. 

25 

Slianawai.  B. 

10 

[ hji  i Not  identified. 

: LT^i?  Tant.  ■ 

15 

Slianawai  (?).  C. 

12 

Not  identified. 

Asrijah.  D. 

10 

Es  Sali^lyali. 

IS'ot  given 

^ El  ‘Atf. 

10 

Asrijah.  D. 

15 

Tahlat  Dijwa*  E. 

20 

^ Attar. 

[ Not  identified. 

El  'Atf. 

10 

Mnshairif.  E. 

ISiot  given 

identified. 

THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


063 


A.  See  Table  No.  1,  D. 

B.  Possibly  the  text  is  not  accurate  with  regard  to  this  name. 

C.  This  comes  out  of  place. 

D.  The  text  seems  to  be  wrong  as  to  this  name. 

E.  There  seems  to  have  been  a transposition  of  the  first  two  radicals 
ill  this  name,  an  easy  variation. 

F.  Probably  the  text  should  read  , another  example  of 

transposition. 

It  seems  clear  that  in  some  parts  of  the  distance  this 
itinerary  goes  twice  over  the  same  ground.  By  cutting  it 
up  as  above  it  is  made  intelligible.  The  number  of  places 
mentioned  in  the  itinerary  which  can  be  identified  with 
places  now  on  the  river  bank  show  that  in  general  the 
itinerary  follows  the  course  of  the  Nile  as  it  is  now. 


964 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  No.  8.  Itineeary  by  a branch  of  the  Nile 
FROM  Antl'hI  to  Shubea  (el  Yaman). 


Idrisi,  p.  158.  ! 

— I Place  with  which 


Distance^ 

'iiitL 

JSfanie  in  text. 

IDENTIFIED. 

Not  identified.  A 

20 

Mihj. 

15 

(a:!::.!?)  tuilxl? 

Not  identified. 

15 

Tatah  B. 

El  Ja'fariyah. 

Not  given 

f 

Not  identified. 

7 V M 

1 Es  Santali. 

1 

' 

! Sunbiit. 

i , . 

M ' 

; 

' Not  identified. 

■ >1 

V A 

Shubra  el  Yaman. 

A.  The  position  of  Antuhi  is  marked  by  Jvlit  el  hA.ttar,  to  wluch  it 
was  opposite  (Table  No.  11). 

B.  The  text  is  no  doubt  at  fault. 

C.  Stated  to  have  been  opposite  Damsis. 

Tliis  itinerary  is  easily  followed.  Tlie  l:)ranch  of  the 
Nile  it  represents  has  disappeared. 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


966 


Table  No.  9.  Itinerary  by  a branch  of  the  Nile 
FROll  NEAR  TaTAI  TO  DaMIRAH  (I^TALij  EL  MaHALLAH). 


iDRist,  p.  158,  i 

PX. ACE  WITH  WHICH 

DiMance, 

mU, 

Name  in  text. 

IDENTIFIED. 

1 Below  Tatai.  A. 

20 

Mit  GhazaL 

El  Hayatim  (?!.  B. 

Id 

: Bulqinah.  C. 

Not  given 

; El  Mahallat  el  Knbra.  B. 

Sandafa,  E. 

'A.-,,. 

iisi* 

Not  identified. 

Bamirah. 

A.  The  place  referred  to  may  equally  well  liave  been  the  unidentified 
tdixL , mentioned  in  Table  No.  8. 

B.  This  place  is  many  miles  below  Mit  Ghazal,  whereas  according 
to  the  itinerary  the  two  were  opposite  one  another, 

C.  Tur‘at  Bulqinah  is  to  be  distinguished  from  Khalij  Bulqinah. 
On  p.  155,  1.  8,  it  is  stated  that  Sandafa  was  on  Khalij  Bulqinah,  and 
])erhaps  the  latter  was  another  name  for  lOialij  el  Mahallah. 

D.  El  Mahallat  el  Kubra  was  also  known  as  Sharqiyun  (Yaqut, 
3,  167). • 

E.  Idrisi  mentions  that  SandafS,  was  opposite  El  Mahallah  and  on 
the  east  side,  at  the  distance  from  it  of  li  mtL  ‘Ali  Basha  M.  (xii,  58) 
states  that  the  former  is  now  a part  of  the  latter. 

This  itinerary  follows  a branch  of  the  Nile  known  as 
Khalij  el  Mahallat  (Idrisi,  158,  1.  4)  and  is  very  clear. 
The  branch  has  disappeared. 


966 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  No.  10.  Itineraby  by  canal  prom  Bulqinah 
TO  SamI  (Tub' at  BulqInah). 


IdrM,  p.  158. 

Plage  with  wirrcH 

IDENTIFIED. 

Distiance. 

Name  in  text. 

ISTot  given 

i . ■ ' ■ ' 

Bulqinali. 

Dar  el  Baqar.  A. 

El  Mu^tamidali. 

MatbuL 

\jk^ 

; Sablia. 

THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


967 


A.  It  is  mentioned  that  this  village  was  at  the  beginning  of  the 
oixnal  {aiumUh).  This  description  is  not  very  accurate. 

This  itiiTerary  follows  Tur‘at  Bulqinali,  described  as 
leading  from  the  village  of  that  name  westward  straight 
to  Sakh^  (p.  158,  1.  9),  and  it  is  stated  (p.  158,  1.  19)  that 
Tur^at  Bulqinah  reached  Sanhiir,  which  was  45  mil  distant 
from  El  Mahallat  el  Kubr4.  The  canal  has  disappeared. 


968 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


'able  No. 

11.  Itinerart 

FROM  Mit  el  ‘Attar 

THE  Nile  to 

Mit  DamsIs. 

■:  ' ^ ' ■ 

IdbIsi,  p.  152. 

Place  with  which 

Didanee, 

JSfmne  in  text. 

IDENTIFIED. 

ISfot  given 

ISTot  identified. 

Mit  el  ttar. 

M ■ ■ ■ 

Binlia  (el  ‘Asal). 

1 

ISTot  identified. 

Kanin  Itrib. 

-sa5>- 
->  ‘ 

Jamjarah. 

ilit  el  Hnfivin 

Isnit. 

Warwarah.  A. 

t's? 

Kot  identified.  B. 

Kafr  Mit  el  Hariin. 

Sahrajat  el  Knbra. 

Kot  identified,  ,C. 

Mit  Ghamr. 

. . 9 9 

Ziftali. 

f 5 

1 .hAiAI  \ 

Kot  identified. 

1 

1 

Daqadus. 

Kot  identified. 

L**^ \j>~ 

ITannt. 

Mit  I^na. 

Mit  Damsis. 

THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


969 


A.  This  village  comes  out  of  place. 

B.  This  cannot  be  cij  in  spite  of  the  close  resemblance  in  the 

name.  El  Hamarnah  is  some  six  or  seven  miles  east  by  south  of 
Sahrajat  el  Kubra,  right  awajr  from  the  Nile. 

G.  According  to  the  itinerary  this  village  was  to  the  west  of  the 
Nile.  The  existing  Sahrajat  es  Sughra,  besides  being  about  three  miles 
to  the  east  of  the  Nile,  is  a long  way  below  AJit  (Jhamr,  and  cannot  be 
the  place  intended,  unless  there  is  a mistake  in  the  itinerary. 

It  can  be  seen  that  the  Nile  in  the  above  section  followed 
its  present  course  almost  exactly. 


970 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  No.  12.  Itinerary  from  DamsIs  by  the  Nile 
TO  Dimyat  (Damietta). 


Idrisi,  p.  154. 


Disfance, 

mil. 

Name  in  text. 

' 2 

10 

W 

40 

; 

12 

f 

j q A.., 

18 

12 

i 

! ■,  " - r ■ ' ■ 

16 

i j ^ o ^ 

1 ; \ J > J ^ 

! ■ 'i  ■ t,  ^ ■ 

: 

12 

i Ics-  .L 

1 ^ 

10  i 

■ ■■  ■ . 

18  1 

20  1 

20  i 

j 

10  ! 

■ Jj  ■■  J 

15 

IS 

Place  with  which 

IDENTIFIED. 


(Mit)  Damsis. 

Mit  Badr  Halawali. 

Banii  (Bana  Abu  Sir).  A. 
Bush*  (Abu  Sir). 

Jarrah. 

Mit  Sammanud. 
Sammanud. 

Kafr  et  Ta^baniyah. 

Mit  ^Assas. 

Jaujar  (Jujar). 

A wish  el  Ha  jar.  B. 
TaMa. 

Damirali. 

Shirinqasb. 

^irmsah. 

Hot  identified. 

Faraskur. 

Hot  identified,  C. 

Dimyat  D. 


THE  DELI^A  IN'  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


9-71 


A.  It  is  mentioned  that  the  Nile  formed  a small  island  below  Bana, 
and  that  Busir  was  on  the  w^estern  arm  and  Rahl  Jarrah  on  the  eastern 
arm.  The  distance  of  the  latter  from  the  mouth  of  iOialij  ^^ana^a 
(Table  No.  14)  is  given  as  40  mil. 

B.  One  of  the  AISS.  has  the  reading  y which  is  no  doubt  the 
right  one.  Awi^i  el  Hajar  is  far  from  being,  as  described  in  the 
itinerary,  opposite  Jaujar, 

C.  Burah  was  destroyed  in  620  A.ir.  (Q.uatremere,  Memoires,  i,  337). 

D.  The  town  referred  to  was  razed  in  648  a.h.  (1250  a.d.)  i, 

2*23) ; it  was  to  the  north  of  the  existing  town,  but  the  exact  position  of 
its  site  does  not  seem  to  be  known  with  certainty  (see  Baedeker,  220). 

The  Nile  clearly  followed  almost  the  same  course  here 
as  it  does  at  present ; but,  if  the  itinerary  is  to  be  relied 
on,  it  must  liave  departed  from  the  existing  bed  at  Talkha 
and  have  taken  a sharp  bend,  bringing  its  bank  to 
Damirah,  now  4 miles  away  from  the  river,  and  back 
again  to  Shirinqavsh. 


972 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Tabi.e  No.  13.  Itinerary  from  Mit  Badr  Halawah 

BY  A BRANCH  OF  THE  NiLE  TO  TiNNIS. 


Idkisi,  p.  154. 

Place  with  which 

IDENTIFIED. 

Distance, 

Name  in  text. 

Mit  Badr  HaHwab. 

Not  given 

Shana^a. 

24 

Not  identified. 

18 

Not  identified.  A. 

Not  given 

Ji  1 

: JJ  . . ♦ ' 

Not  identified.  B. 

A.  According  to  the  itinerary,  Tanah,  which  was  on  I^alij  Tinnis — 
Ashman  Tan^h  is  certainly  intended — -was  distant  25  mil  by  land  from 
this  place, 

-B.  The  lake  referred  to  is  described  as  being  close  to  Faramit  and 
connected  with  Buhairat  Tinnis.  Bnhairat  ez  Zar  was,  therefore,  the 
eastern  part  of  the  present  Lake  Manzalah  and  Bnhairat  Tinnis  the 
western  part.  Abu  el  Fida  (Quatremere,  i,  334)  alludes  to  this  division 
of  the  lake,  of  which  the  map  now  shows  no  trace ; but  he  calls  the 
eastern  division  Buhairat  Tinnis  and  the  western  division  Buhairtit 
Dimyilt, 

Idrisi  stetes  (p.  151,  1.  14)  that  after  the  two  branches 
of  the  Nile  which  separated  below  Antiihi  had  reunited  at 
Shubra  and  Damsis  they  flowed  together  a little  way  and 
then  divided  again,  the  eastern  one  running  to  Tinnis  and 
the  western  one  to  Dimyat.  Tliis  eastern  branch  is 
clearly  the  one  followed  by  this  itinerary.  He  calls  it 
(p.  154,  1.  3)  Khalij  Shanash^.  It  does  not  seem  possible 
that  El  Buhat  can  be  either  of  the  two  existing  places 
called  Buh^  or  that  can  be  identified  with  Shinfas. 

One  gets,  therefore,  only  the  general  direction  of  the 
stream.  The  branch  of  the  Nile  in  question  has  dis- 
appeared. 


973 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 

Table  No.  14.  Itinerary  by  a branch  of  the  Nile 
FROM  Tal^a  to  TiNxis. 


IdMsi,  p.  155. 

Plack  with  which 

.DUtance, 

mil. 

Xamt  m text. 

.....  . ...  ...... 

IDENTIFIED. 

■ 

1=9= 

Talkha. 

Not  given 

Sbtiha.  A. 

5 

Mahallat  Daman  ah. 

12 

,U  ;Lb 

> *v  * * • 

El  Qibab  el  Xubra 

16 

. . 

El  aibab  es  Sngjira  (?).  B 

15 

Dnmiih. 

2 

Not  identified. 

10 

! A^mim  (Tanahb  G. 

20 

hj3 

Mtt  en  NasinTb 

20 

Not  identified. 

20 

BirimbaL 

40 

Es  Sat  a’ it  ah  (?). 

15 

1 

Not  identified. 

A.  Shahar  appears  to  be  a mistake  in  the  text. 

•B.  This  village  comes  ont  of  xAace. 

C.  Tlie  text  of  the  itinerary  is  obviously  wrong  here.  The  place 
intended  is  Ai^imun  Tanah  or  er  Rumman,  or  Ashmum  (Abu  el  Fida, 
IJescr.  p.  31).  It  is  mentioned  by  Abu  el  Fida  that  A^iniiin 

Tanah  was  tlie  principal  town  of  the  province  of  Daqhalah  and  also  of 
El  Bushmur.  The  latter  name  is  still  preserved  in  the  neighbourhood 
in  the  Masraf  el  Bushmur  shown  on  the  P.  W.l).  map. 

The  branch  of  the  Nile  followed  by  this  itinerary  is 
called  by  Idrisi  (154;,  1.  9)  Khalij  Tinnis.  It  is  the  present 
El  Bahr  es  Saghir. 


974 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  No.  16.  Kurahs  of  El  Hauf  e^  Shabqi. 


Parallel  lists 
(from  El  Quda’i). 

Kititat,  i, 

73,  first  list. 

Khitat,  i,  73, 
second  list. 

Ibn  Duqmaq, 
V,  42. 

Transcription. 

Xnmher  of 
Qm'yahs. 

Xtmie  in  text. 

Name  in  text. 

Name  in  text. 

65 

^iin  ^ams.  A. 

108 

■ 

Itrib.  B. 

87 

V . • 

Natau  or  JSTata.  C. 

150 

Uj 

Tumai.  C. 

39 

tCkjujJ 

Bast  ah. 

28 

fLo  \ .L 

Lj\Jb 

. '"J 

Turabiyali.  B,  1). 

18 

. ■ ..  -Jisla 

!'■  . --V" 

Jb' 

Hurbait.  E. 

46 

1 » Lw2 

u 

U 

Sa  wa  IbliL  E. 

' UyJI 

El  Earama, 

■ 

El  ^Ari^. 

1 jUjs'U 

El  Jif ar. 

THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


975 


A.  ‘Ain  Shams  seems  to  have  dropped  out  of  the  first  list  by 

'accident.  ■ ■ ■ 

B.  Thus  vocalized  in  Qamus. 

C.  Natan  and  Tumai  are  grouped  together  in  El  Quda’i’s  list  of  the 
Kurahs  and  also  elsewhere.  They  were  clearlj^  adjacent  to  one  another. 
Natau  was  either  the  same  as  Sahrajat  or  closely  connected  with  it  (see 
Amelineau,  269).  There  are  two  Sahrajats  not  very  far  apart.  Probably 
Sahrajat  el  Kubra  is  the  one  meant  (see  Amelineau,  409). 

D.  Qamiis  adds  “or  Durabiyah  The  first  list  mentions  that 
among  its  Qaryahs  or  villages  were  (a)  Es  Sadir,  wdiich  (Qamus)  was  near 
El  ‘Abbasah  ; (?>)  El  Ha,mah : this  appears  from  El  Kindi  (99,  1.  12)  to 
have  been  in  Sinai,  and  to  have  included  in  its  surroundings  the 
mountain  of  ’Ulaq.  The  mountain  is  mentioned  in  Qfimus ; (c)  Faqus. 

Amelineau,  p.  483,  gives  “Tarabia, 

E.  Identical,  it  would  seem,  with  Pharbait  (Amelineau,  330). 

P.  Sa  must  be  San  el  Hajar.  Iblil  (leblil)  occurs  as  an  unidentified 
place  mentioned  by  Amelineau. 

El  Hauf  Sharqi  contained  eight,  nine,  or  ten  Kurahs, 
according  to  the  different  enumerations  given  by  the  three 
versions,  xill  the  Kurahs  can  be  identified. 


976 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  No.  16.  Kueahs  of  Batn  er  Rif. 


i.  73,  first  list. 


Parallel  lists 
(from  El  Quda’i). 


J^TTAT,  i,  73,  IeX  DUQMAg,  | 

second  list.  v,  42.  ; Thanscriptiox. 


JS/'ifmher  of 
Quri/aJiH. 


2^a7ne  in  text.  ]:same  in  text.  Name  in  text. 


lilt  Ia-.. 


^ jJ  .jS:) 

.S>-  t ^ 4 ^ A.«J  • 
.ii;Lu.Al  V I 


c;'’*  ^ i Jazlrali  ram  A&.clx  . 

^J\  I el  Ard.  A. 

Darasis,  and 
Alanuf.  B. 

I Tuwali  \va  Manuf.  0. 

j " 

\s:^  Sakha . 

j TidCi  waEl  Afrajun.  1). 

I El  Ba^arud.  E.  ; 
\^j  I hTaqtzah  (wa  Balsa).  E, 


el  Ard.  A. 


t 

v-aJ  1 

' J-'  J' 

Ban  a wa  Bu  Sir 

■■  j 

J 

Sammaiuid. 

U3| 

\m1  4« 

V ■■ 

LwvAJ 

J 

DTawasa. 

! 

El  Ausiyali.  G 

1 * 

1 En  jS'akhum.  I 

j 

1 Baqhalalu 

Tinnis. 

j 

Birayat 

mi 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


977 


A.  Presumably =Jazirat  Bani  Nasr  (see  Table  N"©.  5,  note). 

B.  The  Manuf  referred  to  must  be  Manuf  es  Sufla,  conjectiirally 
identified  by  Amelineau  (p.  251)  with  Mahallat  Manuf. 

C.  The  town  of  IMwah  seems  to  have  been  the  same  as  Talanau 
(Amelineau,  p.  521)  ; and  the  latter  seems  from  its  name  to  be  identical 
with  Tala.  The  Manuf  in  question  here  will  have  been  the  existing 
town,  formerly  known  as  Manuf  el  ‘Ulya. 

I).  See  Amelineau,  p.  504,  for  the  spelling. 

E.  The  name  of  the  town  was  Pisharaut  (see  Amelineau,  p.  349). 
Tlie  reading  adopted  seems,  therefore,  more  correct  than  Bashrud  or 

Bushrud  given  by  Bakri,  179.  One  finds  also  the  Arabic  form  1?. 

By  comparing  the  accounts  of  El  Kindt  (191-2)  and  Severus  (ed. 
Seybold,  276-82)  of  the  rebellion  in  the  Delta  at  the  time  of  El  Mainun, 
one  can  see  that  the  people  of  El  Ba^arud  in  the  one  case  are  identical 

with  those  called  by  Severus  the  men  of^ , and  one  of  the  JMSS.  of 
Severus  reads  j for  the  latter.  El  Basharud  and 

El  Bushmiir,  if  not  actually  identical,  were  closely  connected  with  one 
another.  It  is  clear  from  Ibn  Hauqal  (90, 1.  2)  that  Buliairat  el  Bushmiir 
represented  at  least  the  western  part  of  the  lake  of  Burullus  ; and  it 
seems  that  the  name  may  have  been  applied  to  the  whole  of  the  lake. 
Tlie  Kurah  of  Basharud  may  have  been  to  the  north  and  east  of  the  lake 
of  Burullus,  which  is  the  position  indicated  by  Amelineau  (351)  for  the 
district  of  Pisharaut. 

F.  Kaqizah  is  given  in  Qamus  as  a Kurah  of  Egypt,  so  that  the  right 

reading  seems  to  be  established.  A doubtful  reading  in  Bib.  G.  Arab. 
(vii,  338,  1.  B)  indicates  that  seasliore  between 

Damietta  and  Burullus.  Daisa  may  be  the  same  as  Daisah,  which  (Ibn 
Ji‘an,  53)  was  in  the  province  of  Daqhaltyah.  This  Kiirah  has  been 
omitted  from  the  map. 

G.  El  Ausiyah  = Damirah  {Bib.  Q.  Arab.,  vii,  337,  1.  11). 

H.  En  Kakhum  is  given  in  Q^mus  as  one  of  the  Kurahs  of  Egypt. 
Amelineau  does  not  give  any  near  equivalent.  One  may  look  at 
Pakhnamun,  the  exact  position  of  which  is  not  defined,  but  which  seems 
to  have  been  in  the  same  quarter.  Prom  the  itinerary  in  Table  No.  6 it 
appears  that  the  Kurah  must  have  been  situated  between  Sanhur  and 
Burullus.  In  the  one  mention  by  Kindi  (116,  1.  13)'  the  men  of 
Baiiarud,  En  Nakhum,  and  El  Ausiyah  join  the  Copts  in  revolt  at 
Sakha,  and  one  may  conclude  that  it  is  likely  that  the  first  three  Kurahs 
were  grouped  together. 

Batn  er  Rif  contained  twelve,  fourteen,  or  fifteen  Kurahs, 
aecordine  to  the  three  different  lists.  Their  names  can  all 
be  identitied,  and  except  in  one  case  one  can  determine  the 
position  more  or  less  exactly. 


auAs.  1912. 


63 


978  THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 

Table  No.  17.  Kijrahs  of  El  Hauf  el  Gharbi. 


Parallel  lists 
(from  El  Quda’i). 

Khitat,  i,  73,  first  list. 

Khitat,  i,  73, 
second  list. 

Ibn  Duqmaq, 

V,  43. 

Transcription. 

Number  of  i 
Qaryahs.  j 

Name  in  text. 

Name  in  text. 

Name  in  text. 

T3 

u 

u 

■ u 

Sa. 

22  1 

I.A..W3 

\ *'* 

^labas.  A. 

■| 

. 43  1 

.. 

f 

El  Badaqiin.  B. 

29 

|k3 

Haiyiz  el  B ad  a qiui . C * 

, ■ ■ i 

Kot  given  i 

^\J^\ 

j" 

El  Kliais  wa  Esh 

Shirak.  D. 

8 ; 

■ 1. 

i?  J J 

NJ 

Tarnut 

62 

b..;  .ri- 

'J 

•y 

Kharibta . 

22 

bul^-S 

Qartasa. 

49  I 

' i 

t 

Masil.  E. 

Malaidis.  p]. 

' ' 17 

i 

L^V 

b^r 

Ildina. 

|_ 

iN0Nti  ^ 

: ••  .y 

Ra^id. 

■ ! 

( 1^' 

' >■••  * 

El  Biihairah.  F. 

' 

tXj  f ij 

(El  Ilisas  bii 
IskandariYali.) 

1 

lim ..■■«?  Ij) 

(El  Kurumat.) 

1 

J^JU 

(El  Bal.) 

124  j' 

El  Iskandariyab. 

f 

Maryut.  G. 

Lubiyab.  H. 

■*;  ... 

4-^5^  «yiiii 

l^Iarafijiyab.  II. 

THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


979 


A.  The  centre  of  the  Kurah  has  been  taken  as  Shabas  esb  Sbubada’, 
the  most  important  of  the  villages  called  Shabas,  and  one  that  is  in  the 
most  likely  position. 

B.  The  name  is  doubtful ; the  transcription  here  follows  Bih.  G, 
Arab.,  vi,  82.  One  may  compare  “Pidrakon”  (Amelinean,  345),  the 
nearest  name  to  it  that  seems  to  occur.  One  of  the  towns  of  the  Kurah 
was  Janbawaih  {Kindi,  209,  1.  16). 

C.  This  was  evidently,  from  its  name,  adjacent  to  El  Badaqun. 
Haiyiz  means  annexe.  There  is  no  guide  to  the  exact  position  of  the 
Kurah. 

I).  El  Khais  (occasionally  pronounced  El  Khis)  is  given  in  Qamus  as 
a Kurah  of  El  Hauf  el  ^arbi.  One  may  compare  (the  existing) 
Mahallat  Qis,  Markaz  Shubra  !l^iit ; this  place  does  not  seem  to  be 
shown  on  the  P.W.D.  map.  Esh  ^irak  is  so  vocalized  in  Bih,  G.  Arab. 
According  to  the  description  of  the  canals  in  i,  170,  Esh  Shirak 

would  appear  to  have  been  situated  close  to  the  existing  villages  of 
El  Quhuqiyah  and  Abu  Kharash.  There  is  a village  in  the  Markaz  of 
Da.manhiir  called  El  A^rak,  but  the  position  is  not  shown  on  the 
P.  W.l).  map.  Esh  Shirak  is  stated  by  Ibn  Duqmaq  to  be  identical  with 
Es  Safsafsah.  The  latter  is  no  longer  known,  but  there  is  a village  in 
the  same  Markaz  called  Es  Safasif.  This  also  is  omitted  from  the  map. 

E.  See  Amelineau’s  article,  p.  243.  The  town  of  Masil  was  evidentl}^ 
near  Euwah.  Mr.  Amelineau  appears  to  consider  that  Masil  and 
Malaidis  were  identical,  and  that  both  represent  Metelis  of  the  Greeks, 
Vmt  the  combination  in  Arabic  of  the  two  names  seems  to  leave  little 
doubt  that  Masil  and  Malaidis  were  two  different  towns,  and  Malaidis  is 
the  name  that  corresponds  with  Metelis.  With  this  name  one  may 
compare  Kafr  Malit,  shown  on  the  P.W.D.  map  not  far  from  opposite 
to  Euwah.  By  the  description  in  Khitat^  i,  170,  it  can  be  seen  that 
Masil  was  close  to  Zarqun, 

P.  Presumably  so  called  from  Buhairat  Idku.  Amelineau's  article 
on  (El-)Beherah,  p.  90,  requires  consideration.  The  name  had  at  first 
a restricted  signification,  although  it  covers  at  the  present  time  the 
whole  of  the  region  to  the  west  of  the  Nile. 

(r.  The  town  of  this  name  had  already  been  destroyed  in  1376  a.d.  ; 
its  ruins  are  still  visible  on  the  borders  of  the  lake  (Amelineau,  242). 

H.  Lubiyah  and  Maraqiyah  occupied  a tract  along  the  coast  now 
desert,  whicli  once  was  inhabited  and  fertile.  The  former  adjoined 
Maryut  {Blh.  G,  Arab,,  vii,  339),  and  from  the  description  of  the  road 
{Bih.  G.  Arab.,  vii,  342)  it  can  be  seen  that  Lubiyah  did  not  begin 
until  a little  west  of  El  Kana’is.  Maraqiyah  extended  up  to  the  territory 
of  Banpih,  and  to  within  about  two  barids,  say  20  miles,  from  Siwah 
(/vA'pd,  i,  183). 

El  llauf  g1  Giiarbi  comprised  eleven  or  twelve  Kuralis, 
according  to  the  different  enumerations.  Tlie  Kuralis  can 
be  identified  fairly  well,  though  one  or  two  cannot  be 
placed  exactly. 


980 


THE  DELTA  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


Table  No.  18.  Kurahs  of  Lower  Egypt,  according 
TO  THE  Classification  of  Ya^qubi  {Bib.  G.  Arab., 
vii,  337-9). 

L El  Hmif, 

Atnb  (Itrib).  Bastah.  Sto. 

‘Ain  Sbams.  Turabiyab.  Iblil. 

Natan.  Qurbait  (Hnrbait  or  Farbait). 

Tnnaai  seems  to  be  omitted  by  accident.  The  text  indicates 
that  there  were  nine  Knrahs. 

II.  Bain  er  Bif  to  the  east  [Ac]  of  the  Nile. 

Baiift.  Sammanud.  El  Ausiyah. 

Busir.  Nawasa.  En  Nakhnm. 

III.  Area  het-ioeen  Khalij  DimycU  and  the  WesternA  Khali i. 
Saltha.  El  Afrajnn.  Maniif  es  Sufia. 

Tida.  Tiiwah. 

The  text  indicates  that  the  number  of  these  Kiirahs  was  seven, 
so  that  two  names  are  w^anting. 

IV.  Coast  Totvns. 

Farama.  Shata.  Burah.  Barulins.  Ikhna. 

Tinnis.  Dimyat.  Naqizah.  Eashid.  Iskandariyah. 

Y.  Kitrahs  of  Khalij  el  Iskandariyah, 

El  Buliairah.  Masil.  Tarniit, 

IQiaribta.  Malaidis.  Qartasa. 

VI.  Kilrahs  of  Khalij  en  Nastarau, 

Sa.  El  Haiyiz  (Haiyiz  el  Badaqun). 

Bhabas.  El  Badaqun.  E^i  Bhirak. 

VII.  Outlying  Kilrahs  of  Iskandariyah, 

Maryut.  Maraqiyah.  Lubiyah. 

^ The  reading  **  Western’’  is  uncertain. 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


{Concluded  from  p,  6SS,) 

By  J.  KENNEDY 

II 

The  Coinage  of  Kanishka 

W'=  have  considered  Ivanislika,  so  far,  only  as  an  Indian 
king,  whose  existence  is  revealed  to  ns  through  the 
incidental  mention  of  him  in  inscriptions  and  the  accounts 
of  the  Yue-che  (Tokhari)  given  by  the  Chinese.  And  we 
liave  found  that  his  permanent  achievements  were  twofold. 
A barbarian  prince,  he  became  a convert  to  an  alien  faith, 
and  set  an  example  which  was  followed  by  liis  tribe ; he 
also  instituted  an  era  which,  although  essentially  Buddhist, 
was  accepted  by  the  Brahmans  and  the  Jains,  and  has 
endured  to  the  present  day.  So  far  we  might  regard  him, 
merely  as  a prototype  of  many  a barbarian  chief  of  the 
West  in  the  early  centuries  of  the  Middle  Ages.  We  have 
now  to  consider  him  as  an  important  figure  on  a much 
larger  stage,  a connecting  link  in  the  liistory  of  the  earliest 
commerce  between  China  and  Europe.  I have  already 
brought  forward  direct  evidence  to  prove  that  he  flourished 
in  the  latter  half  of  the  first  century  B.c.  I shall  now 
show  b^r  two  independent  lines  of  research  that  he  cannot 
l)e  assigned  to  any  other  period.  The  basis  of  our  study 
is  the  coinage  of  Kanishka  and  his  successors,  more 
particularly  of  Huvishka.  This  coinage  is  quite  striking 
in  its  novelty. 

1.  These  Kuslians  mint  gold  — a thing  practically 
unknown  in  India  since  the  days  of  Euthydemiis  and 


982 


THE  SECRET  OF  KAKISHKA 


DoHietrius  and  tlie  battle  of  Magnesia  (190  b.c.)  ^ — and 
they  mint  no  silver,  which  formed  the  usual  currency. 

2.  The  growing  scarcity  of  gold  had  reduced  the  \'alue 
of  silver  from  the  middle  of  the  second  centuiy  b.c;.,  so 
that  the  exchange  had  fallen  to  something  like  11  of  silver 
to  1 of  gold.  But  the  new  gold  coinage,  although  gold 
has  suddenly  become  abundant,  is  struck  at  a still  lower 
rate,  the  rate  of  1 of  gold  to  12  of  silver. 

8.  All  this  is  startling  enough ; but  more  wonderful 
still,  these  Kushan  coins  have  only  Greek  legends,  although 
the  kings  who  minted  them  held  no  lands  outside  India, 
and  although  from  the  time  of  Demetrius  and  Eukratides, 
that  is  to  say  from  the  commencement  of  the  second 
century  B.C.,  Greek  and  Scythic  kings  alike  had  2)ut 
bilingual  inscriptions  on  their  coins, 

4.  As  if  this  were  not  sufficient,  Kanishka  and 
Huvishka  engrave  the  figures  and  the  names  of  some 
thirty  deities,  a motley  group — Hindu,  Buddhist,  Greek, 
Elamite,  possibly  Babylonian,  mostly  Zoroastrian.- 

5.  Moreover,  they  use  for  their  legends  a cursive 
Greek  alphabet  which  was  a new  feature  on  Indian  coins, 

^ ‘‘With  the  exception  of  two  or  three  gold  coins  of  Eukratides,  ooo 
of  Menander,  and,  perhaps,  one  of  Taxila,  and  another  coin  of  uncertain 
attribution,  no  specimens  which  can  possibly  have  been  struck  in  India, 
during  the  two  centuries  previous  to  the  date  of  Hima  (Wema)  Kadphises, 
are  to  be  found  in  the  collections  of  the  present  day*’  (Rapson, 
Griindriss^  “Indian  Coins,”  p.  17).  Wema  Kadphises’  father,  Kozoulo 
Kadphises,  struck  only  copper  coins. 

Rapson  makes  Kanishka  succeed  Wema  Kadphises,  wdiom  he  dates 
e.  30“78  A.D.  As  to  Kanishka  he  says,  ‘‘  The  Baka  era  has  usually  been 
supposed  to  date  from  the  ablmeka  of  Kanishka  at  Mathura  in  78  a.  d.  : 
and  to  this  era  the  dates  found  in  tlte  stone  inscriptions  of  Kanishka, 
HuvivShka,  and  Vasudeva  have  usually  been  referred.”  Altliough  the 
supposition  that  Kanishka  instituted  the  Baka  era  has  now  been 
completely  disproved  by  M.  Boyer,  a latent  belief  that  Kanishka 
followed  Wema  Kadphises  is  still  very  general.  'Messrs.  Fleet,  Francke, 
and  S.  L4vi  have  always  rejected  it,  and  Cunningham  originally  did  so, 
although  he  afterwards  adopted  another  theory. 

Cunningham  [Coins  of  the,  Kmlrnm,  pt.  iii,  p.  23  of  the  reprint  ; 
Num.  Ghro7i.f  ser.  ui,  vol.  xii^  pp.  40-82)  gives  a list  of  thirty-three 


THE  SECKET  OF  KAKISHKA 


983 


and  was  further  remarkable  by  including  a certain 
antiquated  letter  to  be  noticed  later. 

The  singularity  of  this  coinage  is  equalled  by  its 
diffusion ; it  is  found  not  only  througliout  Northern 
India  and  the  Gangetic  Yalley  as  far  as  Ghaziptir  and 
Gorakhpur,  but  also  in  countries  far  to  the  west  of  India: 
solitary  specimens  have  been  found  buried  in  tlie  ground 
in  Scandinavia  and  Wales.  Clearly  all  these  facts  have 
an  organic  connexion ; we  require,  not  a separate  key  to 
each,  but  a single  key  which  will  explain  the  whole. 

Three  things  are  obvious  at  the  outset  of  our  inquiry — 

1.  This  coinage  was  struck,  not  to  supply  local  wants, 
but  for  the  purposes  of  foreign  trade.  For  150  years 
before  Kanishka  the  local  currency  had  been  in  silver  and 
copper.  The  Indo-Parthians,  who  were  contemporaries 
of  Vasudeva,  strike  silver  and  copper.  The  Satraps  of 
Mathura  follow  the  rule.  Before,  during,  and  after  the 
times  of  Kanishka  and  his  grouj),  a bilingual  silver 
currency  prevails ; silver  is  the  local  currency  of  the 
bazars. 

2,  The  foreign  traders,  for  intercourse  with  whom  this 
gold  currency  was  minted,  used  Greek  as  a lixigua  franca  ; 
they  were  not  supposed  to  understand  Prakrit.  Where 
a bilingual  currency  is  in  vogue,  it  is  a proof  that  buyer 
and  seller  belong  to  two  nationalities  and  speak  two 
different  languages.  But  where  three  or  more  different 
languages  are  concerned,  it  is  usually  impossible  to 
represent  all  of  them  upon  so  small  a field  as  that  of  the 
coins.'^  As  a rule,  that  language  alone  will  find  a place' 
which  is  the  general  medium  of  communication ; and  that 
language  in  this  case  was  Greek. 

^ There  is  an  exception,  to  a certain  extent,  on  the  coins  of  ISTahapana: 
these  bear  (-Jreek  legends  on  the  obverse,  and  on  the  reverse  Brahmi  and 
KliaroshHn  legends  which  represent  two  separate  dialects,  though  not 
exactly  two  distinct  languages  : see,  e.g.,  JRAS,  1907,  p.  1044.  In  this 
ease  the  arrangement  was  made  practicable  by  the  brevity  of  the 
legends. 


984 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


3.  The  abundance  of  gold  must  be  a>scribed  to  a sudden 
and  great  revolution  in  trade.  Such  a revolution  took 
place  at  the  commencement  of  the  first  century  B.e.,  when, 
for  the  first  time  in  the  annals  of  the  world,  the  trade  of 
China  made  its  way  to  the  West.  The  history  of  that 
trade  will  form  the  subject  of  a special  inquiry ; I shall 
confine  myself  at  present  to  the  briefest  outline  of  so  much 
of  it  as  bears  upon  our  subject. 

Up  to  the  time  of  the  great  Han  emperor,  Wu-ti 
(140-86  B.c.),  the  Hiung-nu,  ancestors  of  the  modern 
Turks,  were  overlords  of  all  Central  Asia  from  Sogdiana 
to  Manchuria.  The  twenty-six  “ bowmen  nations ’’  of  the 
nomads  owned  their  supremacy;  the  settled  peoples  of 
Chinese  Tartary  were  subject  to  them ; and  they  pastured 
their  herds  in  three  out  of  the  seven  provinces  of  China. 
Wu-ti,  the  real  founder  of  the  Chinese  Empire,  engaged  in 
a series  of  lifelong  campaigns  against  them.  By  121  b.c. 
he  had  driven  them  north  of  the  Gobi  Desert,  and  in  twenty 
years  more  by  war  and  diplomacy  he  brought  all  the 
petty  states  of  Chinese  Tartary  under  his  authority.  The 
“ settled  peoples  of  Chinese  Tartary  were  keen  traders ; 
they  sent  commercial  embassies  every  year  to  China,  and 
a lively  trade  soon  sprang  up.  This  trade  followed  one  of 
two  routes : it  went  either  by  Khotan  across  the  Himalayas 
to  Kashmir,  Gandhara,  and  Kabul ; or  the  goods  were 
carried  to  Kashgar  and  Yarkand,  and  thence  to  Sogdiana 
and  Bactria.  The  former  route  was  always  open,  and  was 
the  principal  channel  of  the  silk  trade  in  the  first  century 
B.c.  In  the  following  century  Kashgar  and  Yarkand  took 
the  leadd  Whichever  route  the  silk  miglit  take,  it 
ultimately  found  its  way  to  Syria,  where  it  was  reworked 

^ Reinaud  {Relations^  etc.,  de  V Empire  Romaiii  avec  VAsie  Orkntale, 
p.  172)  says  : ‘'Bien  que  d'origiae  chinoise,  c'est  en  grande  partie  par 
ITnde,  surtout  en  temps  de  guerre,  quelle  (la  sole)  arrivait  dans 
Tempire.”  But  I think  it  can  be  shown  that  M.  Reinaud  is  mistaken. 
It  was  only  during  the  first  century  B.a  that  the  bulk  of  the  silk  trade 
passed  through  India. 


THE  SECRET  OF  HANISHKA 


985 


for  the  Roman  market;  and  silk  was  first  seen  at  Rome 
in  the  last  days  of  the  Republic.  Virgib  Horace,  and 
Propertius  are  among  the  first  to  mention  it.^  But  although 
all  the  silk  found  its  way  to  Syria,  there  was  a great 
difference  in  the  intermediaries  by  wliom  it  was  brouglit. 
The  Iranian  Bactrians  and  Syrians  had  a monopoly  of  the 
caravans  which  went  overland  between  the  Pamirs  and 
the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea;  while  the  silk  from 
Kashmir  and  Kabul  found  its  way  to  the  head  of  the 
Persian  Gulf,  and  was  then  either  carried  overland  across 
the  desert  by  way  of  Palmyra  to  Syria, or  transported 
by  water  to  Leuke  Come  at  the  head  of  the  Red  Sea. 
Tlie  chief  traders  between  India  and  the  Persian  Gulf  were 
the  Mesenians.  They  are  the  principal  figures  in  our 
story,  and  I shall  speak  of  them  at  length,  anon. 

At  this  point  someone  wdll  probably  interpose  with  the 
question : why  should  the  silk  have  gone  by  land  to  the 
Persian  Gulf,  when  it  might  have  gone  direct  by  sea  to 
Alexandria  ? The  histoiy  of  this  sea  trade  is  the  answer, 

Down  almost  to  the  end  of  the  second  century  B.c.  the 
trade  of  tlie  Indian  Ocean  was  entirely  in  tlie  liands  of 
Indians,  Arabs,  and  peoples  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus  and  Ptolemy  Euergetes  planted  colonies  on 
the  western  littoral  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  attempted  to  open 
out  commercial  relations  with  the  African  interior.  But 
the  first  attempts  of  tliese  Alexandrian  Greeks  to  sail 
direct  to  India  were  due  to  private  enterprise,  and  date 
from  about  120  B.c.  The  later  Ptolemies  were  supine  and 
indifferent,  and  down  to  the  conquest  of  Egypt  by 
Augustus  the  trade  was  insignificant.  ''  Formerly,”  says 
Strabo;^  ''not  even  twenty  vessels  ventured  to  navigate 

^ Under  the  Empire  the  chief  market  for  Indian  and  Chinese  goods  at 
Romo  was  close  to  the  Temple  of  Pax. 

- It  was  the  making  of  Palmyra,  which  was  already  a considerable 
town  in  the  latter  half  of  the  first  century  b.c.  when  Marc  Antony 
besieged  it. 


986 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


the  Arabian  or  advance  to  the  smallest  distance 

beyond  the  straits  at  its  mouth.”  Augustus  inaugurated 
a revolution  in  the  trade  when  he  conquered  Egypt 
(30  B.C.).  He  seems  to  have  devoted  especial  attention  to 
the  matter ; he  did  his  best  to  suppress  piracy ; and 
altliough  the  Arabian  expedition  of  iElius  Gal  Ins  was 
unsuccessful,  under  the  protection  of  the  Romans  a con- 
siderable trade  speedily  sprang  up.  When  was  with. 
Gallus  ”,  says  Strabo,  ''  at  the  time  he  was  Prefect  of 
Egypt  (25  B.C.),  I found  that  about  120  sl\ips  sail  from 
Myos-hormos  to  India,  although  in  the  time  of  tlie 
Ptolemies  scarcely  anyone  would  venture  on  this  voyage 
and  the  commerce  with  the  Indies.”-  Wliat  Wu-ti  liad 
accomplished  for  the  land  trade  of  Ci.una  witli  the  West, 
Augustus  accomplished  for  the  sea  trade  between  the 
Roman  Empire  and  India.  But  this  trade  did  not  receive 
its  full  development  until  Adana  or  Aden,  the  Arab 
emporium,  had  been  destroyed,  probably  in  the  reign  of 
Claudius.  It  was  only  from  the  time  of  Claudius  and  Nero 
that  the  sea  trade  of  Alexandria  with  India  attained  tlie 
dimensions  of  which  Pliny  speaks  when  he  says : “ At 

the  very  lowest  computation,  India,  the  Seres,  and  the 
Arabian  Peninsula  drain  from  our  empire  yearly  one 
hundred  million  of  sesterces,  so  dearly  do  we  pay  for  our 
luxury  and  our  women.”  But  tliis  trade  was  mainly 
a trade  in  Indian  commodities ; silk,  both  i,*aw  and  in  the 
shape  of  yarn,  was  exported,  it  is  true,  according  to  the 
merchant-mariner  w’-ho  wrote  the  Peripliis,  from  Barygaza 
and  Barbarikon  at  the  mouth  of  the  Indus,  but  apparently 

^ The  Arabian  Gulf  is  that  portion . of  the  Indian  Ocean  which  lies 
between  Arabia  and  India,  now  called  the  Arabian  Sea. 

^ Strabo,  ii,  p.  118. 

^ Pliny^  xii,  84  (c.  18) ; McOrindle,  Ancknt  India^  p.  125.  On  the 
Roman  policy  with  regard  to  this  trade  and  the  means  by  which 
it  was  encouraged,  see  an  admirable  account  in  Mommsen’s  chapter 
on  Egypt  in  the  Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire  (Eng.  trans.),  ii, 


THE  SECEET  OF  ICANISHKA 


987 


only  in  small  quantities.  At  ail  times  the  silk  trade  was 
mainly  a caravan  trade  by  land. 

The  history  of  the  silk  trade  is  the  key  to  the  coina^y'e 
of  Kanishka.  Kanishka’s  coinage  shows  no  sign  of  Eoman 
infl.uence.  Huvishka,  who  lived  till  the  coiniuencement  of 
the  Ciiristian  era,  introduces  the  Alexandrian  Serapis 
among  the  other  deities  on  Jiis  coins.  The  inliiience  of 
the  revolution  inaugurated  by  Augustus  was  just  ])egimiing 
to  be  felt.  Kozoiilo  Kadphises  and  Weina  Kadpliises,  who 
lived  in  the  latter  half  of  the  first  century  of  our  era, 
show  the  unmistakable  influence  of  Rome.  Naluxptoa, 
who  flourished  at  its  closed  confounds  the  Roman  alphabet 
with  the  Greek,'^  It  is  now  time  to  turn,  to  tlie  traders 
who  did  affect  Kanishka’s  coinage,  the  traders  who  spoke 
Greek,  and  who  brought  with  them  the  gold,  the  rate  of 
exchange,  the  deities,  and  the  cursive  Greek  script,  a script 
better  adapted  for  commercial  purposes  than  either  capitals 
or  uncials,  and  in  common  use  in  daily  life. 

In  the  centuries  immediately  preceding  and  following 
tli.e  beginning  of  the  Christian  era,  two  petty  and  semi- 
independent states  occupied  all  lower  Babylonia  south  of 
Apamea,  and  extended  along  the  littoral  at  the  head  of  the 
Persian  Gulf.  Mesene  and  Characene,  afterwards  known 
respectively  as  Iraq  Arabi  and  Sawad,  and  conjointl}^  to 
tlie  Greeks  and  Romans  as  Parapotamia,  liad  arisen  out  of 
tlie  disintegration  of  the  Seleucid  Empire  in  the  early 
days  of  Parthian  rule.  Adjoining  them  was  Elymais  or 

^ The  date  of  Nahapana  is  connected  with  that  of  the  Peri  plus  of  the 
ErythiTBau  Bea.  Tiie  Periplus  was  written  some  time  after  the  reign 
of  Claudius  (a.I).  41-53)  and  before  Trajan’s  conquest  of  the  ISTabatieans 
(a.d.  105).  The  opinion  which  dates  it  betw'een  80  and  100  a.d.  appears 
to  me  the  true  one.  Compare  Fleet  (p.  787  above)  for  the  bearing  of  the 
Indian  data. 

- Fleet,  JRAS,  1907,  pp.  1043-4.  Dr.  Fleet’s  detection  of  the  presence 
of  the  letter  h on  Indian  coins,  first  shown  in  the  case  of  the  money  of 
Kharaosta,  KharahOstes  (ibid.,  pp.  1029,  1041),  must  be  ranked,  along 
with  Dr.  Stein's  brilliant  recognition  of  the  letter  sau  on  the  coins  of 
Kanishka,  among  the  most  valuable  contributions  to  our  knowledge  of 
those  times. 


988 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


Elam,  part  mountain  and  part  plain,  which  in  the  early 
morning  of  the  world  had  been  the  rival  and  frequently 
the  conqueror  of  Babylonia,  and  which  preserved  its  rude- 
independence  under  the  Parthians,  as  it  had  done more  or 
less  completely  under  the  Seleucids  and  Achmmenids. 
Through  the  passes  of  the  Zagros  range,  held  by  the 
Elamites  or  Elyim^i,  lay  the  route  to  the  upland  valleys 
of  Persis,  and  so  by  way  of  Carmania  to  Herat,  Arachosia,. 
and  the  Panjab.  This  was  the  route  by  which  Alexander 
the  Great  and  Antiochus  III  returned  from  India ; and  it 
had  one  great  advantage,  for  Persis,  like  Elyrnais,  was 
generally  independent  of  the  Parthians.  Thus  the  whole 
route  to  the  south  of  the  great  desert  of  sand  and  saline 
marsh  which  occupies  the  central  plateau  of  Iran,  lay 
outside  the  Parthian  dominions.  It  escaped  the  custom 
houses  and  the  commercial  jealousy  of  the  Arsacids. 
Pan-ku,  the  historian  of  the  Elder  Han,  describes  the 
whole  stretch  of  country  from  Kashmir  and  Kabul  to 
Mesene  as  a single  kingdom  under  the  name  of  Wou-yi- 
shan-li}  In  civilization,  manners,  and  the  matter  of 
coinage,  he  says  it  resembled  Ki-pin,  or  Kaslimir. 
Although  Pan-ku  is  wrong  in  describing  it  as  a single 
kingdom,  he  is  probably  right  as  to  its  general  character.. 
The  hot  and  humid  alluvial  plain  of  lower  Babylonia, 
where  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris  unite  their  streams  witli 
that  of  the  Eul^eus  (Karun)  to  form  the  mighty  flood 
of  the  Pasitigris,  was  a country  of  wheat  and  millet  and 
rice,  abounding  in  pools,  and  intersected  by  canals,  where- 
dense  groves  of  date-palms  stretched  in  continuous 
succession  along  the  banks  of  the  rivers  to  the  sea.- 

^ See  a note  on  Won-yi’Shan4i^  p.  991  below. 

- According  to  Ammianus  Marcellinus  these  groves  of  date-palms 
were  so  thic,k  that  they  gave  the  country  almost  the  appearance  of 
a forest.  *‘In  his  regionibus  agri  sunt  plures  consiti  virieis  varioque 
pomorum  genere ; ubi  oriri  arbores  assuetje  palmarum  per  spatia 
ampla  adusque  Mesenem  et  mare  pertinent  magnum,  instar  ingentium 
nemorum”  (xxiv,  3).  The  Shattrel-Arab  below  its  junction  with  the 
Karun  still  has  the  same  character  ; During  the  remainder  of  its. 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANLSHKA 


989 


Always  densely  populated,  it  had  been  the  cradle  of 
Babylonian  civilization,  and  its  earliest  inhabitants,  the 
Sumerians,  and  after  them  the  Chaldaeans,  had.  for  more 
than  two  millenniums  carried  on  a rich  commerce 
throughout  the  ^yaters  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  In  the 
process  of  time  the  population  became  veiy  mixed,  as 
mixed  probably  as  that  of  Babylon,  which  JEschylus 
calls  a irdfjLfjbLKTov  d)^ov ; but  at  the  commencement  of 
the  Christian  era  it  was  mainly  Semitic- — Semitic  in 
culture  if  not  in  race.  Nabatseau  princes  ruled  the 
country,  and  Aramaic  was  tlie  common  speech,  “ Sliem, 
the  third  son  of  Noah,”  says  Josephus^  ‘Giad  five  sons, 
who  inhabited  the  land  that  began  at  Euphrates,  and 
reached  to  the  Indian  Ocean.”  This  vSemitic  eleinent 
extended  even  as  far  as  the  Kophen  (Kabul)  River.  The 
classical  writers  make  Mesene  to  be  part  of  Arabia, 
probably  because  the  kings  were  Nabataeans.  Mesene  is 
the  first  province  of  Arabia,  says  Strabo.'^  Pliny  calls 
Pasines  (or  Spasines)  an  Arab  king,  “ rex  finitirnorum 
Arabum.”^  And  the  Roman  emj)erors  assumed  the  title  of 
Partliicus  and  Arabicus  when  they  reached  the  waters  of 
the  Persian  Gulf.*^ 

But  although  the  prevailing  culture  was  Chaldsean  or 
Semitic,  Greeks  had  been  settled  in  tliis  region  from  the 
seventh  century  }3.c.,  and  Greek  towns  w^ere  numerous. 
There  were  two  Alexandrias  near  the  coast,  a Seleucia  on 
the  Eiythimm  Sea,  another,  an  important  town,  on  the 

coarse  it  passes  many  large  villages,  and  almost  coiitiniioiis  belts  of 
date  groves  ” (Chesney,  Expedition  for  the  Surmy  of  the  Euphrates  and 
Tlyris^  vol.  i,  p.  til). 

^ Josephus,  Antiq,,  i,  c.  6,  § 4. 

- Strabo,  xvi,  7G7  : hpxh  Se  r^s’AjDajSmy  airh  rrjs  Ba^vkcovias  icrrlv  h MatK'fiyr}- 
Cf.  739  : juexpi  *Apctj8«r  ruv  MeaTjJ/wj/. 

Pliny,  Anf.  Hist.,  vi,  139  ; cl  138. 

The  best  account  of  these  little  states  is  to  be  found  in  Brouin’s 
papers  in  the  Beime  Hmnismatiqm^  iii"^®  serie,  vol.  vii,  pp.  211  if.,  361  if., 
1889  ; also  in  the  Beu,  ArcMologiqne,  Oct.  1884,  pp.  227  if.  Pliny’s  Efat. 
Hist.,  Josephus’  Anliq.,  and  Lucian’s  Macrob.  are  the  chief  classical 
authorities  for  their  history* 


990  THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 

Hedyphon,  and  a third  on  the  Euleeus.  Apamea  was  the 
northernmost  town  of  Mesene  and  close  to  Seleiicia  on 
the  Tigris.  Even  the  Elamite  plain,  which  extended  from 
the  Zagros  Mountains  to  the  reedy  swamps  and  mud  banks 
of  the  Persian  Gulf,  had  its  Seleucia  and  Sosirate,  Greek 
foundations.  Throughout  the  country  Greek  was  under- 
stood and  still  in  common  use  at  the  commencement  of 
the  Christian  era.  In  its  immediate  neighbourhood  was 
Seleucia  on  the  Tigris,  the  centre  of  Greek  life  in 
the  Parthian  dominions,  and  the  greatest  emporium  in 
Asia.  Not  far  from  Seleucia  were  Artemita  and  Chala, 
autonymous  Gi^eek  towns.^  Dionysius  and  Isidore,  younger 
contemporaries  of  Augustus  and  famoiis  authors  of  their 
day,  were,  the  one  certainly,  the  other  probably,  natives 
of  Charax,  the  capital  of  Mesene,  and  they  wrote  in  Greek. 
The  coins  of  Characene  (for  only  a few  stray  coins  of 
Mesene  and  Elymais  are  known)  bear  Greek  legends,  and 
down  to  the  time  of  Attambelus  I (29  B.c. -A.i).  5)  the 
Greek  is  good. 

Tlie  main  occupation  of  these  two  little  maritime  states 
of  Characene  and  Mesene  was  commerce,  as  it  had  been 
the  occupation  of  the  Chaldmans  before  them.  They  were 
the  Hollanders  of  the  East,  the  chief  carriers  and  inter- 
mediaries of  all  the  world  which  could  be  reached  by  their 
sliips  and  caravans.  Their  maritime  trade  exceeded  that 
of  Alexandria  prior  to  its  conquest  by  Augustus.  Their 
ships  visited  the  mouths  of  the  Indus  on  the  one  hand  : 
and  they  also  conveyed  costly  cargoes  to  Leuke  Come  on 
the  Arabian  shore  of  the  Red  Sea,  enriching  the  Idumeaii 
and  Nabataean  caravaners  who  carried  this  merchandise 
to  Phoenicia  and  Syria.  Their  trade  by  land  was  scarcely 
inferior  to  that  by  sea ; it  contributed  to  the  rise  and  the 
opulence  of  Palmyra.  That  caravans  from  Mesene  also 
traded  to  Herat  and  India  is  not  only  suggested  by  the 
circumstances, , of  the,  case,  , and  by  the  settlement  of 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


991 


Semites  ixi  the  country  of  the  Kabul  River,  as  Josephus 
tells  us ; ^ it  is  clearly?'  indicated  by  tlie  fact  that  tlie 
coins  of  Characene,  especially  those  of  Hyspaosines 
(124  B.G.),  imitate  the  tetradraclnns  of  Euthy derails, 
while  later  coins  of  this  region  imitate  those  of  Heliokles.^ 
The  commercial  connexion  between  the  two  countries  was 
therefore  of  old  standing ; but  the  best  illustration  of  the 
trade  is  to  be  found  in  the  coins  of  Kanishka. 

The  chief  town  of  this  region  was  Mesene  or  Maisan. 
Josephus  makes  the  Armenians,  the  Bactrians,  tlie 
Nabataeans  of  Damascus,  and  the  Mesenians — the  four 
great  trading  peoples  of  the  East — to  be  the  sons  of  one 
common  father,  who  was  a son  of  Shem.^  Even  in  the 
first  century  B,c.  the  fame  of  Mesene,  or  T'iao-clte,  had 
reached  the  Chinese,  and  that  at  a time  when  no  Chinaman 
had  travelled  further  west  than  Kandahar  or  Herat,  and 
very  few  so  far.  Mesene  Avas  the  goal  of  Kan  Ting’s 
travels  in  a.d.  97,  when  Pan  Tch'ao  dispatched  him  on  his 
famous  journey  to  explore  the  western  regions.  It  took 
Kan  Ting  over  a hundred  days’  riding  from  Wou~yi~ 
shan~li  (which  we  may  provisionally  identify  with  tlerat)  ^ 
to  reach  Mesene,  and  he  describes  its  situation  almost  in 

^ Josephus,  Antiq.,  i,  c.  6,  g 4. 

- V.  Sallet,  Z.  fiir  N'um. , vol.  viii,  pp.  212  ff.,  1881. 

JosepVms,  Antiq.,  i,  c.  6,  § 4. 

Woii-yl-8han4i  was  the  name  given  by  the  Chinese  in  a vague  way 
to  a large  extent  of  country.  The  history  of  the  Eider  Han  makes  it  to 
reach  from  Ki-piti  to  THao-clie,  i.e.  from  Kashmir  and  Kabul  to  Mesene, 
and  says  that  in  population  and  troops  it  equalled  a large  kingdom. 
The  history  of  the  Later  Han  says  that  it  embraced  several  thousand  li 
in  superficial  area.  M.  Ghavannes  conjecturally  identifies  it  with  Herat, 
and  I have  for  convenience  sake  adopted  this  nomenclature.  But  Woit- 
evidently  included  part,  perhaps  the  whole,  of  Arachosia. 
Isidore  makes  the  town  of  Alexandropolis  (of  which  more  anon)  the 
capital  of  so  much  of  Arachosia  as  ’belonged  to  the  Parthians  ; and 
Alexandropolis  was  close  to  the  Parthian  boundary.  When  I talk  of 
Herat  I merely  mean  to  indicate  Wou-yi-shan-U,  with  Alexandropolis  for 
its  capital,  witliout  committing  myself  to  any  theory  regarding  the 
identification  of  these  localities  except  in  a very  general  fashion. 


992  THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 

tlie  words  of  Piiriyd  Mesene  was  better  known  to  tlie 
Roman  world  as  Cliarax  or  Charax  Spasinou.^  It  was 
one  of  the  numerous  trading  towns  which  arose  at  the 
liead  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  which  decayed  as  the  sea 
retreated  from  them.^  The  immense  quantity  of  alluvial 
soil  brought  down  by  the  united  streams  of  the  Tigris  and 
Euphrates  causes  the  land  to  encroach  upon  the  sea  at 
a late  which  has  scarcely  a parallel  elsewhere.^  Mesene, 
more  foi'tunate  than  most  of  its  neighbours,  lasted  down 
to  Arab  times.  It  was  built  on  an  artificial  elevation, 
having  the  Tigris  on  the  right,  and  the  Eula3us  on  the 
left,  between  the  confluence  of  the  streams  where  they 
widened  to  a lake  Alexander  selected  it  for  the  site  of 
an  Alexandreia  when  it  was  only  10  miles  from  the  sea ; 
and  it  had  so  many  Macedonians  that  one-quarter  of  the 
town  was  named  Pella.^  The  town  was  frequently  destroyed 
by  the  encroaclirnents  of  the  river.  Antiochus  III  rebuilt 
it,  and  called  it  after  himself  Antiocheia.  Lastljq  a 
Nabatean  chief  named  S|)asines  or  Hyspaosines  re- 
founded it  permanently  about  the  year  124  n.c. ; from 
which  time  it  commonly  had  the  name  of  Charax  or 
Charax  Spasinou,  and  became  the  head-quarters  of  a 
Nabatean  dynasty.  In  Bardaisan’s  great  Hymn  of  the 
Soul,  Maisan  is  the  place  of  departure  for  Egypt,  the 
place  of  departure  and  of  return — 

‘^I  passed  Maishan,  the  mart  of  merchants  of  the  East, 
And  stood  upon  the  foreign  soil  of  Babylon ; 

Egypt  I reached.’' 

And  returning,  the  young  Prince  proceeds  upon  his 
homeward  way — 

^ Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.,  vi,  138. 

- Charax  = Nagara  or  town 
e.g.  Teredon,  Vologesia,  Apologos  (Obolla),  and  Hira. 

^ It  aroused  the  astonishment  of  Pliny  (Nat.  Hist,  vi,  140). 

® Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.,  vi,  138. 

® Ibid, : “ Militum  inutilibus  ibi  relictis  Aiexandriam  appellari  jusserat, 
pagumque  Pellseum  a patria  sua,  quenji  proprie  Macedonum  fecerat.’’ 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


998 


' Till  Babylon  was  past,  and  I had  reached  Maishan, 

The  haven  of  the  Eastern  merchants  by  the  sea.”  ^ 

Maisan  -was  still  the  centre  of  this  bril]ia.rit  Eastern 
traffic,  the  Alexandria  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  although  in. 
Bardaisan’s  day  the  sea  had  retreated  far  away. 

Between  these  Mesenian  merchants  and  tlie  Cliiiiose, 
tlie  peoj^le  of  Kaslimir,  Kabul,  and  Aracliosia  acted  as 
intermediaries.  According  to  the  Clhnese  the  civilization 
of  these  countries  was  all  one ; they  were  all  given  to 
trade  ; but  the  people  of  Kabul  were  pre-eminently  traders  : 
“ils  sont  bons  marchands  et  ont  des  ricliesses  privees 
considerables.'^  ^ Tlie  population  was  Indian,  througliout, 
with  a large  proportion  of  Yavanas,  especially  in  Kabul. 
The  vulgar  speech  was  Prakrit,  but  Greek  \va8  spoken  in 
the  bazars  in  the  first  century  B.c.  We  have  already  seen 
that  the  Greeks  reigned  in  Kabul  until,  the  closing  years 
of  that  century.  Alexandropolis,  the  capital  of  Arachosia, 
was,  according  to  Isidore,^  a 7rbX,t9  €Xk7]VL<;,  an  autonymous 
Greek  city,  in  the  first  years  of  the  Christian  era.  In  its 
neighbourhood  was  another  Greek  town,  Demctriospolis. 
In  the  Panjab  and  the  kingdom  of  Kanishka,  Greek  w^as 
also  spoken.  Had  Greek  not  been  spoken,  the  legends  on 
his  coins  must  necessarily  have  been  bilingual.  It  is  true 
that  tlie  Greek  of  the  bazars  was  not  of  the  best ; it  w^ould 
]i,ave  offended  Plato’s  ears ; there  are  grammatical  mistakes. 
But  a man  who  makes  grammatical  blunders  is  not  ignorant 
of  a language  ; he  knows  it,  but  he  knows  it  badly.  If, 
then,  we  find  such  phrases  as  BAC1A6YC  BACiAGCUN 
KANHf^KOY,  we  infer  not  that  the  framer  of  the  legend 
w-as  ignorant  of  Greek,  but  that  his  Greek  was  bad.  We 
sliall  find*^  a similar  mistake  repeated  sixty  or  seventy 
years  later  at  Seleucia.^ 

^ The  Hymn  of  the  Soul,  rendered  into  English  b3^  F.  Crawford  Burkitt, 
pp.  .18,  23. 

“ Chavannes,  op.  cit.,  p.  4G.  ^ Isidore,  Jilans.  Partli. 

^ See  p.  1014  below. 

® Even  Mr.  Tarn,  who,  with  the  caution  of  a Scotchman  and  a lawyer, 
JRAS.  1912.  fi4 


994 


THE  SECRET  OF  KAKISHKA 


We  have  therefoi^e  two  large  commercial  coirimimities, 
among  the  most  important  of  their  time,  with  an  ancient 
connexion  dating  from  the  time  of  the  Bactrian  Greeks. 
The  one  of  these  communities  spoke  Aramaic,  the  other 
Prakrit,  wliile  settlements  of  Greeks  were  common  in  both, 
and  the  Greek  language  was  generally  understood.^  Thus 
Greek  naturally  became  the  lingua  franca,  the  language 
of  commerce.  We  shall  now  see  how  this  trade  with  tlie 
Greeks  and  Arabs  of  the  Persian  Gulf  explains  all  the 
peculiarities  of  Kanishka's  coinage.  I take  them  in  order. 

1,  Whence  came  the  sudden  influx  of  gold  ? The  gold 
was  clearly  not  indigenous.  In  China  gold  was  fairly 
abundant ; tlie  great  Emperor  Wu~ti  (140-86  B.C.)  on 
one  occasion  sent  1000  ounces  of  gold  to  the  king  of 
Ta-wan  (Fergana),  and  20  lb.  of  gold  frequently  formed 
a part  of  the  presents  conferred  on  the  Hiung-nu.  But 
it  was  silk,  not  gold,  which  the  caravans  brought  from 
China.  Nor  did  tlie  gold  come  from  Alexandria.  All 

usually  caclmits  nothing,  admits  that  Greek  was  understood  in  Kanishka’s 
time  (JHS,  1902,  p.  286).  Unfortunately  he  adopts  some  speculations 
of  Tomaschek  which  appear  to  me  rather  wild  ; and  his  remarks  on  the 
supposed  deference  paid  to  women  in  a polyandrous  community  will 
raise  a smile  in  anyone  who  has  seen  polyandrous  communities  at  work. 

^ It  is  noteworthy  that  the  incidental  notices  of  Seneca  and  Plutarch, 
although  highly  rhetorical  in  form,  confirm  the  view  taken  above  as  to 
the  perpetuation  of  the  Greek  language  in  the  SotUhern  country  between 
Seleucia  and  the  Panjab ; neither  of  them  makes  the  mistake  of  saying 
that  it  was  current  in  Bactria  or  north  of  the  Paropamisus.  Speaking 
of  the  mutability  of  things  Seneca  exclaims  : “ Quid  sibi  volant  in 
inediis  barbarorum  regionibus  Grsecm  urbes  ? quid  inter  Indos  Persasque 
JMacedonum  sermo?’’  {Ad  JIelvia7n,  c.  7).  And  he  goes  on  to  instance 
other  Greek  cities  in  Scythia  and  on  the  Euxine.  Plutarch  {Da  Fort. 
Atexmidri,  Moroulia^  ed.  Didot,  p.  403)  says  that  after  Asia  had  been 
conquered  by  Alexander  Homer  was  everywhere  read,  and  the  children 
of  the  Persians  and  Susanians  and  Gedrosians  recited  the  tragedies  of 
Sophocles  and  Euripides : Hepo-aiy  teal  :Sov(riaywu  Kal  redpcoo-Lccy  -n-atSes  ras 
EvpiTTidov  Ka)  :$o(poK\€ovs  rpaycaSias  pdou,  Kow  all  the  otlier  statements 
made  by  Seneca  and  Plutarch  in  the  course  of  these  particular  declama- 
tions have  a substratum  of  fact,  and  Plutarch  knew  a good  deal  about 
the  East,  and  mentions  the  Indian  king  Menander,  ^lian,  too,  had 
some  knowledge  of  things  Indiau^s,  and  confirms  this  view. 


995 


TtIPJ  SECRET  OF  KAN.1SHKA 

tlie  gold  wliicli  came  from  Alexandria  to  India  came  in 
the  shape  of  coin ; and  very  little  of  it  had  reached  India 
b}"  tlie  commencement  of  the  Christian  erad-  According 
to  the  Per  {plus  of  the  Erythrcecm  Sea,  the  only  places 
which  exported  pure  gold  to  India  were  Omana  and 
Apologos  C^  Omana,  which  "'  belonged  to  Persis ^ at  the 
mouth,  and  Apologos  (Obolla)  situate  near  Pasinoii- 
Kharax  and  the  River  Euphrates ^ at  the  head,  of  the 
Persian  Gulf.  The  gold  of  Arabia,  whencesoever  obtained, 
was  famous  in  antiquity,  and  is  celebrated  both  in  Scripture 
and  by  the  Romans  and  the  Greeks.  Gerrha,  opposite  the 
Bahrein  Islands  in  the  Persian  Gulf,  is  supposed  by  some 
to  have  been  a Chaldman  colony,  and  Strabo  says:*'’  ‘^The 
Sabmans  and  the  Gerrhmi  have  become  the  richest  of  all 
the  tribes  and  possess  a great  quantity  of  gold  and  silver : 
the  doors,  walls,  and  roofs  are  variegated  with  inlaid  ivory, 
gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones.”  Of  Ha vilah  wm  are 
told  that  in  that  land  there  is  gold ; and  the  gold  of  that 
land  is  good”.^  The  Arabians  were  at  that  time  probably 
the  richest  people  in  the  world  in  uncoined  gold,  and  the 
only  people,  so  far  as  we  know,  'svho  exported  gold  to  India. 

2.  Gold,  because  of  its  great  value  in  small  bulk,  forms 
the  most  convenient  medium  of  international  exchange. 
The  Mesenian  traders  brought  gold,  and  this  gold  they 
were  read}?-  to  exchange  for  silver  at  the  rate  which 
prevailed  in  Babylonia.  We  have  no  direct  evidence  as 
to  what  that  rate  might  be.  But  we  know  that  in  matters 
of  coinage  the  Arsacids,  or  rather  the  Greek  towns  which 

^ Roman  coins,  of  course,  are  found  in  abundance  along  the  western 
and  south-eastern  coasts  of  India,  but  the  coins  of  the  eaily  emperors 
are  not  very  frequent  in  the  Panjab.  The}"  are  chiefly  to  be  found  in 
the  topes,  and  appear  to  have  been  regarded  rather  as  curios  than  as 
current  coin.  None  of  these  Kushans  ever  restrike  Roman  coins ; nor  do 
I see  any  reason  to  believe  that  even  in  the  time  of  Kozoiilo  Kadphises 
and  Wema  Kadphises  any  considerable  amount  of  Roman  money  reached 
the  Panjab. 

“ Periplus,  c.  36.  ^ Ibid. , c.  36.  ^ Ibid. , c.  3o. 

» Strabo,  xvi^^778.  ^ Genesis  ii,  11-12. 


996 


THE  SECRET  OF  KAXLSHKA 


struck  coins  in.  the  name  of  the  great  king,  adopted  tlie 
usages  of  Syriad-  Now,  in  Syria  and  tlirouglioiit  the 
Roman  Empire,  for  about  two  centuries,  from  100  b.c.  to 
A.D.  100,  tlie  proportionate  rate  of  exchange  between  pure 
gold  and.  pure  silv'er  stood  as  one  to  twelve.*^  We  are 
jus  tided,  therefore,  in  assuming  that  tliis  was  the  standard 
rate  to  whicli  tlie  Mesenian  mercliants  were  accustomed. 
On  the  other  liand,  in  monetary  matters  the  decimal 
system  liad  prevailed  from  immemorial  times  througliout 
these  regions.^  Tlie  Achmmenids  had  adopted  it  and 
Alexander  had  followed  their  example.  Twenty  Medic 
sigli  went  to  one  gold  daric ; twenty  silver  drachmas  to 
one  gold  stater.  Gold,  as  we  have  seen,  liad  disappeared 
from  the  coinage  of  the  Gra3Co-Bactrian  and  Indian 
kings,  but  the  traditional  reckoning  remained.  Now, 
Cunningham  fixes  the  weight  of  the  didrachmas  (double 
drachmas)  issued  by  Menander  and  his  successors  at 
148  grains.'^  The  gold  stater  ought  therefore  to  be  worth 
148  X 10  = 1480  grains;  and  if  the  bazar  value  of  gold 
was  one  of  gold  to  twelve  of  silver,  1480  grains  of  silver 
would  fetch  12v3*33  grains  of  gold.  The  actual  weights  of 
the  best  preserved  Kushan  gold  coins  are  as  follows  : — 

^ Mommsen,  Hwtoire  de  la  Monnaie  Bomaine,  trans,  Blacas,  iii,  322 ; 
also  Ills  Pronuce,'^  of  the  Roman  Empire,  Eng.  trans.,  ii,  12. 

- For  the  relative  values  of  gold  and  silver  in  Ital^^  and  the  empire, 
V.  Mommsen,  Hint,  de  la  Monnaie  Romaine,  trans.  Bhicas,  ii,  lllff.  ; 
Hultseh,  Metrolofjle,  p.  299.  For  Greece,  Boeckh,  Piihlic  Economy  of 
Atkem,  trans.,  p.  27  (ch.  vi).  For  Babylonia,  Hnltsch,  op.  cit., 

pp.  399  If. 

.Hultseh,  op.  cit.,  p.  400.  The  history  of  the  Later  Him  says  tliat 
in  Ta-tsHn  or  Li-hien  (these  names  are  synonyms  and  denote  Syria) 
“avec  de  Tor  et  de  Targent  on  fabrique  des  mounaies  ; dix  pieces 
d’argent  valent  une  piece  d’or’’’  (Chavannes,  op.  cit.,  p.  38). 

Cunningham,  Qoim  of  the  ludo-ScytMam,  pt.  i,  p.  19.  (I  quote  the 
reprint  from  the  Nmnismatic  Qhronide,  ser.  nr,  voL  viii,  |>p.  47-58, 
199-248;  ix,  pp.  268-311  ; x,  pp.  103-72 ; xii,  pp.  98-159.) 

Ibid.,  p.  20.  It  is  true  that  Cunningham  elsewhere  says  (p.  61  of 
the  reprint);  “I  refer  specially  to  the  gold  coins  of  \\’'ema  Kadphises 
and  Kanishka,  which  agree  in  weight  with  the  early  Imperial  aurai  of 
Tiberius  and  Nero.^’  According  to  Hultseh,  op.  cit.,  p.  309,  n.  2,  the 


997 


THE  SECRET  OE.KANLSHKA 

2 of  \Yema  Kaclphises  average  12S'l  grains. 

11  of  Kanishka  ,,  123*1  ,, 

; 25  of  Hiivislika  ■ ■ 123*4.  ■ 

21  of  Vasndeva  „ 123*3  ,, 

59  coins  of  the  four  kings  „ 123*2  ,, 

Thus  bimetallism  was  established  between  the  Kushaii 
gold  eoinage  and  the  silvei’  coinage  current  in  tlie  bazars. 
This  is  Cunningham’s  explanation,  and  it  is  obviousl}^ 
correct. 

But,  granting  this,  two  difficulties  remain  to  be  resolved. 
Why  had  the  value  of  gold  in  proportion  to  silver  risen 
from  1 to  10  to  1 to  12  since  the  time  of  Alexander? 
And  what  relation,  if  any,  had  the  weight  of  Kanislika’s 
coins  to  tlie  Roman  aurei  ? I shall  answer  each  of  these 
questions  in  turn. 

1.  It  happened  that  at  the  time  when  Alexander 
established  his  gold  and  silver  coinage,  the  ratio  between 
the  two  metals  was  unusually  low.  Herodotus  tells  us 
that  in  liis  time  silver  stood  to  gold  as  1^3  to  1 ; the 
Persian  darics  show  us  that  the  exact  proportion  was  13|d 
By  400  B.c.  it  had  fallen  to  12,  by  a.d.  300  to  10  to  1.^ 
Originally,  the  chief  gold-mines  were  in  Asia  and  Africa, 
and  gold  was  in  common  use  commercially  only  in  Asia 
and  Egypt.  From  the  Greek  towns  of  Asia  the  use  of  gold 
as  a medium  of  exchange  had  passed  to  the  Greeks  of  the 

aurei  of  Tiberius  range  from  7*78  to  7*74  grammes,  about  119  to  120 
grains,  and  Nero’s  earlier  aurei  from  7*81  to  7*70  grammes,  or  119  to 
120*5  grains.  But  when  Cunningham  comes  to  determine  the  weight 
of  the  Kushan  gold  piece  he  selects  the  heavier  and  less  worn  specimens, 
witii  the'  result  which  I have  quoted.  Thus  the  only  approach  to 
identity  is  between  the  heaviest  of  these  early  Imperial  aurei  and  the 
lightest  of  Kanishka’s. 

^ Herodotus,  iii,  95  ; Hultsch,  op.  eit.,  pp,  404,  484. 

- Boeckh,  Public  Economy  of  Athens^  Eng.  trans.,  pp.  27  ff.  Hultsch 's 
Mctrologie  gives  an  excellent  account  both  of  gold  and  silver,  and  of  the 
coins  current  not  only  in  Greece  and  the  Roman  Empire  but  in  Western 
Asia  and  Egypt*  v.  more  especially  for  gold  pp.  172~3,  223  ff.,  240  ff. , 
304  jfi*.,  404  ff.  See  also  Mommsen,  HkL  de  la  Monnaic  Romaint,  ii, 
pp,  108-19  ; hi,  pp.  42-8. 


998 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


mainland;  but  elsewhere  in  Europe,  down  to  Alexander’s 
time,  its  use  was  practically  unknown.  With  the  Roman 
conquest  of  Greece  and  Asia  at  the  commencement  of  the 
second  century  B.c.,  all  this  was  changed.  After  the  battle 
of  Magnesia  (190  B.c.)  the  Romans  levied  a crushing 
tribute  upon  Syria.  In  189  B.c.  the  .dEtolians  paid  one- 
third  of  their  tribute  in  gold,  being  unable  to  jDay  it  in 
silveiA  After  this  the  drain  of  • gold  from  Asia  to  Rome 
was  never  ceasing.  Vast  quantities  were  stored  up  in  the 
Roman  treasury,  and  withdrawn  from  circulation.  In 
91  B.C.,  the  year  before  the  commencement  of  the  civil 
war,  1,620,829  Roman  pounds’  weiglit  of  gold  were 
thus  stored  in  the  Capitol ; ^ in  the  time  of  Julius  Ca3sar 
the  storage  was  still  larger.*^  Immense  sums  of  gold  also 
found  tlieir  way  into  the  coflers  of  the  great  nobles  who 
acted  as  the  patrons  of  the  client  kings  and  states  of  Asia. 
Despite  the  occasional  discoveries  of  new  gold-mines  in 
Noricum  and  elsewhere,  there  was  an  increasing  scarcity 
of  gold  in  circulation.  By  the  beginning  of  the  first 
century  B.C.,  the  proportional  value  of  gold  had  risen  from 
1 to  10  to  1 to  12;  and  at  this  figure  it  stood  for  the 
next  200  years."^  But  even  before  the  Roman  conquest  of 
Asia  another  cause  was  at  work,  although  on  a mucli 
smaller  scale,  to  raise  the  price  of  gold.  Alexander’s 
conquests  had  greatly  widened  the  area  over  which  a gold 

^ Mommsen,  IlisL  de  la  Moimaie  Bomame,  trims.  Blacas,  ii,  p.  IK}. 
For  the  vast  amounts  of  gold  stored  up  in  the  iErarium  of  the  Capitol 
V.  ibid.,  p.  109,  and  Hultsch,  Meirologie,  p.  300,  n.  3. 

- Pliny,  Nat.  Hisf.j  xxxiii,  55  ; Bureau  de  la  Malle,  Econoinie  Politique 
des  Bomains^  i,  p.  91. 

^ “II  se  montait  alors  a 2 milliards  de  francs”  (ibid.,  p.  91). 

“Bas  faktische  Wertverhaltnis  zwischen  Gold  und  Silber  hat  be. 
Griechen  und  R5merri,  soweit  wir  die  Spuren  verfolgen  konnen. 
zienilich  konstanb  dem  Zwoltfachen  nahe  gestanden  ” (Hultseh, 
Griechische  und  Blmmche  Metrologie,  2nd  ed,,  p.  403).  The  standard 
maintained  by  the  Roman  mint  from  the  time  of  Julius  Ciesar  down  to 
Trajan  was  1 to  11*91  (Mommsen,  de  la  Momutie  Bomaine,  trans. 
Blacas,  iii,  p.  42).  By  the  time  of  Constantine  it  was  1 to  13*88.  The 
present  coinage  of  France  and  Germany  is  based  on  a proportion  of 
1 to  15?>‘. 


THE  SECRET  OE  KANLSHKA 


999 


coinage  ^Yas  used.  The  gold  coins  of  the  Seleocids  are 
comparatively  rared-  Diodotiis  and  Enthjalemiis  may  have 
obtained  some  gold  from  Siberia  and  Central  Asia;  but 
we  have  seen  that  after  the  battle  of  Magnesia  gold 
practically  disappeared  from  the  coinage  of  the  Bactrian 
and  Indian  Greeks.  To  prevent  the  growiiig  depi-eeiation 
of  the  silver  didrachma,  Menander  and  liis  contemporaries 
and  successors  raised  its  weight  from  134'4  to  148  grains.- 
But  even  this  was  insufficient  to  tempt  back  the  gold, 
which,  by  the  time  of  Kanishka  had  risen  to  the  ratio  of 
1 to  12,  the  rate  at  which  he  struck  his  gold  stater.*^ 

2.  The  relation  between  the  weight  of  Kanishka’s 
staters  and  the  weight  of  the  Eoman  aurei,  although 
remote  and  indirect,  is  not  wholly  imaginary.  Julius  Caesar 
instituted  the  Eoman  aureus.  The  Eonian  Senate  minted 
only  silver  and  copper.  But  Eoman  generals,  like  Greek 
commanders,*^  occasionally  paid  their  troops  in  gold,  and 
for  that  purpose  struck  gold  pieces  outside  Eome.  The 
earliest  coins  of  the  kind  date  from  207  B.c.  Sulla  struck 
gold  coins  at  ~ and  Pompey  at-jj\r  of  the  Eoman  pound. 
In  46  B.c.  Julius  Csesar  as  lonperator  hrst  struck  gold  coins 
in  Eome  itself.  He  fixed  the  legal  weight  of  these  aurei 
at  j-Vj  of  a pound,  = 8*18  grammes,  or  slightly  over  126 
grains ; and,  hy  coining  them  in  vast  numbers,  he  put  an 
immense  amount  of  gold  in  circulation. 

Augustus  went  a step  farther.  In  the  year  15  B.c.  he 
took  from  the  Senate  the  right  of  coining  silver,  and  put 
the  imperial  coinage  on  a bimetallic  basis.^  At  the  same 

^ Mommsen,  Hist,  de  la  Monnaie  JRomaine,  trans.  Blacas,  iii,  p.  299. 

“ Cunningham,  Corns  of  the  Indo-Scythiaus,  p.  19. 

We  do  not  know  the  name  by  which  the  Ivushan  gold  pieces  were 
called.  Cunningham  proposes  to  call  them  gold  dinars  ; but  as  the 
Kushan  coinage  is  related  to  the  Macedonian  and  not  to  the  Roman 
currency,  I have  preferred  to  retain  the  Greek  name  for  them. 

Boeckh,  Public  Economy  of  Athens^  Eng.  trans.,  p,  29  ; IMommsen, 
Hist,  de.  la  Monnaie  Pomaine,  ii,  pp.  118-19. 

Under  the  Julian  and  Flavian  emperors  the  reduction  in  the  weight 
of  the  aureus  was  always  accompanied  by  a proportionate  alteration 
of  the  denarius. 


1000 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


time  he  ^Tadiiahy  reduced  the  weight  of  the  aureus  to 
about  of  a pound.  His  aurei  therefore  fluct^^ 
Before  27  b.c.  they  average  from  7*95  grammes/ and  over, 
to  7*85  grammes  (i.e.  from  a little  below  123  to  a little 
below  121  grains).  After  that  they  gradually  fall  to  7*80 
grammes  (about  120*5  grains),  and  this  is  the  maximum 
weight  down  to  Nero.  In  a.d.  60  Nei*o  made  the  aureus 
of  a pound  or  7*4  grammes  (115  grains  = 7*452 
grammes) ; and  at  this  it  remained  down  to  Trajan. 
After  Trajan,  gold  became  the  only  standard  money  of 
the  empire  ; it  appreciated  in  value ; the  size  of  the  aureus 
was  still  further  reduced,  and  the  attempt  to  maintain 
a bimetallic  basis  was  abandoned.^ 

From  this  summary  I draw  certain  conclusions.  (1)  The 
weight  of  the  Roman  aureus  from  its  introduction  in 
46  B.c.  down  to  a.d.  60  was  in  constant  fluctuation.  It 
varied  from  126  grains  to  115  grains,  and  except  for 
a few  years  in  the  eai’ly  part  of  the  reign  of  Augustus, 
when  there  was  practically  no  trade  worth  speaking  of  to 
India,  it  was  never  a close  approximation  to  the  fixed 
Kushan  standard  of  123*8  grains. 

(2)  The  aurei  of  the  emperors  before  Nero,  being  lieavier 
and  more  valuable  than  those  of  their  successors,  speedily 
disappeared  and  are  rarely  found ; whereas  those  of  Nero 
and  his  successors  are  abundant.^  But  we  have  seen  tliat 
Wema  Kadphises  lived  in  the  latter  part  of  the  first 

^ For  the  history  of  the  Imperial  gold  coinage  v.  Mommsen,  HisL  de 
la  Monnaie  ]lo?nawe,  trans.  Blacas,  iii,  pp.  19-26;  Hultsch,  MeJrologie^ 
pp.  304-18.  The  writer  in  Smithes  Diet,  of  s.v.  aurum^ 

says:  “The  average  of  the  gold  coins  of  Julius  Ca‘sar  is  fixed  by 
Letronne  at  125*66  grains,  those  of  Nero  at  115*39  grains.  Though  the 
weight  of  the  aureus  was  diminished,  its  proportion  to  the  weight  of  the 
denarius  remained  about  the  same,  namely,  as  2 : 1 (or  rather  perhaps 
as  2*1  : 1),  Therefore,  since  the  standard  weight  of  the  denarius,  under 
the  early  emperors,  was  60  grains,  that  of  the  aureus  should  l:>e  T20. 
The  average  weight  of  the  aurei  of  Augustus  in  the  British  Museum  is 
121*26  grains  ; and  as  the  w^eight.  was  afterwards  diminished,  we  may 
take  the  average  at  120  grains.’* 

- Mommsen,  Hist,  de  la  Mowmie  trans.  Blacas,  iii,  p.  49. 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA  1001 

century  a.d.  jS'ow,  had  he  been  the  first  to  strike  tlie 
Kushan  gold  stater,  and  liad  lie  taken  tlie  aureus  for  his 
model,  he  would  assuredly  have  adopted  the  weight,  not 
of  the  early  and  rare  Augustan,  but  of  the  Neronian 
aureus.  He,  therefore,  cannot  have  been  the  first  to 
introduce  this  coinage. 

(3)  The  weight  of  the  Kushan  gold  stater  remained 
unchanged  for  at  least  130  yeai's.  But  this  was  possible 
only  as  long  as  the  ratio  between  gold  and  silver  remained 
unchanged.  And  this  is  true  only  of  the  two  centuries 
from  100  B.c.  to  A.D.  100.  After  this  the  weight  of  the 
Kushan  coin,  supposing  bimetallism  still  to  obtain,  would 
of  necessity  become  gradually  less,  as  silver  fell  in  value. 

Kanishka’s  gold  coinage  is,  therefore,  prior  to  that  of 
Julius  Gsesar.  But  between  the  two  there  existed  a real 
relation,  although  a distant  one.  The  Kushan  coinage 
was  based  upon  the  Macedonian,  the  only  alteration  being 
that  the  weight  of  the  gold  stater  was  determined  by  the 
market  value  of  tlie  gold.  Something  of  the  same  kind 
had  happened  in  the  Western  world.  Down  to  Oeesar’s 
time  the  Macedonian  philippos  was  the  gold  coin  chiefly 
used  for  commercial  exchanges.  Now  Mommsen,^  speaking 
of  the  aureus  introduced  by  Julius  Caesar,  says  : ''  Son 
poids  normal  est,  dapres  Pline,  de  livre  ou  185. 
Ce  poids  rappelle  le  philippe  d'or  dont  le  poids  legal 
etait  8^'b  73,  mais  qui  a cette  6poque  avait  deja  subi  une 
diminution  de  2 a 0^*’,  5 (about  3 to  about  8 grains). 
On  a evidermnent  voulu,  dans  rintention  de  le  lui  sub- 
stituer,  rapprocher  Taureus  i*omain  de  cette  piece  si 
repandue  en  Orient.” 

“ Surely  ” says  Cunningham,  “ the  Indian  Greeks  and 
Indo-Scytliians  might  be  allowed  the  faculty  of  adjusting 
the  weio'hts  of  their  coins  to  suit  their  own  wants.”  ^ 

It  was  not  the  rate  of  the  Kushan  coinage  which  was 

\ Hist,  de  ta  Monnaie  Bomainey  trans.  Blacas,  iii,  p.  20. 

^ Cunningliam,  Coins  of  the  Indo- Scythians,  p.  23. 


1002 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


the  novelty,  it  was  the  gold  wliich  the  Mesenian  merchants 
brouglit ; and  witli  it  they  necessarily  brought  the  ratio 
between  gold  and  silver  that  obtained  in  the  west  of  Asia. 

The  history  of  the  Kushan  coinage  is,  therefore, 
perfectly  clear.  The  Aclunmenids  and  ]\[acedonians  had 
coined  gold,  and  in  imitation  of  them,  and  to  meet  the 
demands  of  trade,  Kanishka  restored  gold  to  the  currency. 
Kozoulo  Kadpliises  coined  no  gold  and  was  never  master 
of  Kanishka  s dominions.  Wema  Kadpliises  conquered 
them,  and  continued,  like  Kanishka,  to  issue  gold.  But  to 
coin  gold  was  always  an  imperial  privilege,  reserved  for 
the  monarch ; and  tlie  Panjab  w’-as  ruled  hy  Tokhari 
viceroys,  who,  as  long  as  they  were  subordinate,  issued  no 
gold.  When  they  became  independent,  and  struck  their 
own  coins,  all  knowledge  of  Greek  had  disappeared,  and 
the  die-engravers  confined  themselves  to  senseless  imitation. 

I would  make  one  remark  here  before  v’oino'  farther. 

.0.0 

I have  said  that  the  coinage  of  gold  was  an  imperial 
privilege,  an  assertion  of  supreme  authority.  This  idea, 
which  arose  with  the  AcluTemenids,  had  become  the 
universal  rule  throughout  the  Graico-Roman  world,  and 
tlie  Eoman  emperors  regarded  the  coinage  of  gold  as 
one  of  their  most  important  prerogatives.  Similar  ideas 
prevailed  thimighout  the  East.  The  Arsacids,  strictly 
speaking,  did  not  coin  at  all ; and  the  Greek  towns  in 
the  Parthian  Empire  minted  only  silver  or  copper.  In 
India  the  Kushans  alone,  and  after  them  the  Guptas, 
issued  a gold  coinage ; and  both  Kuslians  and  Guptas 
claimed  and  exercised  a supreme  overlordship. 

Now,  the  coins  of  the  Kadpliises  dynasty  illustrate  how 
closely  the  minting  of  gold  was  connected  wu'tli  a claim  to 
imperial  power.  Of  Kozoulo  Kadpliises  we  have  only 
copper  coins,  and  the  only  title  which  tliey  give  for  him 
is  one  which  is  presented,  in  the  genitive,  as  yavugam, 
yaiUtsa,  in  the  KharoshthI  legends,  and  as  ZAOOY  in 
one  of  the  Greek  legends:;  thi^  title,  yavuga,  yaila,  is 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANLSHKA 


1008 


the  Turkish  title  wliich  on  p.  669  abo\'e  I liave  given, 
from  Chavannes,  as  jab-goii,  but  which  is  better  trans- 
literated by  mb~gu:  it  denotes  a t chief  ’ or  ‘prince’, 
something  less  than  a supreme  kin gd  On  the  otlier 
hand,  Wema  Kadphises,  from  whom  we  have  gold  as  well 
as  silver  and  copper  coins,  takes  the  full  imperial  titles  of 
Maharaja,  Eajatiraja,  Tratara,  and  BACI AGVC  B ACI AGUIN 
M6rAC,  sometimes  with  CCOTHP  added  betore  MGFAC. 

3.  It  was  from  Babylonia  and  Mesene  that  Kanislika 
derived  the  greater  part  of  his  pantheon — a pantheon 
perhaps  without  an  equal,  until  Heliogabalus  in  his 
youthful  extravagance  assembled  all  the  gods  ol'  the  empire 
on  the  Gapitol  at  Rome  to  do  homage  to  the  black  stone  of 
Emesa.  This  pantheon  of  some  thirty  deities  is  confined 
to  the  medals  of  Kanishka  and  Huvishka/^  Vasudeva 
figures  only  the  goddess  Nanaia  or  Nana,  Ardokhsho,  and 
the  Indian  OAsIio  or  Siva.  The  decline  of  the  Hellenic 
and  the  increasing  preponderance  of  the  Oriental  element 
are  apparent  throughout  the  series.  Kanishka  has  Helios, 
Salene  [6‘fc],  and  Hephaistos  on  his  coins ; but  these  have 
lost  their  Hellenic  significance,  and  are  obviously  Greek 
names  for  Babylonian  or  Iranian  deities,  since  Selene  is 
represented  as  masculine.^  Herakles  is  tlxe  only  Greek 

^ Foi’  the  identification  ot  yaviiga,  yatia^  with,  zah-gu,  see  Alarquart, 
Mrdntihahr,  p.  204  I am  indebted  to  Dr,  Fleet  for  this.  He  recognized 
the  identity  of  the  two  titles  from  my  mention  oi  jab-goii  on  p.  069  : but, 
thinking  that  amidst  all  that  has  been  written  on  these  subjects  someone 
would  probably  have  already  pointed  it  out,  he  consulted  Mr.  Allan, 
who  gave  him  the  reference  which  he  has  ],)assed  on  to  me.  The 
identification  seems  to  have  been  made  partly  by  Hirth,  partly  by 
Gutschmid,  and  then  fully  by  Marquart.  As  Marquatt  wrote  in  1901, 
it  is  surprising  that  this  interesting  point  has  passed  unnoticed  in  later 
works  dealing  with  the  Indo-Greek  coins  and  their  Indian  legends. 

For  notes  on  these  deities  v.  Stein,  lA,  1888,  pp.  89-98 ; Cunningham, 
Coins  of  the  Kushans  (reprint),  pfc,  iii,  pp.  75  If.  For  other  references, 
Rapson,  op.  cit.,  p.  18,  xxar.  73. 

Sin,  the  great  Babylonian  moon-god,  is  masculine,  and  is  called 
Lunus  by  the  Latin  writers.  Caracalla  was  murdered  on  his  way  to  pay 
his  respects  to  the  god  Lunus  at  Garrhce  : ‘‘  Cum  . . . Carras  Luni  dei 
gratia  venisset  ” (Spart.  Garac,  6).  . 


1004 


THE  SECRET  OF  KAISTISHKA 


deity  wlio  figures  on  the  coins  of  Huvishka,  and  Herakles 
is  the  commonest  type  on  the  silver  coins  of  Characene, 
Botli  Kanislika  and  Huvishka  have  Mithra  and  Mao  or 
Manao  Bago,  the  Persian  gods  of  the  sun  and  moon,  as 
well  as  various  Iranian  gods  of  the  elements— earth,  air, 
fire,  and  water;  Huvishka  adding  largely  to  the  number. 
Huvishka  also  gives  us  Sarapo,  i.e.  the  Alexandrian 
Serapis.^  The  Elamite  Nanaia  or  Nana  has  a prominent 
place  on  the  coins  of  all  the  three;  so  has  the  Indian 
Oesho  (Siva).  Kanishka,  as  the  patron  of  the  Buddhists, 
has  Buddha  the  Sakya  Muni,  and  Huvishka  adds  Siva’s 
son,  Mahasena  or  Skanda-Kumfer.  Various  other  deities, 
with  uncouth  names  not  easily  identified,  figure  on  the  coins. 

It  is  obvious  at  a glance  that  this  pantheon  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  relioion  of  the  Ivushans.  Like  the  Hiung-nu 
and  other  members  of  the  Turki  race,  the  Yue-che  were 
doubtless  animists  when  they  pastured  their  flocks  on  the 
borders  of  China ; they  must  have  abounded  in  shamans 
and  diviners,  as  did  all  the  Turki  tribes  from  the  Black  Sea 
to  Manchuria;  and  when  they  moved  westwards  they  were 
ready,  like  their  neighbours,  to  adopt  any  higher  religion 
that  tliey  met  with.  At  an  early  period  of  their  history 
Buddhism  took  possession  of  them.  But  so  far  as  I know, 
none  of  the  Tokhari  tribes,  even  in  Bactria,  were  ever 
Zoroastrian.  Nor  were  Zoroastrians  numerous  in  the 
Panjab.  Alexander  found  a colony  of  traders  at  Taxila 
who  exposed  their  dead  to  the  vultures,-  and  who  must 
liave  been  Bactrians,  since  at  that  time  this  practice 
prevailed  only  north  of  the  Hindu  Kush.  A similar 
colony  existed  in  Kabul.  But  Zoroastrianism  never  took 
root  in  these  regions,  and  the  exuberant  Zoroastrianism  of 
the  Kushan  coinage  had  no  reference  to  local  cults. 

Nor  had  it  much  reference  apparently,  to  the 
Zoroastrianism  of  Bactria*  , For,  considering  tlie  medley 

^ Sarapis  is  a common  variant  for  Serapis  in  inscriptions. 

^ Strabo,  xv,  714. 


THE  SECRET  OF  KAKISHKA 


1005 


of  the  gods  on  the  coins,  we  should  luive  expected  Scythie 
as  well  as  Zoroastidan  deities,  if  Kanishka  laid  taken  over 
any  northern  mythology.  Instead  of  tliis  l)oing  tlie  eas(^ 
Sapal  and  the  other  Scythic  gods  are  conspicuously  absent. 

On  the  other  hand,  tlie  Zoroastrianism  of  these  coins  is 
at  once  a popular  and  an  old-fasliioned  religion.  We  have 
no  representations  of  Aliura  Mazda,  or  of  tire-altars,  or 
any  other  mark  of  official  Zoroastrianism.  Tlie  gods  are 
often  obscure  : they^  cannot  always  be  identified  : they  are 
occasionally  out  of  date ; Mao,  the  moon-god,  for  instance, 
retired  at  an  earljr  period  into  the  background  of  Iranian 
mythology.^  Now,  there  are  various  marks  by  which  we 
can  see  that  this  motley  pantheon  came  from  Babylonia 
and  Mesene. 

(1)  Its  sjmcretism — a syncretism,  not  of  tlie  philosophic, 
but  of  a popular  kind.  This  syncretism  is  marked  in  the 
case  of  Helios,  Selene,  and  Hepliaistos.  They  are  not 
Greek  divinities  at  all,  but  popular  indigenous  divinities 
under  Greek  names  and  a Greek  disguise  ; in  other  words, 
these  Greek  gods  are  coefficients  of  the  indigenous  ones,  as 
is  the  common  belief  of  the  vulgar.  Babylonia,  with  its 
mixed  populations,  had  been  for  centuries  the  exchange- 
mart  of  the  popular  religions,  and  this  process  was  in  full 
swing  at  the  commencement  of  the  Christian  era.  Akkadian 
deities  had  become  Semitic,  and  had  undergone  a further 
change  when  they  passed  to  Iran.  The  schools  of  the 
Chaldaeans  still  existed,  and  cuneiform  writings  were  still 
studied  in  the  first  century  A.D.“  According  to  Anz, 
Babylonia  was  the  native  home  of  Gnosticism,^  and  it  was 
the  home  of  Mani.  Through  Babylonia  the  name  of 
Buddha  first  reached  Europe.  What  the  Zoroastrianism 
of  Babjdonia  may  have  been  in  the  days  of  Kanishka, 
it  is  impossible  to  say ; but  the  Parthian  capital  was 
at  Ctesiphon,  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Tigris  from 

^ Tiele,  Oitf  lines  of  the  History  of  Ancient  Beligions,  p,  171. 

- Aiiz,  Ursprung  des  Qnosthismus,  pp.  60-1.  ® Ibid.,  pp.  61  ff. 


1006  THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 

Seleucia  ; and  the  Parthians  were  zealous  propagandists  of 
the  exposure  of  the  dead  and  the  worship  of  the  elements 
— practices  wliich  prevailed  north  of  the  Paropamisus,  but 
which  were  unknown  to  Darius  and  to  Xerxesd  And  we 
know  from  the  remains  at  Nippur  that  tlie  Parthian 
induence  was  great,  and  that  it  was  obscurantist/’  But  it 
was  in  Persia  that  this  later  Zoroastrianism  took  the 
firmest  root,  and  developed  into  the  Parsiism  established 
under  the  Sassanians.  A good  deal  of  the  popular 
Zoroastrianism  of  Persia  proper  is  probably  represented  on 
the  coinage  of  Kanishka.  However  that  may  be,  Babylonia 
Avas  pre-eminently  the  country  where  the  gods  of  every 
land  Avere  to  be  found  and  Avhere  they  syncretized.  The 
names  of  the  kings  of  Cliaracene  form  an  admirable 
example  of  this  admixture  of  cults.  In  Spasines  or 
Hyspaosines,  in  Attarnbelus  and  Abinerglas,  we  have 
Babylonian  deities.  Sin  and  Bel  and  Nergal.  Sogdonaces, 
Apodaces,  Meredates  are  Persian ; Tirasus  recalls  the  planet 
Mercury  (Tir),  or  Tistrya,  the  deified  genius  of  the  dog- 
star  ; Binega  is  Elamite  or  Assyrian  ; Maan  Nabatman  ; 
and  Theouneses  has  a Greek  look,  but  is  probably  Aramaic/^ 

(2)  Still  more  significant  is  the  Sabman  and  astral 
character  of  Kanislika’s  pantheon  ; indeed,  Cunningham 
has  classified  all  the  gods  according  to  the  planetary 
system.^  Now,  Babylonia  was  the  native  land  of  this 
sidereal  cult,  and  from  Babylonia  it  spread  to  the  neigh- 
bouring Arabs  and  especially  to  Harran.  The  Babylonian 

' The  worship  of  the  elements  was  vei*y  old  in  Babylonia.  Ea  of 
Eridu  was  the  god  of  the  river  as  well  as  of  the  sea;  his  consort  .Davkina 
was  .“the  lady  of  the  earth’’  (Sayce,  Hibberfc  Lectures,  p.  139).  “The 
winds  were  also  worshipped  ; the  primitive  inhabitants  of  Babylonia 
paid  a special  worship  to  the  winds.”  The  cult  of  the  god  of  the  air 
and  wind  “belongs  essentially  to  the  Semitic  period”  (p.  199). 

“ Peters,  NipptL7\  vol.  ii,  p.  396,  and  in  detail  elsewhere. 

^ I have  taken  this  list  from  Brouinj  J?ewe  Mimmnatique,  serie, 
vol.  vii,  p.  375,  1889. 

4 Cunningham,  Goins  of  the  Kmhan$  (reprint),  pp.  75  ff.  {Nu7n.  Chron. , 
ser.  ni,  xii,  pp,  98-159).  , 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


1007 


Bel  was  the  inventor  of  sidereal  studies,  says  Pliny.^ 
According  to  Diodorus  tlie  Ghaldjeans  surpassed  all  men 
in  astrology.-  Every  city  had  its  own  sun-god  and 
moon-god,  and  even  in  Akkadian  times  the  planets  were 
wors]n|)ped.  So  also  the  stars.  ''  In  tlm  'Observations  of 
Bel’  tlie  stars  are  already  invested  with  a divine  character. 
The  planets  are  gods  like  tlie  sun  and  moon,  and  the  stars 
have  already  been  identified  witli  certain  deities  of  the 
official  pantheon.”  The  identification  of  the  planets  wit!) 
the  great  gods  became  a leading  feature  of  Chaldsean 
theology.  Hymns  to  Samas,  the  sun -god,  are  numerous  ; 
Sin,  a male  deity  like  the  " Salene  ” of  the  Kushan  coins, 
was  the  moon-god  ; Ishtar  was  the  goddess  of  the 
morning  and  the  evening  star ; Marduk  was  associated 
with  the  planet  Jupiter,  Nabu  witli  Mercury,  IsTergal 
with  Saturn  and  Mars.^  The  more  tlie  original  features 
of  the  great  gods  disappeared,  the  more  astral  they 
became.  “ The  Sabseanism  of  the  people  of  Harran  in 
the  early  centuries  of  the  Christian  era  was  no  survival 
of  a primitive  faith,  but  the  last  echo  of  the  priestly  astro- 
theology  of  Babylonia.” 

(3)  Along  with  the  syncretistic  and  Sabsean  divinities 
of  Babylonia,  the  Mesenian  traders  brouglit  the  cult  of 
a special  goddess,  who  had  a fair  chance  of  being  naturalized 
in  India.  Nanaia,  or  Queen  Nana  as  she  is  sometimes 
termed,  is  the  most  conspicuous  as  well  as  one  of  the 
commonest  figures  in  the  Kanishka  pantheon.  She 
appears  on  the  best  executed  and  therefore  presumably 
the  earliest  coins  of  Kanishka,  and  she  is,  with  the 
exception  of  a related  divinity,  Ardokhsho,  the  only  foreign 
deity  figured  by  Vasudeva.  Huvishka  kneels  before  her  : 
he  places  her  beside  the  Indian  Oesho,  and  his  legend  in 

^ Pliny,  Xat.  Hid,,  vi,  121.  - Diod.  ii,  31. 

Sayce,  Hibherfc  Lectures,  1887,  p.  400. 

Op.  cifc. , p.  402.  On  the  whole  question  v.  Sayce,  pp.  396-402,  and 
Anz,  op.  cit. , pp,  64  ff. 


1008 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANLSHKA 


this  case  bears  an  Indian  title  in  Greek  characters^  Nor 
was  the  cult  of  Nanaia  entirely  confined  to  the  Kushans  : 
the  Indo-Scythic  Sapaleizes  also  puts  her  on  his  coins.- 
Now,  Nanaia  was  par  excellence  the  great  goddess  of 
Elymais.  The  second  book  of  Maccabees  (chap,  i,  v.  13  ftV), 
in  describing  the  attempt  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  to  carry 
ofi’  tlie  treasures  of  her  temple,  gives  her  her  right  name ; 
but  Josephus,  describing  the  same  event,  calls  her  Artemis,*^ 
and  this  is  the  name  by  which  the  classical  writers  usually 
mention  her.  She  is  represented  as  a sceptred  queen, 
with  a crescent  on  her  head  and  a sword  at  her  side ; or, 
still  wearing  the  crescent,  she  lets  fly  an  arrow  from  lier 
bow.  In  either  case  the  representation  was  probably 
borrowed  from  the  Greek  Artemis.  Her  temple  was  called 
Azara,  and  was  very  famous.  Dianas  templum  augustis- 
simum  illis  gentibus,”  says  Pliny.*^  The  riches  of  Nanaia  s 

^ Cunningham,  Goins  of  the  Kushans,  pi.  xxiii,  fig.  2. 

- Cunningham,  “ Coins  of  the  Sakas,  Class  C’^  (reprint),  p.  56,  and 
pi.  ix,  Ko.  9 : A%m.  Chron. , ser.  in,  vol.  x. 

Josephus,  Antiq.,  xii,  c.  9,  § 1.  There  is  a good  article  on  Nana  or 
Nanaia  in  Roscher’s  Lexicon  cL  Griecli,  u.  Mom.  Mythologie.  The  goddess 
of  Elymais  was  a local  form  of  the  Babylonian  Nana,  the  goddess  of  tlie 
spontaneous  fertility  of  nature.  She  was  also  called  Nin-ka-si,  the  lady 
with  the  horned  countenance,”  and  was  the  wife  of  Anu,  the  “spirit 
of  the  heavens”  (F.  Lenormant,  Ghaldcean  Magic,  Eng.  trans.,  p.  1J9). 
The  lunar  character  of  Nana  was  therefore  always  prominent.  The 
chief  seat  of  Anu  and  Nana  ’worship  was  at  Urukh.  Kudur-Nakhunti 
carried  off  Nana's  image  to  Susa,  and  Assurbanipal  boasts  that  he 
brought  it  back  1635  years  later.  Tiglath  Pilesar  in  745  n.c.  sacrificed 
to  Nana  as  the  mistress  of  Babylon.  Her  fame  and  her  worship.) 
extended  to  Asia  Minor,  for  in  late  b*hrygiau  and  other  inscriptions  we 
have  various  persons  who  bear  her  name  ; and  in  an  inscription  of 
Roman  times  from  the  Peiraeus,  Nana  is  given  as  an  epithet  of  Artemis. 
She  had  a generic  resemblance  to  Ishtar,  Astarte,  Anahit,  and  others, 
but  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  them.  , In  later  times,  perliaps  after 
the  removal  of  the  figure  from  Susa  by  Assurbanipal,  the  fame  of  the 
Elamite  Nanaia  eclipsed  that  of  the  Babylonian  Nana.  Polybius 
(xxxi-11),  Strabo,  and  others  always  call  the  Elamite  Nanaia  Artemis  ; 
Pliny  calls  her  Diana.  Gutschmid  and  Wroth  in  describing  the 
campaigns  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  Mithridates  I always  rightly 
call  her  Nanaia. 

Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.,  vi,  135  j Strabo,  xvi,  744. 


THE  SECRET  OB"  KANLSHKA 


1009 


shrine  awakened  the  cupidity  of  kings.  Antiochiis  III 
lost  his  life  in  attempting  to  rob  the  Ehainite  temple  of 
Bel.  Antiochus  Epiphanes  was  ignominioiisly  routed  in 
an  attack  upon  the  temple  of  Xanaia.  The  Barthian 
Mithridates  I,  warned  by  the  failures  of  the  Seleucids,  led 
an  overwhelming  force  against  the  Elynnei,  and  carried 
off  10,000  talents,  about  two  millions  sterling.^  Nanaia 
is  occasionally  represented  as  riding  oti  a lion,-  and  lienee, 
possibly,  her  association  with  Oesho  (vSiva),  who  presides, 
like  Nanaia,  over  the  wild  luxuriant  growth  of  the  jungles 
and  all  that  lives  in  them.  She  was  a goddess  with  a 
great  personality,  and  her  fame  and  her  worship  continued 
to  be  great  even  in  Sassanian  times.  In  the  Persian 
martyrologies  she  is  styled  the  great  goddess  of  the 
whole  earth 

(4)  We  have  seen  that  the  gold,  the  rate  of  excliange, 
and  the  deities  of  Kanishka  came  from  the  Mesenians  and 
other  traders  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  From  the  same  quarter 
he  derived  his  peculiar  Greek  alphabet.  It  is  remarkable 
in  the  first  place  because  it  is  a cursive  script,  quite  a new 
thing  on  the  Indian  coins.  And  a most  notable  feature  in 
it  is  the  use  of  a letter  which  was  a standing  puzzle  until 
Dr.  Stein  solverrthe  riddle,  and  proved  it  to  represent  the 
sound  sh,  and  to  be  a variant  of  the  Doric  sibilant  san:^ 
Now,  this  very  letter  reappears  on  a coin  of  Characene 
in  the  Berlin  Museum.  The  coin  is  rude ; it  dates  from 
the  middle  of  the  second  centuiy  a.d.,  and  belongs  to 
a time  when  the  use  of  Greek  had  practically,  if  not 
wholly,  divsappeared,  I give  an  illustration  of  it  from 

^ Strabo,  xvi,  744  : ^Avrioxov  oZv  rhu  [xeyaj/  ro  rov  Bijkov  crvXay  Upbu 
iitix^LpT^cravra  ay^iKov  eTTi^efievoi  /ca6’auTaus  ot  irX^aLov  jSapjSapoi.  6/c  twv 
iiceivcp  (TviJL^dvTcav  TraidevOels  6 HapQuatos  ^(Trepou  aKovcoP  rd  lepd  vXova'ta 

Trap'  avro7s,  Spuv  B'cLTreiOovyras,  efijSaAAet  fierd  Zvvdp.€cas  fieydXT^s,  ical  to  re  rrjS 
'Adyjyds  lephv  elAe  Kal  rh  rrjs  ^AprejutSos,  rd  ’'A^apa,  /cal  ^pe  raXdvToov  ixvpioov 
yd(ay.  Mac.  ii,  1,  vv.  13  tf.  ; Josephus,  xii,  9,  1;  Polyb.  xxxi,  11, 

describe  the  abortive  attempt  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 

Cunningham,  Coins  of  the  Kushans,  pi.  xxii,  fig.  19. 

^ Ind.  Ant.,  xvii  (1888),  p.  97. 


1010 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKxl 


a cast,  to  scale  about  2’0.  Von  Sallet  says  ''  Longperier 
(Revue,  1874,  pp.  136-43)  has  published  coins  now  in 
Paris  with  the  ostensibly  certain  reading  Obodas  for 
the  hing’s  name,  and  the  dates  HHY>  EY,  HOY,  = 458, 
4G0,  478  (a.d.  146-66).  Our  specimens  belong  to  the 
same  series,  but  no  way  confirm  Longperier  s readings  : 
V.  Sallet,  Zeit.  f.  Num.,  iii,  250  tf.,  where  ObAB?  is 
wrongly  put  for  And  in  the  representation 

of  the  coin  given  by  von  Sallet  we  have  the  legend 
BAG  0|=>AB^.  He  also  gives  two  other  issues,  on  which 


the  Greek  is  either  blundered  or  unintelligible.  Yon  Sallet 
then  continues : “ The  king  s name  is  therefore  Orabazes 
or  Obodius,  not  Obodas,  The  rudeness  of  these  legends, 
and  the  complete  confusion  of  the  Greek,  make  certainty 
impossible’’  (‘'Bei  der  Eohheit  dieser  Aufschriften  iind 
der  ganzlichen  Verwilderung  des  Griechischen  ist  mit 
Sicherheit  nichts  zu  sagen,”  p,  216).  Yon  S<allet  was 
writing  in  1881,  seven  years  before  the  value  of  the 
p had  been  proved,  and  he  therefore  read  it  as  rho 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  time ; but  he  took  especial 


^ V.  Sallet,  “ Die  Miinzen  der  ICSnige  von  Chai'acene  ” : Zeit.  f, 


THE  SECEET  OF  KAXISIIKA 


ion 


Caro  to  print  correctly  what  is  on  tlie  coin,  cind  lie  sliows 
a p.  i.e.  a Tlie  Greek  alphabet,  therefore,  snrviveJ 

in  Characene  after  tlie  Greek  language  had  died  out. 
But  in  Kanishkas  time  the  letter  scni,  ininst  have 
been  in  comiiion  use  in  Characene ; and  it  was  doubtless 
from  Characene  that  Kanishka’s  die-engravers  got  it,^ 

How  a Dorian  alphabet  came  to  Ijo  current  in  those 
regions  is  another  question.  Kanishka  could  scarcely  have 
derived  it  from  the  Cretans  wdio  founded  the  town  of 
Asterusia  in  Kabul,  or  from  the  Achgeans  wlio  had  a colony 
in  Aria,  and  were  apparently  numerous  in  the  Far  East. 
This  is  not  probable  in  itself,  nor  w^ould  it  account  for 
the  use  of  the  Dorian  alphabet  in  Characene.  In  the 
archonsliip  of  Euclid,  403  B.e.,  the  Athenians  adopted  the 
Ionian  alphabet,  and  all  the  other  states  of  tiellas 
followed  their  example.‘^  An  antiquated  character  such 
as  the  Doric  wdiich  Ave  .find  wdth  t value  sh>  on 
the  coins  of  the  Kanishka  series,  can  only  have  survived 
in  outlying  regions  far  from  the  centres  of  Greek  life. 
But  this  w^as  precisely  the  condition  of  the  Greek  traders, 
mercenaries,  and  prisoners  of  war,  who  had  settled  in 
Babylonia  in  large  numbers  long  before  the  age  o£ 
Alexander.  We  can  trace  them  there  as  far  back  as-  the 
seventh  century  n.c.  Among  these  settlers  there  inust 
have  been  a considerable  number  of  Peloponnesians  and 
others  of  Dorian  speech.  We  are  also  told  that  certain 
Arab  tribes,  although  inimical  to  the  Greeks  in  general, 
sYeve  friendly  to  the  Peloponnesians  and  Bceotians,  wlio 
must  therefore  have  been  well  known  to  them.  The 
Greeks  of  Babylonia  were  given  to  trade  ; and  traders 

^ The  British  Museum  possesses  a coin  of  this  king  with  the  legend 
OPAb[  = ]/TAP[  = 3P^O-  I to  thank  Mr.  Allan,  and  also 
Dr.  Begling  of  the  Berlin  Museum,  for  casts  of  these  coins.  This  is 
not  the  only  service  for  which  I have  to  thank  Mr.  Allan.  He  furnished 
me  with  extensive  extracts  from  the  catalogue  of  the  find-spots  of  Greek 
coins  in  India  which  he  has  under  preparation. 

- Taylor,  The  Alplicibetyiiy  p.  49. 


1012 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


are  a most  conservative  body  of  men,  who  frequently 
employ  a script  more  or  less  peculiar  to  themselves. 
Hence,  I think,  the  survival  of  antiquated  forms  of  tlie 
alphabet  among  the  usages  of  the  Greek  mercantile  class 
in  Babylonia.  But  all  this  is  a matter  of  conjecture. 
What  is  certain  is  that  Kanishkas  alphabet  was  known 
in  Characene. 

Ill 

Kanishka  and  the  decadence  of  Hellenism  in  the  Far  East 

The  disappearance  of  Hellenism  in  tlie  Far  East  is 
intimately  connected  with  the  problem  of  Kauishka. 
Greek  was  understood,  as  we  have  seen,  in  Kanishka’s 
dominions ; Yavanas  ruled  in  Kabul  up  to,  or  almost  up 
to,  the  commencement  of  the  Christian  era  ; a quarter  of 
a century  later  Alexandropolis  in  Arachosia  was  still 
an  autonomous  Greek  city,^  If  we  can  determine  the 
time  about  which  Helienism  disappeared  in  these  regions, 
we  have  a posterior  limit  for  all  tlieories  regarding  the 
date  of  Kanishka. 

The  barbarism  of  the  invaders  from  Central  Asia,  and 
the  consequent  isolation  of  the  Greek  colonists,  were  the 
main  factors  in  the  extinction  of  Hellenism  in  the  East. 
Euthydemus  had  warned  Antiochus  III  that  this  would 
be  the  result  if  the  Greek  kingdom  of  Bactria  were 
destroj^ed.  In  this  case,  said  Euthydemus,  ''neither  of 
them  would  be  safe ; seeing  that  great  hordes  of  nomads 
were  close  at  hand,  who  were  a danger  to  both : and  that 
if  they  admitted  them  into  the  country  ...  it  would  be 
certainly  barbarized/'  - 

But  although  Parthians  and  Scytlis  overthrew  the  rule 
of  the  Seleucids  and  the  Greco-Bactrians,  the  end  was  lonu' 
delayed,  As  long  as  the  Greek  cities  of  Babylonia  and 
Mesopotamia  were  free,  as  long  as  Greek  princes  ruled 
in  Kabul,  Hellenism  survived,  although  moribund.  But 

’ Isidore,  J/cfc/i-s*.  PaHh,  - Polyb.  xi,  c.  34,  trans.  Slmekburgli. 


THE  SECRET  OF  KAXISHKA 


1013 


its  coDimxinications  with  the  West  were  impaired,  and 
iinniigration  had  almost  entirely  ceased.  The  Arsacids 
when  at  the  height  of  their  power  were  Pliilhelleiies ; 
Greek  was  understood  at  their  courts,  and  Orodes 
( 57-37  B.G.),  for  one,  patronized  the  Greek  theatre,  while 
Greek  w^as  apparently  allowed  a secondary  place  in  public 
use  alongside  the  Persian  language.^  But  througliout  the 
first  century  A. B.  the  Parthians  were  distracted  by  internal 
dissensions,  and  in  a state  not  far  removed  from  anarchy. 
At  the  coinmencement  of  the  century  the  rule  of  the  Greek 
princes  of  Kabul  Avas  extinguished.  The  degradation  of 
the  legends  on  the  coins,-  and  tlie  degeneracy  of  the 
pottery  in  Babylonia,''^  reveal  the  growing  barbarism  of 
the  time.  If  Ave  can  determine  AAdien  Hellenism  became 
extinct  in  Seleucia,  Avhicli  Avas  the  centre  of  Greek  life, 
Ave  may  be  sure  that  it  had  already  disappeared  in  the 
remoter  proAunces. 

Now,  the  history  of  Seleucia  is  fairly  Avell  kiioAvn. 
From  A.B.  36  to  A.D.  43  it  AA^as^^^m  state  of  revolt 
from  the  Parthians.  Tacitus  describes  it  at  that  time 
as  a ci  vitas  potens,  septa  muris,  neque  in  barbamm 
corrupta,  sed  conditoris  Seleuci  retinens And  still 
later  the  elder  Pliny  speaks  of  it  as  “libera  hodie,  ac 
sui  juris  Macedonumque  moris  Its  sack  by  Trajan 
in  A.B.  117  Avas  the  beginning  of  the  end.  In  A.B.  165 
the  genei*als  of  L.  Verus  again  sacked  and  burnt  it  doAvn 
on  account  of  the  alleged  treachery  of  the  inhabitants.^' 
What  remained  AA^as  destroyed  1^  Septimius  Severus 
(a.b.  198)  AAdien  he  took  Ctesiphon  on  the  opposite  bank 
of  the  Tigris.  Only  the  suburb  of  Coche  Avas  left,  to 
become  in  after  times  the  seat  of  the  Nestorian  Maphrian, 

^ Mommsen,  Provinces  of  the  Poman  Empire,  Eng.  trans.,  ii,  p.  12. 

2 Ibid. 

“ AVith  the  Parthian  period  the  decadence  of  the  pottery  manufacture 
is  marked  ” {Peters,  Nippur,  ii,  p,  396). 

^ Tacitus,  Amu,  vi,  48.  ® Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.,  vi,  122. 

^ Capitolinus,  L.  Fenes,  c.  8. 


101.4 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


and  the  meeting-place  for  various  Oriental  ecclesiastical 
coiiueils. 

But  barbarism  had  set  its  mark  on  Seleucia  long  before 
Trajan  sacked  it.  The  Greeks  were  a mere  handful  among 
a population  of  600,000.  The  Adeiganes^  who  fornied  the 
Council  of  Three-hundred;  were  called  b}^  a name  which 
has  not  been  explained;  but  which  is  certainly  not  (J reek. 
The  number  of  Greeks  of  pure  descent  must  have  1)een 
very  few;  the  great  majority  were  half-breeds ; and  we 
meet  with  Greek  and  Babylonian  names  in  the  same 
farnilj^-  The  Parthians  were  jealous  of  communications, 
political  or  commercial,  between  their  Greek  subjects  and 
tlie  subjects  of  the  Roman  Empire.^  Polybius  has  told  us 
what  he  thought  of  the  native  Greeks,  the  mean  whites  " 
of  Alexandria  ; ^ and  the  Greeks  of  Seleucia  were  in  mueli 
worse  case.  By  the  middle  of  the  first  century  of  the 
Christian  era,  isolation  and  the  prevailing  anarchy  begaii 
to  tell.  On  the  coins  of  Gotarzes  (a.I).  41-51)  we  meet 
with  exactly  the  same  grammatical  blunder  which  we 
liave  seen  in  the  legends  of  Kanishka  : BACCIlAECOC 
BAC[i]AEU}N  APCAKOV  VOC  [sic  = mos']  KEKAAOY- 
MENOC  APTABANOV  PCUTEPZHC.^  The  Greek  on  the 
coins  of  his  rival,  Vardanes  I (a.d.  41-5),  is  sometimes 

^ Polyb.  V,  54.  Polybius  says  tlie  magistrates  of  Seleucia  were  so 
called.-  ■ 

- e.g.  Antipater  is  the  father  of  Anu-ate-iddin,  and  Diodes  the  son 
of  Anu-uballit-su  ; v.  Anz,  U7^s2)7'unf^  chs  p.  Od.  n.  1.  wliero 

the  autliorities  are  cited. 

Even  the  Chinese  complained  that  the  Partlnans  pi'evented  tiumi 
from  direct  intercourse  with  Syria  (Chavaniies,  Les  tro^'eith  nf 

(Vaprh  h Heon  Han  Chou,  p.  39).  Herodian,  iv,  10,  says  that  rht* 
fabrics  and  spices  which  came  through  Parthia,  and  the  metals, 
exported  from  Rome,  were  the  subject  of  a “ secret  and  illicit  t raOie”. 
Under  the  Sassanians  the  trade  was  Jealously  regulated. 

Polyb.  xxxiv,  14:  ‘*A  personal  visit  to  Alexandria  tilled  me  with 
disgust,’’  Regarding  the  ‘^mean  whites ” he  says  : Though  they  are 
now  a mongrel' race,  yet  they  were  originally  Greek,  and  have  retained 
some  recollection  of  Greek  principles.” 

® Wroth,  GataJoym  of  the  Coim  of  Farthia,  p.  165  [Caf(.doy)i.e  of  Greek 
Coi)is  in  ihe  B,M.\ 


THE  SEC?RET  OF  KANH.8HKA 


1015 


scarcely  intelligible.^  Gotarzes’  successor,  Volageses  I 
(a.d.  51-78),  commences  the  use . ot*  bilingual  legends. 
After  Trajan's  sack  of  Seleiicia  bilingual  legends  ];)ecaine 
the  rule;- and  before  the  end  of  the  second  century  A.i>, 
the  Greek  of  tlie  coins  is  often  barbarous  or  unintelligible.- 

What  happened  at  Seleucia  happened  at  an  earlier 
date  in  the  surrounding  districts.  The  autonomous  Greek 
city  of  Artemita,  some  36  miles  from  Seleucia,  had  also 
an  Aramaic  name,  “ Chalasar,”  by  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  era.^  In  Characene  Greek  rapidly  disappeared. 
We  have  seen  that  at  the  commencement  of  the  first 
century  a.d.  Mesene  possessed  two  Greek  writers  of 
distinction."^  The  Greek  on  th.e  coins  of  Attambelus  I 
(29  or  27  b.c. -a.d.  5)  is  good;  after  that  it  deteriorates. 
Attambelus  II  (a.d.  51~B0)  is  the  last  to  use  Greek  legends 
which  are  alwa3^s  intelligible,  and  his  coins  are  rude. 
After  liiin  the  coins  of  these  kings  become  rare,  and  tlie 
metal  is  debased.  On  the  coins' of  Theouneses  (a.d.  109—19  ) 
the  legends  are  incomplete.  I have  already  mentioned  the 
barbaric  coins  of  Oshabazes  (a.d.  146-66).  From  a.d.  138, 
according  to  Drouin,  we  have  Aramaic  legends,  and  the 
Greek  letters  become  a mere  jumble.'"  In  the  case  of  the 
Arsacid  coins  also,  Aramaic  inscriptions  are  habitual  from 
the  reign  of  Mithridates  IV  (c,  a.d.  130-47).  The  use  of 
Greek,  Avhich' had  long  been  declining,  must  have  ceased 
in  lower  Babylonia  and  Characene  by  the  end  of  the  first 
quarter  of  the  second  century.  After  that  only  its 
alphabet  and  its  memory  remained.  In  Seleucia  it  probably 
lasted  a little,  but  not  much,  longer.  Trajan’s  sack  of  the 
city  must  ha\'e  been  especially  fatal  to  the  Greek 

^ AA^roth,  Catalogue  of  the  Coins  of  Parthia,  p.  156,  n.  2. 

" Op.  cit.,  p.  Ixxvii. 

Isidore,  Mans.  Parth. 

One  of  these,  Isidore,  understood  Aramtiic,  for  he  occasionally  gives 
in  Greek  the  translation  of  an  Aramaic  word,  e.g.  he  translates  <(>d\iya 
by  g.€Ta7rd^ptvov. 

^ V.  Sallet,  Zeit.  f.  Mum.,  viii,  pp.  212 ff.,  1881  ; Drouin,  Pev.  Mam., 
Ill™*-'  serie,  vii,  pp.  211  ff.,  1889. 


i016 


THE  SECRET  OP  ICANISHKA 

magistracy,  the  Adeiganes,  and  to  the  Hellenic  class  in 
general.  Henceforward  Ctesiphon,  which  had  long  been 
the  rival  of  Seleucia,  took  its  place.^ 

Yavanas  were  to  be  found  all  over  the  North-Western 
Provinces  of  India  as  far  as  Mathura  and  the  Jamna  ; but 
their  chief  seats  were  in  the  Rawal  Pindi  District,  Kabul, 
and  Ai^achosia;  also  in  Kathiawar  and  the  region  of  the 
lower  Indus.  We  have  seen  that  Greek  kings  held  Kabul 
to  the  end  of  the  first  century  B.C.  It  is  possible  that 
Greek  princes  also  ruled  in  the  maritime  districts  about 
the  Indus  delta  until  the  Indo-Parthians  took  the  country  : - 
but  this  is  a point  on  which  we  are  ignorant.  During  the 
fii'st  half  of  the  following  century  (a.d.  1-50)  the  Indo- 
Parthians  made  themselves  masters  of  a great  part  of  the 
Yavana  country,  Arachosia,  Kabul,  and  the  Indus  Valley; 
and  the  Greek  of  their  coins  is  good.  Herinseus,  the  friend 
and  ally  of  Kozoulo  Kadphises,  was  the  last  Greek  prince- 
ling in  Kabul.  His  portrait  proves  him  to  have  been 
a degenerate.^  His  queen  Calliope,  however,  may  have 
been  a pure  Greek,  possibly  a slave-girl  like  Musa  Urania 
whom  Augustus  presented  to  Phraates  I V (3S-2  B.C.).  We 
have  no  portrait  of  her;  and  we  merely  know  that  she 
follows  a Western  fashion  in  the  name  which  she  assumes.'^ 
Thus,  up  to  the  middle  of  this  century  there  are  indications, 
though  slight  ones,  that  some  communications  with  the 

^ Doubtless  the  use  of  Greek  lingered  among  individual  families  long 
after  it  had  ceased  in  the  bazars,  but  the  only  instance  I am  acquainted 
with  is  John  the  Persian,  **  Bishop  of  the  Churcli  throughout  Persia 
and  Great  India,”  who  attended  the  Council  of  Nicaea  and  signs  his 
name  in  Greek.  Nothing  else  is  known  about  him.  Uepcnjs  rris 

iv  TlepcriBi  Trctor?;  koI  jueyd\7}  ’1)^5/^.  But  John  was  a Christian  and  subject  to 
the  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  and  need  not  have  learnt  Greek  in  Persia  at  all 
- The  legends  in  the  Mahabharata  seem  to  indicate  that  this  was 
the  case. 

“ Le  dernier  des  rois  grecs,  Hermseus  porte  les  traces  visibles  de  la 
caducite  de  sa  uice  ; sa  face  bieme  et  emaciee  est  bieu  celle  dii  rejeton 
degenere  d'un  pouvoir  appele  de  disparaitre  ” (UJfalvy,  Les  AryviiH 
etc.,  p.  71). 

^ Wroth,  op.  cit.,  pp.  xl~i. 


1017 


' ; 'the  ..SEeRET."0F. ' KA:NISHKA 

larger  world  of  Hellenism  still  existed,  aiid  tliat  Greek  was 
understood.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Hellenic  element 
w as  e vidently  being  submerged . It  must  be  remei  a be  red 
that  all  the  silver  coinage — the  coinage  for  use  in  the 
local  bazars — -was  bilingual ; that  the  Greek  on  some  of 
Kanishkas  coins  was  already  ungrammatical;  that  the 
Yavanas,  with  scai’cely  an  exception,  were  mongrels  by 
birth  ; and  that  those  of  them  who  appear  in  inscriptions 
bear  native  names ; ^ that,  moreover,  the  Yavanas  were  as 
mixed  a race  as  the  modern  Goanese— slaves  and  adherents 
of  every  sort  who  had  adopted  Greek  ways  being  included 
in  their  number,  so  that  we  hear  of  white  and  black 
Yavanas,' like  the  white  and  black  Jews  of  Cochin  : if  we 
remember  all  this,  we  shall  not  be  inclined  to  rate  the 
Hellenic  ethos  of  these  Yavanas  very  highly. 

AVhen  the  traders  from  the  Persian  Gulf  ceased  to  speak 
Greek,  and  the  last  of  the  Greek  princes  ceased  to  rule, 
the  isolation  of  the  Yavanas  was  complete.  After  the 
time  of  Hermseus,  the  bilingual  coins  of  the  later  Indo- 
Parthians,  of  Kozoulo  Kadphises  and  Wema  Kadpiiises, 
and  of  Nahapana,  are  the  only  proof  we  have  that  Greek 
was  understood.  These  coins  carry  us  down  to  the  end  of 
the  first  and  the  beginning  of  the  second  century  a.d.  But 
Nahapana’s  legends  sho\v  how  the  Greek  alphabet  was 
becoming  coiifounded  with  the  Roman,  and  was  fast  falling 
into  disuse.^  Probably  the  Greek  merchants  of  Baiygaza 
who  used  the  coins  of  Apollodotus  and  Menander  in  the  time 
of  the  Periphis^  were  the  last  of  the  Yavanas  who  had  any 
knowledge  of  Greek,  or  spoke  it  as  a living  language.  After 
this  time  the  Greek  of  the  coins  is  meaningless  imitation. 

The  disappearance  of  Greek  as  a spoken  language  about 
this  time  is  negatively  proved  by  three  contemporary 
or  nearly  contemporary  witnesses.  The  author  of  the 

^ The  onh"  exception  is  a certain  Theodore  in  the  Kaldarra  inscription 
of  the  year  113  (a.d.  o6). 

3 Fleet,  JRAS.,  1907,  pp.  1041  ff. 


1018 


THE  SECRET  OF  KANISHKA 


Peripliis  visited  India  between  A.D,  80  and  lOOd  Kan  Yiruj 
made  his  celebrated  journey  to  Mesene  in  a.d.  97,  and  lie 
passed  througdi  India,  Kabul,  and  Arachosia  on  liivS  way. 
Ptolemj^  who  wrote  his  Geograplw  about  the  middle  of 
the  second  century  A.D.,  had  an  excellent  knoy^ledge  of 
the  countiy  west  of  the  Jamna,  derived  from  his  native 
informants  in  Alexandria.  None  of  the  three  mention  tlie 
Greeks  or  the  use  of  the  Greek  language:  yet  it  would 
Imve  been  of  particular  interest  to  Ptolemy,  or  the 
merchant-mariner  of  the  PeripUbS,  liad  tliey  heard  of 
such  a thing.  It  is  scarcely  possible  that  the  author  of 
the  Periplus,  who  mentions  a handful  of  Greeks  at  Socotra, 
and  tells  us  that  Greek  was  understood  at  Adule  and 
spoken  by  the  Abyssinian  king,  sliould  have  failed  to 
mention  the  existence  of  a Greek  community  or  the  use 
of  the  Greek  language,  in  India,  had  he  ever  heard  of  it. 

Apart  from  the  theories  whicli  assign  a second  century 
date  to  Kanislika,  the  only  evidence  I have  seen  alleged 
for  any  later  survival  of  Greek  is  the  evidence  of 
Apollonius  of  Tyana,  as  given  by  Philostratus.  Philostratus 
was  a professional  rhetorician  who  deliberately  dressed  up 
tlie  most  marvellous  of  all  the  lives  of  Apollonius  current 
in  his  day,  as  he  himself  tells  us,  to  suit  the  taste  of  the 
Athenian  dilettanti.  But  assuming  his  Apollonius  to  be 
a credible  witness  (which  he  is  not),  Apollonius’  Indian 
journey  was  made  when  he  was  between  40  and  50  years 
of  age,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  reign  of  Claudius  or  Xern. 
He  therefore  proves  nothing.  And  we  learn  from  Philo- 
stratus himself  that  Apollonius  companion  and  biographer, 
Damis  the  Assyrian  wrote  very  unliterary  Greek. 

I conclude,  then,  that  the  use  of  Greek  died  out  in 
Northern  India  before  the  commencement  of  the  second 
century  A.D.  Now,  if  Kanishka  and  his  successor  reigned 
in  that  century,  how  came  they  to  issue  coins  with 
Greek  legends  only  ? Or  by  what  miracle  had  Greek 
^ See  p.  987  above,  n.  1. 


1019 


THE  SECEET  OF  KAXiSHKA 

survived  in  tdie  bazars  of  Taxila  and  Sagala  Ion v’ after  it 
bad  disappeared  everywhere  else  in  tlie  East  l'>vyond  the 
Euphrates,  with  the  exception  of  the  Roman  province  of 
Osroene  ? The  survival  of  Hellenism  is  a necessary  pi*e- 
siimption  of  any  theory  regarding  Kaiiislika. 

Thus  dur  three  lines  of  inquiry  all  lead  to  the  same 
result.  We  have  direct  e vidence  that  a Kush  an  dtmasty 
reigned  in  Northern  India  while  the  Yawinas  were 
masters  of  Kabul:  that  djniastj’-  tlierefore  Iiave 

been  anterior  to  the  conquest  of  K?lbul  by  Kozoulo 
Kadphises  in  the  middle  of  tlie  first  centuiy  a.d.  I have 
shown  how  the  peculiarities  of  Kanishka’s  coinage  are 
due  to  the  silk  tiarde  between  India  and  the  Persian  Gulf, 
which  sprang  up  in  the  first  century  B.c.  Lastly,  there 
is  no  evidence  whatever  to  prove  that  Greek  was  spoken 
in  the  Panjab  in  the  second  century  of  our  era,  and  very 
strong  evidence  to  the  contrary.  We  have  also  seen  that 
from  the  time  of  Wema  Kadpliises  to  the  Guptas  Northern 
India  was  ruled  by  Tochari  viceroys  Avho  became  inde- 
pendent of  the  Bactrian  Kushans.  By  restoring 
Kanislika  to  his  proper  place  in  the  middle  of  the  first- 
century  B.c.,  we  obtain  a glimpse  of  the  events  which 
preceded  and  followed  his  rise — the  break  up  of  the  Greek 
kingdom  of  Menander  into  a number  of  petty  Greek  and 
Scythic  states  ; their  overthrow  by  Kanishka  in  the  Pan  jab 
and  the  upper  valley  of  the  Indus ; the  re-conquest  of  the 
greater  part  of  this  region  by  the  Indo-Parthians  and 
their  Saka  allies ; the  extinction  of  the  Greek  kings  of 
Kabul ; and  the  ultimate  conquest  of  Kabul  and  the 
Panjab  by  Kozoulo  Kadphises  and  his  son. 

Long  ago,  in  an  upland  monastery  of  the  Himalayas 
surrounded  by  bleak  hills  and  snow-capped  mountains, 
the  Buddhist  monks  held  religious  exercises  to  invoke  tlie 
powerful  aid,  or  still  the  restless  soul,  or  whatever  repre- 
sented the  soul,  of  Kanishka,  Modern  scholars  wfill  be 
thankful  now  that  his  ghost  is  laid. 


Inscribed  Bone  with  pin  (detached)  from  Honan  Province^ 


XXVII 


; A EUIEEAL  ELEGY  ANB  A EAMILY  TEEE 

mSCRIBEB  OX  BOXE 

By  L.  C.  HOPKIXS,  LS.O. 

filHE  inscribed  bone-fragment  illustrated  in  tlie  accom- 
pany ing  plates  forms  part  of  my  coliection,  and  ^Yas 
discovered  among  the  large  find  of  similar  objects  unearthed 
in  1899  in  the  province  of  Honan,  North  Ghina.  It  is  one 
of  the  larger  pieces,  measuring  in  its  greatest  lengtli 
10  inches  by  7-|  at  its  broadest.  The  bone  is  part  of  the 
shoulder-blade  of  some  domesticated  animal  apparentljv 
and  among  the  peculiarities  it  presents  is  the  fact  that  at 
its  extreme  upper  edge  it  has  been  pierced  by  a neatly 
bored  round  hole  to  admit  a bone  pin  3 inches  long,  shown 
detached  in  the  plates.  The  shaft  of  this  pin  is  inscribed 
on  one  side  witli  six  characters,  while  tlie  fiat  and  rather 
elaborate  head  has  archaic  decoration  on  both  sides.  The 
purpose  of  the  pin  is  not  easy  to  determine,  but  I suggest 
that  it  may  have  been  to  fasten  togetlier  the  present  bone 
and  a second  fragment  similarly  pierced,  foiming  page ''  2 
of  this  osseous  document,  which  may  have  contained  a 
further  instalment  of  the  text.  If  so,  this  second  page  is 
not  now  forthcoming. 

As  will  be  seen,  the  inscription  contains  four  separate 
paragraphs,  or  three  if,  as  seems  to  be  the  case,  the  six 
characters  on  the  pin-shaft  foxm  the  opening  clause  of  the 
uppermost  legend.  On  the  extreme  right  of  the  shoulder- 
blade  are  two  vertical  lines  of  writing  in  small  type, 
numbering  thirteen  characters  complete,  and  one,  broken. 
Though  only  nine  of  these  can  yet  be  transcribed  into 
modern  forms,  the  legends,  for  the  second  is  a repetition 
of  the  first,  exhibit  a formula  frequently  occurring  on 
other  bone-fragments,  which  consists  of  the  professional 


FUNERAL  ELEGY  AND  FAMILY  TREE  ON  BONE 


diviner’s  note  of  the  date,  nature,  and  probably  the  result 
of  tlie  inquiry  put  to  him  by  the  king  or  tvang,  who 
presumably  was  the  reigning  sovereign  of  Chou. 

On  the  sliaft  of  the  pin  are  6 characters,  and  on  the 
upper  surface  of  the  bone  12  more,  ranged  in  four  vertical 
columns  of  3 characters  each,  1,8  in  all,  if  the  two  portions 
on  the  pin  and  on  the  bone  are  taken  together  as  suggested 
above.  A blank  space  2 inches  wide,  containing  only 
the  time-cjxde  couplet  ^ cilia  yin,  folloWvS  below.  And 
lastly  comes  a legend  of  56  characters  dispovsed  in  fourteen 
vertical  rows,  of  which  the  first  has  2 cliaracters  only,  the 
second  6,  and  all  the  rest  4 apiece. 

These  three  separate  paragraphs  make  up  a composite 
document  of  a remarkable  nature,  combining  a diviner’s 
memorandum,  a funeral  elegy,  and  a Royal  pedigree,  forms 
of  literature  we  sliould  hardly  Inive  expected  to  find  in 
association,  even  on  a bone. 

Difficulties  of  decipherment  and  interpretation  are 
naturally  not  wanting,  as  will  be  seen  immediately^  but 
we  may  reasonably  conclude  that  the  separate  paragraplis 
have  a common  concern  in  the  death  of  a cejtain  ‘‘lamented 
younger  brother  ”,  whose  character  is  briefly^  but  optimis- 
tically surveyed  on  the  upper  half  of  the  bone,  and  whose 
lineage  is  traced,  probably  in  part  onlyq  on  the  lower 
half.  Who  this  younger  brother  was  raises  an  interesting 
question  of  early  Chinese,  histoiy. 

Let  us  proceed  to  take  the  three  paragraphs  of  the 
inscription  in  order,  and  come  to  close  quarters  with  tluur 
contents  in  detail. 

,1.  The  diviner^s  memorandum.  This  consisted  originally* 
of  a formula  of  eight  characters,  repeated  twice,  except 
that  the  first  two  characters,  forming  a time-cycle  couplet, 
were  probably^  as  in  similar  instances  elsewliere  on  these 
bones,  varied,  implying  some  professional  proceeding 
carried  through  on  more  than  one  date.  Of  the  upper 
group  of  characters,  the  first  and  second  l)ave  been  broken 


Plate  II. 


Part  of  Inscribed  Bone  from  fdonan  Province. 


FUNERAL  ELEGY  AND  FAMILY  TBEE  ON  BONE  102S 


away,  as  has  part  o£  the  lifth.  Tlie  low'er  iL'TOiip  is 
complete,  but  the  sixtli  and  eighth  characters,  though  of 
frequent  occurrence  on  these  relics, cannot  yet  be  deciphered. 
Both  are  included  in  the  list  of  unknown  characters  repro- 
duced by  Lo  Chen-yti  on  p 21  of  his  pamphlet  the  Yin 
Hsii  Shu  Ch’i.  With  regard  to  the  seventh  character, 
Lo  evidently  considers  it  to  be  the  negative,  •icavf/ 
or  itni.  But  Mr.  Chalfant  has  satished  himself  and  me 
(until  lately)  that  this  symbol  stands  for  cJuio,  omen. 
The  following,  therefore,  is  the  imperfect  translation  of  the 
formula,  an  asterisk  standing  for  an  unknown  character : 

“ On  the  day  Kuei  ss-tt  inquiry  by  divination  was  made  as 
to  a Rojuil  ? omen  As  noted  in  my  paper  on  Chinese 
Writing  in  the  Chou  Dynasty,  in  the  October  number  of 
the  Journal  for  1911,  Explanation  to  Plate  VI,  the 
character  tzu,  here  stands  for  0^,  sstt. 

2.  The  funeral  elegy,  comprising  the  characters  on  tlie 
pin,  and  wdiat  I submit  is  their  continuation  on  the  upper 
part  of  the  main  bone.  The  difficulties  met  with  here  do 
not  arise  from  lack  of  legibility,  nor,  except  in  one  instance, 
from  our  inability  to  equate  the  characters  with  their 
modern  representatives.  What  the  difficulties  are  will  be 
easier  seen  if  I here  add  the  text  in  modern  guise,  but 
punctuated  as  I suppose  it  to  run — 

m ¥ L El  # 1 ^ El  rW  H P El  ^ El  IE- 

It  is  the  first  six  characters  which  present  the  most 
uncertainty  and  provoke  the  most  interest,  as  will 
immediately  be  seen.  Noting  as  a preliminary  that  the 
words  cilia  tzit,  form  the  first  of  the  sixty  time- 

cycle  couplets,  but  that,  the  context  shows  such  a 
construction  to  be  impossible  here,  we  come  to  the  main 
occasion  of  doubt  in  the  ambiguous  character  H,  ytieli. 
This  word,  as  is  known,  may  mean  either  '"to  say’',  or 
“to  be  said,  or  esteemed,,  to  be’’.  In  all  but  one  of  the 
remaining  numerous  examples  of  its  use  on  this  relic, 
it  has  the  latter  sense.  Has  it  also  in  this  first  instance  ? 


1024  . .FUNERAL  ELEGY' A-ND  FAMILY;  TREE;  ON,,  BONE  , 

Let  us  put  it  to  tlie  test,  ; If  it  has,  the  passage  would 
then  open  thus : The  son  of  Tsu  Ghia  was  called 
Mulberry/’  This  is  a curious  name;  but  that  it  was  in 
use  is  shown  by  the  genealogy  published  by  Mr.  R.  L. 
Hobson  and  myself  in  the  April  number  of  if (m,  under 
the  titled' A Royal  Relic  of  Ancient  China  ”.  Translating 
thus,  we  are  then  left  with  the  single  word  fi,  younger 
brother.  Now,  we  cannot  be  left  indefinitely  wiH^^^^^ 
someone’s  younger  brother  on  our  hands,  but  must 
bring  him  into  touch  witli  some  other  part  of  the  text, 
preferably  the  nearest  part  on  the  upper  half  of  the  bone. 
The  awkward  repetition  of  ti  may  probably  be  explained 
by  taking  the  second  ti  as  a mere  catcliword,  necessitated 
by  the  physical  separation  between  this  part  of  the  text 
and  the  lowest  point  of  tlie  pin,  and  indicating  where  tlie 
reader  is  to  resume.  On  this  assumption,  the  passage  will 
continue,  “ The  younger  brother  was  called  (i.e.  was)  pure 
and  steadfast,”  etc.,  as  rendered  below.  Tlie  objection  to 
this  rendering  of  the  0,  yueli,  occurring  on  the  pin,  is 
that  in  a laudatory  statement  concerning  a youngei- 
brother,  the  naming  of  his  elder  brother,  as  an  opening 
clause,  seems  somewhat  pointless  and  superfluous.  If, 
then,  we  take  the  alternative  sense  of  the  character  yueJt 
as  ’'to  say”,  we  should  read,  "The  son  of  Tsu  Chia  said, 

' My  lamented  younger  brother  was  pure  and  steadfast, 
was  quiet  in  mind,  was  peaceable  and  was  upright’,” 
Such  a renderings  liowever,  requires  tlie  character 
scvug,  mulberry,  to  be  taken  as  though  sang,  to  lament, 
had  been  written,  and  this  may  be  thought  an  unjustified 
violence  to  the  text.  But  in  the  first  place,  mug.  to 
lament,  in  its  oldest  variants  was  much  closer  to  the  form 
in  the  present  text  than  its  modern  \'er>sion  would 
suggest,  and  appears  to  have  been  written  Avith  s(fng. 
mulberry,  plus  ivang^  to  die.  Furtlier,  the  two  words 
sang,  mulberry,  and  sang,  to  lament,  are  homophones,  and 
the  constant  interchange  of  homophonous  eluiracters  in  the 


FUNERAL  ELEGIL  AND’  family:  TREE  ONU,  BONE.  1025 

older  bronze  inscriptions  is  well  known  to  tlie  native 
writers  on  tliese  subjects,  and  explains  the  need  felt  Iw 
the  earlier  Chinese  schoolmen  for  constituting  a special 
class,  the  Chia  Ohieh,  or  borrowed  characters,  to  admit 
them  among  the  traditional  Six  Scripts.  We  need,  then, 
have  little  hesitation  in  adopting  the  proposed  reading. 

The  unknown  character  standing  third  from  the  end  of 
the  paragraph  is  also  noticed  in  Lo  Chen-yli’s  recent  book 
quoted  above,  where  he  cites  on  p.  9 a similar  form 
from  a bronze.  This  latter  example  is  also  quoted  by 
Wu  Ta-ch’eng  in  his  Shuo  Wen  Ku  Chou  Pu,  among 
the  unknown  forms  of  his  Additional  Section,  j).  20,  with 
the  remark  that  he  suspects  it  to  be  two  characters,  not 
one.  In  this  he  is  mistaken,  as  the  alignment  of  the 
paragraph  into  four  columns  of  three  characters  each 
clearly  shows. 

But  these  details  are  of  less  interest  than  the  question 
raised  by  the  first  and  second  characters  on  the  pin.  The 
words  Tsio  chia,  or  Ancestor  Chia,  are,  in  the  first  place, 
a mode  of  designating  an  individual  ancestor  as  one  of  an 
ordinal  series,  and  thereby  avoiding  the  mention  of  his 
tabooed  personal  name.  Tsn  chia  ib  thus  as  much  as  to 
say  “ Ancestor  First  ” or  /'  Ancestor  A”.  This  practice  is 
constant  on  bronzes,  where  we  find  the  members  of  the 
series  of  the  Ten  Stems  coupled  not  only  with  the  word 
Anccvstor,  but  equally  with  Fu,  father,  and  ifu,  mother. 
vSo  far,  then,  we  might  regard  the  Ancestor  Chia  of  our 
bone  as  a term  applicable  to  an  indefinite  number  of 
individuals.  But  the  matter  is  complicated  by  the  fact 
that  the  historical  titles  of  five  of  the  sovereigns  of  the 
Shang  Dynasty  are  composed  of  just  such  combinations  of 
the  word  Ancestor  with  one  of  the  Ten  Stems.  Thus  we 
find  Ts^i  I,  Tsib  Hsin,  Tsu  Ting,  Tsii  King,  and  Tsii  Chia, 
the  last  ruling  from  B.c.  1258  to  1225. 

The  Chinese  authors  Liu  T’ieh-ylin  and  Lo  Chen-yii 
are  convinced  that  such  couplets,  as  well  as  others  of 

66 


JRAS.  1912. 


102(5  FUNERAL  ELEGY  AND  FAMILY  TREE  ON  BONE 


a similar  kind,  when  occurring  on  tliese  bones  refer  to 
the  Shang  Dynasty  sovereigns  bearing  such  designations, 
and  their  view  is  approved  by  M.  Cliavannes.  For  my 
own  part,  I do  not  yet  feel  assured  of  the  correctness 
of  this  conclusion.  But  assuming  its  accuracj^  this  bone 
must  be  of  much  liistorical  interest  as  a relic  recording 
the  funeral  elegy,  and  apparently  the  family  pedigree  of 
a younger  son  of  the  Shang  Dynasty  ruler,  Tsu  Chia. 

But  our  fragment  has  another  claim  upon  the  attention 
of  students  of  Chinese  antiquit}?',  inasmuch  as  it  appears 
to  furnish  what  must  be  the  earliest  extant  example  of 
a lei,  or  '‘funeral  eulogy”,  of  which,  as  De  Groot 
shows,  the  modern  representative  is  tlie  mu 

chill  ming.  In  the  last-named  writer’s  great  work,  The 
Religious  System  of  China,  vol.  iii,  pp.  1122  et  seq<|., 
will  be  found  a full  account  of  the  “ funeral  eulogies  in 
ancient  China”,  from  which  I transcribe  the  following: 
" Placing  eulogistic  biographies,  engraved  in  stone,  in 
the  graves  of  the  dead  is  by  no  means  a custom  of 
modern  times.  The  common  opinion  in  Chijia,  apparentl 
well-founded  and  supported  by  documentary  evidence,  is 
that  it  dates  from  high  antiquity,  being  based  upon  a 
usage,  frequently  mentioned  in  the  Classics,  of  making 
eulogies  to  glorify  the  dead.”  Again,  on  tlie  same  jiage, 
De  Groot  writes,  " In  all  the  works  composed  during  the 
reign  of  the  Cheu  dynasty,  funeral  eulogies  are  denoted 
by  the  chamcter  nowadays  pronounced  leL  Like  the 
ming,  or  eulogies  proper,  on  the  present  mo-chimiing, 
they  were  composed  of  a few  lines  only ; and  tlieir 
commendatory  character  apparently  consisted  in  that 
they  expressed  the  profound  grief  felt  by  the  sur\'ivors, 
because  of  the  departure  of  the  defunct.  They  were,  in 
fact,  short  elegiac  encomiums,  eulogistic  death-dii*ges.” 

Once  more,  on  p.  1124,  he  says:  “At  Imperial 
funerals  during  the  Han  dynasty  they  also  served  this 
purpose.  They  were  called  at  that  time  ' elegiac  liamboo 


Inscribed  Bone  Pin  from  Honan  Province^ 


FUNERAL  ELEGY  AND-  FAMILY  TREE  ON  BONE  1027 

ts4\  being  no  doubt  .scratched  or  written 
oil  bamboo,  the  usual  writing  material  of  those  times.” 

Must  we  not  now  recognize  fragments  of  bone  as  the 
cruder  and  more  primitive  predecessors  of  bamboo  and 
stone  burial  records  ? 

3.  The  last  and  longest  legend  is  a genealogy,  pre- 
sumably that  of  the  Royal  line  of  which  the  deceased 
was  a scion,  and  may  be  compared  with  the  similar 
document  published  in  the  April  number  of  Man,  under 
the  title  A Royal  Relic  of  Ancient  China  ”,  by  Mr.  R.  L. 
Hobson  and  myself.  The  text  opens  with  the  two  words 
M.  0?  y w/o  “ The  inquiry  says,”  a rather  puzzling 

phrase  for  the  first  words  of  what  is  a declaratory  state- 
ment of  family  descent.  The  third  character  is  as  yet 
unfortunately  doubtful,  though  it  is  just  possible  it  may 
be  hsing,  to  begin,  to  raise.  Very  few  of  the  personal 
names  forming  the  last  character  of  one  line  and  the  first 
of  the  next,  can  be  assigned  to  their  modern  shapes,  and 
I have  therefore  used  letters  of  the  alphabet  to  represent 
them  in  the  English  rendering  that  follows  the  modern 
text  given  below,  where  their  places  are  taken  by  asterisks. 

M.  3 il  B ^ ^ 0 * * El  ^ ^ 

EU  ^ Ef  # # ^ El  ^ ^ Ef  ^ ^ El  ^ ^ 
Ei  ^ ^ El  * ^ ^ Ei  El  ^ El 

“ The  inquiry  says  ^ the  first  removal  the  ancestor  was 
named  A,  A's  son  was  named  B,  Bis  son  was  named  C, 
C’s  son  was  named  D,  D’s  son  was  named  Mei,  Meils 
younger  brother  was  named  E,  FA  [sic]  son  was  named  G, 
G’s  son  w^as  named  H,  HA  son  was  named  I,  lA  son  was 
named  J,  J’s  younger  brother  was  named*  K,  KA  son 
was  named  L,  LA  son  was  named  M.” 

The  third  character  of  the  second  column  of  the  original 
inscription  is  an  interesting  one,  and  has  escaped  Lo 
Chmi-yus  deciphering  eye.  It  is  fairly  frequent  on  the 
bones  with  slight  variations,  in  which  the  upper  right- 
hand  element  often  appears  to  be  jc  /cuo,  halberd.  But 


1028  FUNERAL  ELEGY  AND  FAMILY  TREE  ON  BONE 


comparison  of  all  the  forms  seems  to  show  tha.t  this 
component  is  an  older  phase  of  i the  reversed  form 
of  sMn,  body,  and  part  of  the  character  Ig,  the 
later  name  of  the  Shang  dynasty.  The  traditional  sense 
of  this  obsolete  word  i is  “to  return'’,  |f,  kuei,  in  whicli 
character  also  the  left-hand  half  is  only  another  variation 
of  this  same  element  -i,  as  appears  plainly  in  the  Bushel] 
Bowl  inscription,  character  No.  486.  Such  a grapliie 
element,  indicating  the  body  turned  round,  would  be  very 
intelligible  in  a compound  figure  formed  to  give  a written 
shape  to  a word  meaning  to  move  or  shift,  which  is  the 
sense  of  h$i,  and  the  remark  applies  equally  to  such 
a character  as  Jcitei,  to  return. 

The  last  character  of  column  4 (and  the  first  of  column  5 ), 
I suspect,  is  clbih,  teeth.  The  last  of  column  6 is  also 
a very  interesting  character.  It  would  seem  to  be  an 
animal  form,  as  to  which  I have  certain  dark  suspicions. 
It  is  noteworthy  for  tlie  unabbreviated  and  minute  cross- 
hatching  of  the  upper  part. 

The  last  cliaracter  of  column  8 suggests  ma,  horse, 
but  the  absence  of  the  usual  three  strokes  on  tlie  neck  for 
the  mane  makes  this  a little  doubtful,  though  Lo  Chen-yll, 
on  p.  7 of  his  pamphlet  above  quoted,  includes  seven 
maneless  forms  among  those  he  attributes  to  raa. 
Column  11  shows  clearly  some  cervine  beast,  but  liornless. 
as  Lo  also  points  out  on  p.  22.  Possiblj-  it  depicts  a hind. 
In  column  12  we  have  another  animal  form  with  a long, 
plain  tail  suggesting  a rat. 

As  already  mentioned,  the  genealogy  may  not  be 
complete. 

Altogether,  I think  it  will  be  agreed  that  this  broken 
shoulder-blade  is  a curious  and  notable  document. 


XXVIII 


A GUNEIFORM  TABLET  EEOIE  BO0HAZ  KEFI  WITH 
DOCKET  m HITTITE  HIEROeLYPHB 

By  THE  REV.  PROFESSOR  A.  H.  SAYCE 

^lONG  tlie  fragmentary  tablets  from  Boghaz  Keni 
which  are  in  my  possession  is  one  with  a docket 
attached  to  it  in  Hittite  hieroglyphs  (No.  I).  It  is  the 
first  evidence  yet  discovered  of  the  contemporaneity  of 
the  hieroglyphs  and  cuneiform,  and  I therefore  give 
a facsimile  of  it  in  spite  of  its  very  fragmentary  nature. 
The  cuneiform  characters  wmre,  as  usual,  impressed  upon 
the  clay  prior  to  its  being  baked  in  the  kiln  ; the  docket 
was  cut  after  the  clay  had  been  baked.  As  will  be  seen, 
the  tablet  is  dated  in  the  reign  of  Arnuwandas,  the  last 
king  of  the  Hittite  empire. 

The  cuneiform  text  reads  as  follows  : — 

No.  I 

...  of  gold  (and)  cedar- wood  ... 

...  2 sheep  made  of  gold  in  front  (jMunis)  . . . 

. . . li  a lion  made  of  gold  ... 

Second  tablet  (which)  I have  compiled  for 
Arnuanda(s)  . . . 

the  Hittite  [king] : the  contents  of  the  treasury. 

The  tablet  was  the  second  of  a series  containing  an 
inventory  of  the  treasures  in  the  royal  palace.  The 
Hittite  words  which  I have  translated  “I  have  compiled’' 
are  ill  qati : ill  is  the  particle  used  elsewhere  before  the 
perfect  tense  of  the  verb,  and  qati  is  found  in  The  Tablet 
from  Yiizcjat,  p.  47  (IM-GID-DA  qati,  “ a tablet  I have 
compiled”),  Rev,  13  (^^  I*  have  compiled  the  muga^b^vas 
(dues)  of  the  goddess  Telibinus  ”),  as  well  as  in  other 
passages  where  it  must  mean  I have  compiled  ”, 
written  ”,  or  ''  registered 


1030 


CUNElFOliM  FBOM  BOGHAZ  KEUI 

The  adjective  ''Hittite”  liere  .appears  as  Khxiti-qi-s. 
“ Contents  ” is  tlie  borrowed  Assyrian  u-nu-ut.  The 
word  for  ''  Treasuiy  ” is  written  E-TAG-AB,  but  AB  must 
be  intended  for  the  similarly  formed  DUB  of  the  preceding 
line,  TAG-DUB  being  seal " The  House  of  the  Seal  ’’ 
or  " Sealing ’’ will  be  the  Ti*easury. 

The  hieroglyphic  docket  would  have  been  added  by  the 
Treasurer  or  other  official  who  was  responsible  for  the 
safe  keeping  of  the  royal  treasures.  He  has  written  it 
after  the  style  of  a Hittite  seal  on  which  the  characters 
are  arranged  in  a circle.  The  first  word  is  represented  by 
the  two  boots,  wliich  the  Hittite  hieroglyphic  inscriptions 
show  to  signify  " in  front  of ’V  before  and  to  have  the 
phonetic  value  of  miumi.  The  boar  s head  seems  to  be 
the  same  as  the  boar  s head  with  the  tongue  hanging  out 
which  we  find  on  the  monuments  of  Carchemish,  where 
it  is  the  equivalent  of  kanis,  "minister/'  "vicegerent/' 
Hence  the  docket  would  appear  to  mean  “ presented  to 
the  (royal)  official". 

I add  here  some  more  fragments  in  my  possession  whicli 
were  found  along  with  No.  1. 

No.  II 

1.  . . . za-ki-wa-an  ba-akh-khi 


2.  . . . LUGAL  an-'da-an  u-it 

. . . the  Idng  them  (?)  delivers 

3.  . . . SAL  LUGAL  a-na  AN  X 

. . . the  queen  to  the  god  Hadad  {and) 
AN  Khe-be 
the  god  Khebe 

4.  . . . DIN-ya  ne-bi-is 

. . . my  (?)  life  ... 

T).  . . . TIR-MES  an-na-za-gan 

. . . forests  then{l) 


CCXEIFORM  TABLET  FROM  BOGHAZ  KEUl  1031 


6-  . . . GA  YII  LU  Kl-ya 

. . . a milk-houi  (and)  7 sheep  aloruj  v^ith  me 

7.  . . . AN  Khe-be  I GA  VII  LU 

• ■ • \fd]  the  god  Khehe  1 milk-howl  (anel)  7 sheeg 

AM- SI 

8.  . . . AN  UT  AN-E  bi-ikli-kln* 

. . . the  Sun-god  of  heaven  ... 

For  nit,  which  occurs  in  tlie  Arzawan  tablet,  see 
JRAS.,  1909,  p.  977.  The  god  Khebe  is  the  Kheba  of 
the  name  of  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  Ebed-Kheba,  in  tlie 
Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  ; in  the  Mitannian  name  Tadu-kliipa 
it  appears  with  p for  h. 

Nehis  in  L 4 is  a participle  in  the  nominative.  Gan  in 
1.  5 may  be  the  ideograph  of  ‘"garden”.  Tlie  vocalic 
difference  between  hakhkhi  and  hikhkhi  is  interesting. 
Both  words  appear  to  be  imperatives,  but  thej'  may  be  in 
the  1st  pei'son  singular  of  the  past  tense.  In  the  second 
Arzawan  tablet  Labbaya  writes — 

nu-san  kha-an-da-an  am-me-el  QAR-TAB-ya 
To  him  the  head  (?)  like  a groom 

sa-an-klii-is  tu-si  iia-ta  u-ul  im-ma 

inclining  (?)  I lowered  (?) ; thereupon  verily  oioiv  (?) 

bi-ikli-khi  bi-ikh-khi-it-ta 
thy  , 

The  word  possibly  means  “to  pay  a due”.  We  find 
SAG-DU-an-da  in  one  of  the  Liverpool  tablets  ; hence 
kJutnda  may  signify  “head”. 

The  participle  sankhis  occui's  in  Yuzgat,  Ohv.  21-5, 
where  we  read — 

21.  AN  IM-as  AN  UT-i  bi4-e-it  i-id-din-wa 
Sandes  to  the  Sun-god  a temple  has  given,  and 
AN  UT-un  u-wa-te-it  . . . 
the  Sun-god  has  addressed  . . . 


1032  CUNEIFORM  TABLET  FROM  BOGHAZ  KEUI 


22.  pa-a-ir  AN  UT-un  sa-an-khi-es  BIT-zi 

. . . the  Siin-god  hringing-doiDn  to  the  temple : 
na-an  u-ul  u-e-mi-ya  ... 

''  It  verily  I have  prepared  ( ?)  . . 

23.  AN  IM~sa  te-iz-zi  nu-wa-ra-an  ku-it 

To  Sandes  tvooxls  answer  he  has  made  : 
klia-an-da  ii-ul  ii-e-ini-ya  . . . 

"The  head  {i,e.  myself)  verily  I have  made  ready  . . . 

24.  . . . ”8a-wa  am-me-el  tu-e-io:-o’a“as  mi-o-es 

o o 

in  idace  of  the  . . . my  . , . s 

■ a-a-an-ta  ■ . .. . ..  ■ . 


25.  . . . -sa-wa  kii-wa-bi  kliur-ak-ta  nii 
in  axldition  to  the  . ...  for 

AN  Za-ma-ma-an  bi-i-e-it  . . . 

the  god  Zamama  a temple  [I  have  giveii]! 

A comparison  of  passages  in  which  the  words  are 
found  has  made  it  plain  that  hnieali  signifies  ‘Anore’\ 
in  addition  to  ”,  and  ammel  or  aonmella  " in  place  of  ”, 
''  like  ”.  Thus  in  the  first  Arzawa  letter  we  have : 
(19)  AMEL  khad'ii-ga4al4a-at-ti-in  am-me-el4a.  AMEL 
kha4ii-ga4al4a-an  EGIR-|)a  hhat-ra-a  Jchn-u-da-ak, 
“like  thy  messenger,  the  messenger  (who  has  come), 
after  the  former  one  dismiss.” 

No.  Ill 

1.  ka-kha-a-an  ya-akh-tu-ul  . . , 

2.  ak-kha-a-an  IS-KUR-llA  taq-qa  . 

3.  ak-kha-a-an  ka-a-an  li-[kU“Ut]  . . . 

4.  u taq-qa  in-ta-a  ta  . . , 

5.  li-ku-u-ut  kha-li-is  kha-a  . . . 

6.  ta-ba-ar-na  li-ku-ut  . . . 


7.  GAZ-ku  ku-wa-bi  da-a-i  . . . 

8.  [PJASSUR  da-a  I . . . 

9.  ...  ma  (?)  a-na  AN  U , . 


CUNEIFORM  TABLET  FROM  BOGFIAZ  KEUI  1033 


In  1.  2 IS-KUR-RA  would  signify  “ dust  of  tlie 
mountain Taqqa  is  probably  an  adverb. 

In  11.  3,  5,  6 likut  seems  to  be  the  3rd  pers.  sing, 
of  a verb. 

In  1.  6 tahwrna  is  a word  met  with  in  tlie  tablets, 
published  by  Winekler,  for  which  Messersehmidt  has 
suggested  the  signification  of  ''edict”. 

Line  7 reads  “ in  addition  to  the  sacrifice  I have  set  . . 
The  suffix  Im  could  also  be  read  ma  or  even  bcL 

Lines  8 and  9 are  "Place  a bronze  dish”,  "'to  the  god 
Hadad”. 

COLOPHOX 

L DUB  I-kani  qa-ti  ma-a-an 

IVie  first  tablet  I have  coiiipUed  (of  the  series)  : This 
■ ■ zi(?)  . . .■ 

2.  DAN-GA  te-it-khi-es  ki  ... 

the  mighty  one  . . . ing  . . . 

3.  nu  AMEL  AN  U SAL-MES  AN  i-ya  . . . 
for  the  man  of  the  god  and  tlie  ivomen  of  the  god  7 . . . 

No.  IV 

[wa-]akh-khu  tag-ga  . . . 
wa-akh-khu  tag-ga  ... 


GUD  QAR-QAR 
A labouring  (?)  ox 
- QAR-QAE, 
the  ivork  (?) 

AN-KAL 

of  the  colossus-hull. 

AVhat  the  meaning  of  the  final  note  may  be  I must 
leave  to  others  to  discover.  QAR-QAR  probably  denotes 
skilled  labour  or  something  of  the  sort ; thus  in  a fragment 
in  my  possession  we  have:  AMEL  QAR-QAR  SAM  du- 
luj-ga  mi  me-mi-i  AMEL-MES  PASSUR  PASSUR-MES 


1034  CITNEIBX:)RM  TABLET  FROM  BOGHAZ  KEUI 


m-ra-a  na-an  ta<h~ha-ci-\jcm'\  na-hha-at,  ''  The  artisan 
tlie  price  in  return  to  the  servant  of  the  bowl-niakei's. 
on  account  of  the  bowls/  tlm  idled  pa^’-s.”  The  verl) 
naleka  is  found  in  Yuzgat,  Rev.  5,  in  ovileha-ddaJehJeJniv.. 
a compound  of  omMia  mid  da,  ''  to  set,”  with  the  causatis’-e 
suffix, '' they  have  made  to  pay/'* 

Since  the  publication  of  some  of  my  tablets  in  this 
Journal  they  have  been  cleaned,  with  the  result  tliai 
certain  corrections  must  be  made  in  the  copj^  of  the  text 
published  in  JE AS.,  October,  1908,  pp.  994-5.  I transcril.)e 
the  characters  into  their  ordinaiy  Assyrian  forms. 

Obverse 

3.  . . ; • • • 

{ . . , -wa-ale-siLT  ni-ma  I wa-ak-sur  ni-[ma'] ; perhaps 

oii  is  used  ideographicalljO- 

4.  II  >^II  {la<i4e}ia-ni-is). 

6.  The  eleventh  character  is  oncdeli  : read  I GUI) 
MAKH,  ''one  fine  ox/’ 

8.  The  name  of  the  god  is  written  which  I cannot 

identify,  unless  it  is  intended  for  Then  follows 

banda. 

9.  After  "men”  is  "Syf  >->-] 

is-sa-an). 

12.  After  " wnne,”  is  ’gy  . . . {met  . . . na-iw). 

14.  The  line  begins  ^ ^ {Jeh  'a- 

lo-i-sa-u-iva-az).  Then  comes  sii-iin~na<in-zi, 

18.  There  is  a space  both  before  and  after  hi-ra-au, 
" a bowl.”  At  the  end  of  the  line  ^ is  now  visible 

19.  The  line  begins  >^I1[  ^I  >->-]  {lehit-n-ma-frif- 
cZa,  " much  ”). 

24.  The  fourth  ehanreter  is  ^ ; " This  temple  Indju-e 
(2>an)  . . ' 

Reverse 

4.  Dm  after  ima  is  right.  The  next  character  may 
be  eitlier  si  or  sak. 


CUXEIFORM  TABLET  FROM  BOGHAZ  KEF  I 


1035 


8.  I have  accidentally  omitted  zi  in  my  copy 

between  TgJ  sheep”  and  ya.  Hence  the  words 
will  be  ab-bi-iz-zi  LJJ-zi-ya,  ''  to  tlie  father  of  the 
sheep  (?).” 

9.  After  the  name  of  the  god  Al-khi-su-wa  we  should 
read  | (mt  LXX)  ; then  comes  a character  whicli 
may  be  either  m or  ia  followed  by  GIS-RA  and  two 
characters  whicli  are  more  probably  H than  pi 

12.  Perhaps  the  first  character  is  (X)  rather  than  f (I). 

15.  The  last  two  chai^acters  are  doubtful. 

17.  Read  ^ ^ ^ --H 

( . . KAS-ZUN kA.  . t,  beer 
for  the  old  (?)  temple  ”). 

18.  The  seventh  and  eighth  characters  are 

Hence  the  reading  is  e-iz-za-az-zi,  which  appears  to  be 
the  phonetic  equivalent  of  -az-zi  in.  the  preceding  line. 

20.  The  first  characters  visible  are  •^y^^  ^ ^5=  ^y 
u-i-ba). 

In  tablet  No,  7,  p.  979  of  the  same  number  of  the 
Journal,  the  following  corrections  are  also  required  : — 

1.  The  last  character  is  more  probably  GAN,  “garden,” 
than  BIT,  “house.” 

2.  The  first  character  is  written  ]mk4e,  but  is  doubtless 
intended  for  m.  After  ma-as  we  should  read  su-iLb-bi^es. 

3.  The  first  character  is  din. 

4.  The  first  character  is  mar. 

5.  The  first  character  is  ^y^-  (lua). 

7.  This  line  should  be  . . . • • • ’Ey 

^>-y  ^ >->-y  (li~ya^zi  . . . ma-an-za-an). 

No.  9,  p.  980 — 

In  1.  5 the  last  characters  must  be  read  kitrun  se-ir, 
“ sweet  wine,”  sSr  being  the  Assyrian  sSms  and  Hebrew 
tArosh.  The  word  will  have  a Hittite  origin.  So  in  Yuzgat, 
Rev.  31,  we  find  se-er-ra-as-sa-an  IM-ZU,  “ a jar  ” 
“cup  of  sweet  wine  See  also  JRAS,,  1909,  p.  967. 


or 


1036  CUNEIFOKM  TABLET  FEOM  BOGHAZ  KEUI 


In  1.  '7  read  scKin-khir,  as  in  JRAS.,  1909,  p.  971. 
Sa-an~khi-is  must  be  read  in  ].  11  below. 

In  ].  8 tliere  is  no  space  between  is  and  sa. 

In  1.  12  there  are  traces  of  i before  ya-an-zcL 
In  11.  13  and  15  the  character  which  follows  PASSU.R 
is  DUB,  tablet/'  not  URUDU,  “ copper.”  Hence  the 
ideographs  signify  in  both  cases  “ a dish-plate  ” or 
saucer”. 

In  the  fragments  of  lines  in  the  second  column  of  this 
tablet  1,  3 should  be  mb  din  ; 1.  4,  AMEL  ZAB,  ‘‘soldier”; 
11.  8 and  9,  AN  (il)di~mu  and  I.  11,  a-ne-ya. 

There  is  a line  denoting  the  end  of  a paragraph  between 
IL  5 and  6,  and  between  11.  6 and  7 I have  inadvertently 
omitted  a line  beginning  na-at,  “ these.” 


No.  I 


IE 


CLXEIFORM  TABLET  PROM  BOGHAZ  KEUI 

No.  II 

siffi 

W Id®  -<M  '^} 


T ^ ^ ^53 


No.  Ill 


n<  rf  — r 

\H  r?  's=2n  H” 

■fH  'n  rH>f  tm 


n H -m  ^■'T  }K  ^<E:s=y  ^ri  fK  \} 
! tny  <?->^?<?  ^ :3  ^ 


1038  CUNEIFORM  TABLET  FROM  BOGHAZ  IvECI 


Reverse 

^ r ^ H ’>i<  It  ^ 

?:rff  ^ 

^ ^ ^ ^ BVi 

No.  IV 


MISCELLA.NEOUS  OOMMIJl^ICATIO  NS 


The  Use  of  the  PLANETAEy  Names  of  the  Days  of 
THE  Week  IN  India 

During  recent  years  in ncli  has  been  written  about  the 
history  of  the  seven-days  week,  with  the  planetary  names 
ol  the  days,  in  various  countries.  But  the  matter  has- 
been  neglected  as  regards  India;  and  there  are  still  some 
points  to  be  worked  but  in  the  general  line.  My  present 
remarks  are  oflered  as  a preliminary  sketch  in  respect  of 
India  and  its  connections  : they  will  be  useful  for  some 
other  inquiries  also. 

At  some  time  not  long  before  a.d.  400,  the  Hindus 
received  the  Greek  astronomy,  including  the  full  list  of 
the  seven  ' planets  h arranged  in  the  following  order 
according  to  their  distances  from  the  earth,  which  was 
regarded  as  the  centre  of  the  universe  ; the  Moon, 
Mercury,  Venus,  the  Sun,  Mars,  Jupiter,  and  Saturn.^ 
Above  Saturn  the  Hindus  placed  the  stars ; following  the 
Greeks  in  this  respect  also,  but  meaning  in  particular  the 
nakshatras  or  so-called  lunar  mansions  and  the  signs  of 
the  solar  zodiac. 

The  Hindus  received  from  the  westeim  world  not  only 
astronomy  but  also  astrology.  It  was,  in  fact,  for  the 
sake  of  the  astrology  that  they  took  up  the  astronomy.'^ 
In  the  frequent  intercourse  between  India  and  the  West 
from  the  time  of  Ohandragupta  onwards,  the  Hindus  had 
many  early  opportunities  of  learning  the  Greek  astronomy. 
But  it  did  not  interest  them  in  that  period;  they  had  their 

I use  the  term  planet,  unless  the  context  shows  anything  to  the 
contrary,  in  the  sense  in  which  it  was  used  by  the  ancients  ; namely,  as 
denoting  the  sun  and  the  moon,  as  well  as  the  five  planets,  properly  so 
called,  which  were  known  to  them. 

- I am  stating  a new  view  here,  I think  : but  I feel  sure  that  anyone 
who  will  weigh  it  will  acknowledge  the  correctness  of  it  and  its  results. 


1040  THE  USE  OF  THE  PLANETARY  WEEK  IN  INDIA 

own  astronomy,  as  taught,  for  instance,  in  the  Jyotisha- 
Yedaii^a,  and  were  satisfied  with  it.  What  attracted  them 
eventually  was  the  Greek  astrology : and  they  took  over 
the  astronomy  as  a necessary  adjunct,  giving  the  011I3’' 
means  for  determining  the  astrological  details  with 
accuracy.  Afterwards,  indeed,  they  fully  appreciated  the 
Greek  astronomy,  and  went  far  in  their  cultivation  of  it. 
But  they  did  so  always  "with  a view  to  the  purposes  of 
astrology,  quite  as  much  as  to  the  better  regulation  of  the 
lunar  calendar  which  governed  their  general  rites  and 
ceremonies  and  the  details  of  their  religious  and  private 
life.  And  it  was  the  astrology  that  led  them  to  take  up 
the  astronomy. 

Now,  the  Hindu  astrology  lias  long  been  recognized  as 
being  the  astrology  of  the  Latin  writer  Firmicus  Maternus 
and  the  Greek  writer  Paulus  Alexandrinus.  Firmicus 
Maternus  wrote  his  Matheseos  Libri  viii  between  A.D.  334 
and  350 : and  we  may  remark  that  he  seems  to  liave  been 
the  first  noteworthy  writer  on  astrology,  if  not  actually 
the  first  of  all,  in  Latin.^  Paulus  Alexandrinus  wrote  his 
Eiaaycoyi]  etk  r^v  diroTekeafiaTiKYjv  in  A.D.  378.  And  it  is 
in  these  circumstances  that  we  hold  that  it  was  not 
long  before  A.D.  400  that  the  Hindiis  took  up  the  Greek 
astronomy.- 

As  a part  of  the  astrologj?^  wliich  they  then  acijuired, 
the  Hindus  received  the  idea  according  to  which  the 
planets  were  treated  as  lords  of  the  twenty-four  liours 

^ Bouche-Leclercq  has  said  : — ^‘Son  bufc  aete,  dit-il,  do  eomUler  duns 
la  litterature  latine  la  seule  lacune  qui  y existat  encore  : *’  L‘ A,4ri)!(njh 
Grecqne^  introd.,  p.  14. 

I do  not  overlook  the  point  that  the  five  planets  properly  so  culled 
are  mentioned  (in  no  definite  order  : Venns,  Jupiter,  Saturn,  Alereury. 
Mars)  towards  the  end  of  the  Sardnlakarnavaduna,  which  was  trunsUa  ed 
into  Chinese  in  the  third  century  : .see  the  Divyrivadana,  ed.  Cowell  and 
Neil,  p.  642,  line  15.  The  editors,  however,  felt  doubtful  (p.  055)  as  to 
the  date  of  some  of  the  later  parts  of  this  writing  : and  M.  Bylvaiu  Levi 
tells  me  that  this  reference  to  the  planets  is  not  in  the  corresponding 
place  in  the  Chinese  version. 


THE  USE  OF  THE  PLANETARY  WEEK  IX  INDIA  1041 


of  the  day  and  of  the  seven  days  of  the  week.  In  the 
Hindu  books  the  rule  in  this  matter  is  first  found,  so  far, 
in  the  work  of  the  astronomer  Aryabliata,  written  in  or 
soon  after  a.d.  499,  where  it  is  given  in  the  Kalakriya- 
pada,  verses  15,  16,  in,  the  form  of  a very  concise  alistract 
of  the  rule  as  explained  fully  by  Pauliis  Alexandrinus.^ 
The  rule  takes  the  planets  for  this  purpose  in  the 
descending  order, — Saturn,  Jupiter,  Mars,  tlie  Sun,  Yeiius, 
Mercury,  the  Moon;  beginning  with  Saturn  as  the  highest, 
the  farthest  from  the  earth.  The  first  result  was  that, 
Saturn  being  taken  as  the  lord  of  the  first  hour  of  a day 
and  of  the  eighth,  fifteenth,  and  twenty -second  hours  of  it, 
the  lordship  of  the  twenty -fifth  hour,  that  is,  of  the  first 
Imur  of  the  next  day,  fell  to  the  Sun ; in  the  same  way, 
counting  on  from  the  Sun,  the  lordship  of  the  first  hour  of 
the  next  day  after  that  fell  to  the  Moon  ; and  so  on 
tlnough  the  list  and  back  to  Saturn  at  the  beginning  of 
tlie  eighth  day.  As  a second  step,  the  planet  which  was 
the  lord  of  the  first  hour  of  a day  was  taken  as  the  chief 
lord  of  the  whole  of  that  day,  with  the  other  planets 
retaining  under  him  the  successive  lordship  of  those  hours 
of  the  day  which  did  not  belong,  with  the  first  hour, 
specially  to  him.  This  produced  the  following  order  of 
the  planets  as  lords  of  the  days;  Saturn,  the  Sun,  the 
Moon,  Mars,  Mercury,  Jupiter,  Venus.  And  this  set  up 
what  may  be  regarded  as  an  astrological  week,  beginning 
with  the  day  of  Saturn. 

It  was  not  such  a week,  however,  which  became  the 
practical  calendrical  week.  In  circumstances  which  are 
not  clear,  the  day  of  Saturn  was  identified,  whether  by 
intention  or  by  chance,^  with  the  Jewish  Sabbath,  which, 
was  the  last  day  of  the  seven-days  period  to  the  use  of 

^ The  rule  is  not  in  the  work  of  Firmiciis  Matenms,  I think  : at  any 
rate,  I have  not  been  able  to  find  it  there. 

- There  is,  of  course,  nothing  in  nature  to  connect  any  particular 
planet  with  any  particular  day. 

JRAS.  1912. 


67 


1042  THE  USE  OF  THE  PLANETARY  WEEK  IN  INDIA 

wliicli  tlie  Jews  had  long  been  accustomed  : and  so  the 
day  of  tlie  Sun  was  identified  with  the  first  day  of  the 
same  seven-days  period.  The  Jews,  indeed,  did  not  adopt 
the  planetary  names  of  the  days,  but  continued  to  treat 
the  days  as  the  first  the  second  ”,  and  so  on,  up  to 
the  “Sabbath”.  Nor,  apparently,  did  the  pagan  Greeks 
accept  the  planets-  lordship  of  the  days  for  any  purposes 
except  those  of  astrology.  But  the  planetary  names  <.>f 
the  days  were  taken  up  as  a detail  of  the  calendar  in  tlie 
Roman  world,  by  both  pagans  and  Christians : and  we 
learn  from  a well-known  statement  by  Dio  Cassius  tluit 
this  calendrical  use  of  tlie  planetaiy  names  liad  become 
general  in  the  Roman  world  by  the  time  when  lie  wrote, 
in  or  soon  after  a.d.  230  ; but  also  that  it  had  only 
recently  become  so.  There  was  thus  introduced  the 
calendrical  week  as  we  have  it  now;  beginning  with 
the  day  of  the  Sun,  identified  with  the  great  day  of  the 
Christians,  the  Lord  s-day,  and  ending  with  tlie  day  of 
Saturn,  identified  with  the  Sabbath  of  tlie  Jews.  And 
the  use  of  it  was  confirmed  by  official  sanction  in  A. I).  321, 
when  the  Christian  emperor  Constantine  issued  an  edict 
declaring  that  “ the  venerable  day  of  the  Sun  ” should  be 
observed  as  a general  day  of  rest ; whereby  the  seven-days 
planetary  week  became  definitely  substituted  for  the 
nundinal  eight-days  week  of  the  Romans,  in  which  eveiy 
eighth  day  was  a market-day  on  which  the  country  people 
went  into  the  city  to  sell  their  produce,  make  their  own 
purchases,  and  attend  to  public  and  religious  affairs. 

The  Hindus  took  over,  not  an  astrological  week 
beginning  with  the  day  of  Saturn,  but  this  same  Jewish- 
Christian  calendrical  week  beginning  with  Siindav, — 
Jewish  inasmuch  as  its  first  day  was  the  first  day  of 
the  Jewish  week,  and  Christian  inasmuch  as  it  had  tlm 
planetary  names  of  the  days.  Tliis  is  plain  from  tlie 
simple  point,  even  if  in  no  other  way,  that  the  established 
Hindu  astrological  order  of  the  planets  is  the  weekday 


THE  USE  OF  THE  PLANETARY  WEEK  IN  INDiA  i 04S 


order,  beginning  witli  the  Sund  Thus,  Varahaniiliini  (died 
A.D.  587)  has  taken  the  planets  in  this  order, — Sun,  ]\Foon, 
Mars,  Mercury,  Jupiter,  Venus,  Saturn, — in  his  Brihat- 
Saihhita,  not  only  in  chap,  104/103,  verses  GI-3,  wlncli 
teach  ^Yhat  acts  may  be  done  on  the  day  of  eacli  of  the 
planets,  but  also  in  chapters  3,  4,  and  0-10,  whicli  treat 
oi:  theii*  courses  from  the  astrological  point  of  view,-  and 
ill  verses  1-34/33  of  chap.  16,  which  state  the  countries, 
places,  peoples,  and  things  belonging  to  the  doniain  of 
each  planet,  and  again  in  chap.  104/103,  verses  5-45, 
which  deal  with  the  general  influences  of  the  planets. 

For  the  history  of  the  practical  use  of  this  ealendrical 
week  with  the  planetary  names  of  the  days  in  India,  we 
turn  to  the  inscriptions,  which  are  our  leading  guide  in 
so  many  matters,  and  are  in  fact  our  only  guide  in  this 
one.'^  From  a certain  time  onwards,  we  find  an  almost 
invariable  use  of  these  names  : from  that  time  there  are 
but  few  inscriptions,  dated  at  all,  which  do  not  include 

^ Tliere  is  also  the  point  that  a name  of  Sunday  is  Adivfira,  ‘ the 
begin ning-day  ’ : but  this  might  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  according 
to  the  school  to  which  Brahmagupta  belonged  creation  began  on  a Sunday. 
There  is  here,  by  the  way,  a curious  agreement  with  the  Biblical 
position  : but  it  is  only  a coincidence,  due  to  the  number  of  days  assigned 
by  Brahmagupta  to  the  Ivalpa  (that  is,  due  to  the  exact  length  of  the 
solar  year  taken  by  him)  and  applied  to  the  cardinal  point  of  Friday?', 
18  February,  b,c.  3102,  as  the  beginning  of  the  present  Kali  age. 

- Chapter  o deals  with  Bahu,  the  ascending  node,  between  the  Moon 
and  Mars. 

" Literature  does  not  help  ; as,  indeed,  might  perhaps  he  expected. 
The  planetary  names  of  the  days  ”vvere  used  occasionally  in  the  astro- 
nomical writings  from  a.d.  499  onwards:  as,  for  instance,  when 
Aryabhata  mentions  “ the  Bhtota  Thursday”,  the  day  which  preceded 
the  beginning  of  the  present  Kali  age  (see  this  Journal,  1911.  678),  and 
says  that  the  revolutions  of  the  sun  and  the  other  basic  elements  are  to  be 
counted  from  sunrise  on  a Wednesday  at  Lanka  ; and  when  Brahmagupta 
tells  us  that  the  process  of  creation  began  on  a Sunday.  They  are  also 
found  in  theYishuusmriti,  chap.  78  : SBE,  7.  242.  They  are  mentioned, 
in  at  least  some  of  the  Puranas,  Mention  is  made  of  Wednesday  in 
the  Vaikhanasa-Sutra  (see  Mucdonell,  SansJcrit  Literature,  p.  262).  And 
occasional  references  to  the  names  might  perhaps  be  found  in  other 
legal  and  technical  works..  But  such  instances,  except  those  in  the 


1044  THE  USE  OF  THE  PLA.NETARY  WEEK  IN  INDIA 


this  item  in  their  dates ; and  we  can  see,  thus  and  in 
other  ways,  that  the  use  of  the  names  of  the  days  became 
far  more  general  in  India  in  formal  matters  (for  the  full 
dating  of  proclamations,  grants,  deeds,  certiticates,  etc.), 
as  in  fact  it  is  even  now,  than  in  any  western  land.  Foi* 
earlier  times,  however,  the  case  is  very  different.  Here 
we  tind  the  position  to  be  as  follows  : — 

The  earliest  known  genuine  instance  of  the  use  of  the 
planetary  name  of  a day  in  India  and  its  neiglil)ourhood 
dates  from  A.D.  484,  and  is  found  in  tlie  Eran  inscription 
of  Budhagupta  from  the  Saugor  District,  Central  India,'^ 
wdiich  is  dated  in  the  (Gupta)  year  165,  on  the  twelfth 
titld  or  lunar  daj^  of  the  bright  fortnight  of  Ashadha, 
and  Suraguror  of  (Brihaspati,  Guru, 

Jupiter)  the  Preceptor  of  the  gods  '’ : the  exact  equivalent 
is  Thursday,  21  June,  A.D.  484,  The  next  such  instance 
from  India  itself  is  of  A.D.  664,  and  is  found  in  a coppei-plate 
charter  of  the  Eastern  Chalukya  king  Vi8hnin’'ardhana  II 
from  the  Nellore  District,  Madras.-  But  we  have  two 
intermediate  instances,  one  dating  from  just  before  A.D.  5T(S. 

astronomical  books,  are  not  dated  ones  : and  though  there  is  a,  chance 
that  early  dated  manuscripts  might  yield  some  instances  likely  to  be  of 
use  to  us,  this  source  of  information  still  remains  to  be  explored. 

From  general  literature,  — the  drama,  the  hlri/a,  the  prose  stories, 
and  so  on, — there  is  forthcoming,  I Vjelieve,  only  one  instaiK*e,  otlierwi^e 
than  in  passages  expressly  devoted  to  recording  dates,  as,  e.g.,  in  a 
South-Indian  Prasasti  of  a.d.  897,  and  in  a series  of  dates,  ranging  from 
A.D,  746  onwards,  ^^'h^c]l  are  put  forward  as  historical  items  in  the 
Prabandhachintamani  (written  a.d.  1305).  And  this  instance,  also,  is 
not  a dated  one.  Still,  it  seems  worthy  of  a special  comment,  for  w Inch 
I refer  to  p.  1045  below. 

^ Fleet,  (Jiipia  Inscrlplhns^  p.  89:  Kielhorn,  List  of  the  InscripUtms 
of  Northern  India,  Epi.  IncLy  vol.  5,  appendix,  No.  454.  We  shall  not 
be  surprised  if  we  should  obtain  hereafter  evidence  carrying  back  the 
use  of  the  names  of  the  days  to  an  earlier  date  than  this  ; indeed,  to  any 
time  about,  say,  a.d.  375-400.  But  there  we  sliall  stop  ; for  the  simple 
reason  that  it  was  as  part  and  parcel  of  the  <lreek  astrology  that  the 
Hindus  received  the  idea  of  the  planets  as  name-givers  to  the  days. 

- Kielhorn,  List  of  the  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India,  Epi,  Jad,, 
Yol.  7,  appendix.  No.  550. 


THE  USE  OF  THE  PLANETARY  WEEK  IN  INDIA  1 045 

the  othei*  of  A.D.  658,  from  Champa,  in  Cochin-China4 
After  that,  downi  to  A.D.  800,  we  can  coiiiit  from  the 
inscri]3tional  records  perhaps  ten  otlier  instances,  corn i no* 
in  almost  equal  numbers  (1)  from  various  parts  of  India, 
and  (2)  from  tire  Indian  settlements  in  Java,  Champa,  and 
Cambodia.  And  these  cases  suffice  to  show  that  tlie 
assignment  of  the  days  to  the  planets  wars  well  enoiigli 
known,  by  the  end  of  the  eighth  century,  in  widely 
distant  localities.  But  the  number  of  instances  is  very 
sn  1 al  1 in  comparison  with  the  total  niim her  of  records 
down  to  the  same  time.  It  is  therefore  plain  that  down 
to  A.D.  800  there  Avas  as  yet  no  habita^^  practice  of  citing 
the  weekday  in  dates  or  for  other  general  purposes.'^ 
And  as  a matter  of  fact,  the  inscriptions  make  it  clear 
that  it  was  not  xmtil  after  A.D.  900  that  the  weekday 
became  at  all  generally  recognized  as  an  habitual  and 
ordinary  item  of  the  Hindu  caleiiclar  r bete^^^  that  time  it 
seems,  though  we  cannot  actually  assert  the  point  as  a 
fact,  to  have  Ireen  used  more  as  an  astrological  detail. 

In  note  8,  p.  1043  above,  I have  said  that  there  is 
forthcoming,  I believe,  only  one  instance  of  the  use  of  tlie 
name  of  a day  in  general  Indian  literature.  This  instance 
is  not  a dated  one,  and  so  does  not  help  in  our  particular 
inquiry.  Still,  it  has  an  interest  of  its  own. 

It  is  found  in  the  Hitopadesa,  ed.  Johnson,  p.  16, 
line  411,  where  mention  is  made  of  Bhatttoxkavara, 
‘Alie  day  of  the  Great  Lord It  occurs  in  the  story  of 
the  deer,  the  jackal,  and  the  crow : the  deer,  caught  in 

^ Inscriptions  at  Mi-so’n  ; B'nlUtin  de  VEcoU  Franmke  d' Extreme 
Orient,  Yol.  3 (1903),  p.  210,  and  voL  4 (1904),  p.  920  : I am  indebted  to 
AL  (ieorge  C(edes  for  these  two  references. 

- In  corroboration  of  this  position  down  to  at  any  rate  a certain  time, 
we  may  cite  the  point  that  Hiiien-tsiang  found  nothing  to  say  about  this 
detail  in  his  account  of  the  Hindu  astronomy  and  calendar  written  at 
some  time  between  a.d.  630  and  644  (Beal,  Si^yudci,  1.  71-3),  though  it 
is  a feature  which  could  hardly  have  failed  to  attract  his  attention, 
and  to  he  noted  by  him,  if  it  had  been  generally  prevalent  then. 


104(3 


A NOTE  ON  THE  PURANAS 


a hunter’s  snare,  asks  the  jackal  to  gnaw  tlie  snare  and  set 
him  free ; to  which  the  jackal  replies : — “ Snares  are  made 
of  sinews:  therefore,  how  touch  them  witli  my 

teeth  on  this  day  which  is  Bhattarakavara  ? : my  friend  ! , 
think  of  some  other  ineaim  (y)f  escape^ ^ 

Here,  the  term  Bhattarakavara  is  understood  to  mean 
Sunday.  I have  no  desire  to  question  tliat.  But  from 
what  point  of  view  does  it  mean  Sunday?  The  term 
hhafMraka  seems  to  be  used  to  denote  the  Sun  as  a god 
in  an  inscription  of  A.B.  978  (El,  9.  23(3),  which  records  a 
gift  to  “ Adichchan=Umaiyammai  of  Tirukkalayapuram, 
tlie  hhciUdrakar  set  up  by  AdiclK*han=Umaiyainniai  at 
Ayurur.”  But  I know  of  no  evidence  tluit  tlie  word 
was  a special  epithet  or  appellation  of  the  Sun,  any  more 
than  of  any  other  god ; just  as  the  feminine  hJtatfdrikd 
could  be  applied  to  any  goddess.  The  word  means 
'a  venerable  person,  a holy  god,  a great  lord’.  Is  it 
the  case  that  the  term  Bhattarakavara  is  not  a planetary 
name,  but  is  a literal  translation  of  the  Kvpiafci] 
and  Dominica  dies  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  ecclesiastical 
writers  ? The  sanctity  attaching  to  the  Christian  Sunday 
perhaps  lias  also  an  echo,  not  exaetlj"  in  tlie  nature,  but  in 
the  idea  of  the  Adityavara-kalpa,  ' the  ritual  of  the  day  of 
the  Sun’,  which  is  the  topic  of  a sliort  section,  chapter  97, 
of  the  Matsya-Purana. 

J,  F.  Fr.KE'i’. 


A Note  on  the  Pubanas 

On  p.  255  above,  Mr,  Pargiter,  working  on  the  basis  of 
certain  verses  about  the  merit  of  making  grants  of  land 
and  the  sin  of  contisciiting  them  which  are  found  in 
inscriptional  records  of  known  date  ranging  from  A. I).  475 
ouAvards,  has  presented  the  conclusions  (1)  that  the  Padma, 
Brahma,  and  Bhavishy^r  Purainis  existed  long  before  the 
end  of  the  iifth  century  ; and  (2)  that,  as  these  three 
appear  to  be  among  the  latest  in  this  class  of  works,  it 


A NOTE  ON  THE  PUEAXAS 


1047 


seems  reasonably  certain  that  the  Puranas  cannot  ]>e  hiter 
than  the  earliest  centuries  of  the  Christian  era.”  But  we 
arCj  I presume,  not  to  make  an^^  very  comprehensive 
deduction  from  these  conclusions  : there  are  otlier  con- 
siderations which  lead  to  the  result  that,  while  we  may 
accept  such  a position  for  some  parts  of  the  Puranas,  the 
works  as  a whole  must  be  compositions  which  have  come 
down  from  very  unequal  times.  For  instance,  those  of 
the  Puranas  which  give  the  list  of  tlie  kings  of  the  present 
age  mention  the  Guptas  ; and  such  a record  as  this  cannot 
liave  been  made  before  a.d.  320,  when  tlie  Gupta  sway 
began.  Agiiin,  the  Brahman  da  and  the  Vayu  saj"  that  the 
Sakas  ruled  for  380  years  : they  mean  Nahapana,  wlio 
^founded  the  era  beginning  in  A.D.  78,  and  Chashtana  and 
his  descendants,  the  so-called  Western  Kshatrapas,  who 
carried  it  on  long  enough  to  lead  to  its  perpetuation  : and 
this  passage,  accordingly,  must  be  dated  not  earlier  than 
A.D.  458. 

There  are,  however,  other  parts  of  the  Puranas  which 
do  not  reveal  their  earliest  limits  so  openly.  Such  are  the 
astronomical  chapters,  dealing  more  or  less  with  astrology 
also,  in  respect  of  which  it  would  be  a great  mistake  to 
think  that  they  date  from  such  early  times  as  those 
indicated  by  Mr.  Pargiter  for  the  passages  which  he  had 
in  view.  These  chapters,  which  present  a curious  mixture 
of  the  earlier  and  the  later  astronomy,  are  not  without 
interest,  unscientific  though  they  are  : they  perhaps  do 
not  actually  teach  us  anything  whicli  may  not  be  learnt 
from  the  writings  of  the  scientific  Hindu  astronomers : 
still,  they  contain  much  which  is  worthy  of  attention ; 
and  they  might  with  advantage  be  extracted,  edited,  and 
translated.  I must  confine  myself  here  to  onlj^  one  feature 
in  them. 

At  some  time  not  long  before  A.D.  400  (see  p.  1040  above), 
the  Hindus  received  the  Greek  astrology  and  astronomy, 
including  the  full  list  of  the  seven  ' planets  ’ arranged 


1048 


A NOTE  ON  THE  PURANAS 


in  the  following  astronomical  order  according  to  their 
distances  from  tlie  earth,  which  \vas  regaixled  as  the 
centre  of  the  nni verse,— the  Moon,  Merexiry,  Teniis,  the 
Sim,  Mars,  Jnpiter,  and  Saturn/  Above  Satiirn  the  Hindus 
placed  the  stars;  ineaning  in  particular  the  or 

so-called  lunar  mansions  and  the  signs  of  the  solar  zodiac. 
And  this  arrangement  was  tahvays  preserved  by  the  Hindu 
astronomers,  so  far  as  the  relative  positions  of  the  planets 
and  the  stars  are  concerned. 

That  scheme,  however,  is  not  the  one  ivhich  is  found  in 
the  Puranas.^  These  works  present  the  folloiving  order  : 
next  above  the  earth,  the  Sun  ; then  the  Moon  ; then  the 
naksliatras  ; and  then,  one  after  the  other,  Merciny,  Yeruis, 

^ My  references  are  as  follows  : some  of  the  Puraiias  state  also  distances 
between  the  different  orbits;  but  it  does  not  seem  necessary  to  lengthen 
matters  by  including  this  detail,  in  which  they  do  not  all  agree  : there 
is  no  basis  in  the  astronomy  for  the  distances  stated  in  the  Puranas. 

Agni-Puraua,  chap.  120,  verses  6-8 : ed.  Anandasrama  Sanskrit 
Series,  Poona. 

Brahma,  chap.  23,  verses  5-10 : ed.  Anandasrama  Sei'ies. 

Brahmanda,  chap.  24,  verses  119-22:  text  printed  in  1906  at  the 
Sri-Venkatesvara  Press,  Bombay. 

Matsya,  chap.  128,  verses  71-4  : ed.  Anandasrama  Series.  It  may  be 
added  that  this  w’’ork  takes  the  planets  in  the  weekday  order  in  verses 
10-20  of  chap.  93,  the  topic  of  which  is  the  pro])itiation  of  them  ]>y 
sacrifices,  and  in  chap.  94,  which  describes  their  forms  and  attributes. 

V"ayu,  chap.  101,  verses  129-35  : ed.  Anandasrama  Series. 

Bhagavata,  book  5,  chap.  22.  and  chap,  23,  para.  1 : ed.  Burnouf,  and 
text  printed  in  1905  at  the  Nirnayasagar  Press,  Bombay.  But  this 
work  transposes  Alercury  and  Venus  : it  ])laces  Venus  next  after  the 
■uakiiliatras ; then  Mercury  above  Venus  ; and  then  ^lars,  Jupiter,  aiul 
Saturn.  I may  remark  that  the  wording  of  tlie  passage  is  such  as  to 
preclude  the  possibility  of  an  accidental  transposition  of  the  text.  In 
respect  of  this  transposition  of  the  two  planets  see  also  the  next  note. 

The  Vishnu  does  not  seem  to  contain  any  corresponding  passagi* : 
but  it  takes  the  planets  in  the  same  order  with  the  Agni,  etc.,  as  far  as 
the  Vuyu,  in  describing  their  chariots  : book  2,  chaps.  8,  12  : text  jwintcd 
in  1866  at  the  A^ttadipa  Press,  Bombay  ; and  see  Wilson's  translation, 
vol.  2,  pp.  237,  299,  304. 

The  Padma  seems  to  have  a passage  of  the  usual  kind  in  part  3, 
Svargakhanda,  chap,  6,  Bhuvtdivarnana,  in  the  recension  described  by 
Wilson  from  a manuscript,  vol.  3,  preface,  p.  21  ff.  (see  |>.  40): 

but  I have  not  been  able  to  examine  it  and  ascertain  its  details,  Tn 


A NOTE  ON  THE  PUIUNAS 


1049 


Mars,  Jupiter,  and  Satmai, — with,  in  one  case,  a trans- 
position of  Mercury  and  Venus  *4  above  Saturn  tliey  place 
the  sphere  of  the  Saptarshis  (the  Seven  Eisln's,  the  stars  of 
the  Great  Bear),  and  then  Dhruva  (the  pole-star).  Here 
we  have  the  full  list  of  the  planets,  and  partly  in  the 
Greek  order ; which  shows  that  these  statements  wei'e 

anotlier  recension  of  this  work,  given  in  the  text  printed  in  1S9S-4  at 
tlie  Anandawrama  Press,  Poona,  but  not  inclnded  in  that  Series,  I do  not 
rind  any  corresponding  passage:  but  this  text  ])resents  the  weekday 
order  of  the  planets  in  teaching  the  worship  of  them  in  part  5, 
Srishtlkhanda,  chaps.  78,  79,  82 ; and  it  treats  Mercury  as  the  middle 
[)lanet  in  chap.  82,  verse  6 : — Somaputra  . , . namas=te  graha-madhya- 
stha  . . . . : this  seems  to  postidate  either  a qiiasi-astronomical 
arrangement  of  them  in  the  weekday  order,  or  else  the  same  transposition 
of  Mercury  and  Venus  which  is  made  in  the  Bhagavata.  The  same 
remarks  apply  to  a third  recension  of  this  Purana,  the  text  of  whieh  was 
painted  in  1895  at  the  Sri-Vehkatesvara  Press,  Bombay  : here,  the 
sections  teaching  the  •worship  of  the  planets  are  in  part  I,  Srishtikhanda, 
chaps.  80,  SI,  82  ; and  the  mention  of  Mercury  as  the  middle  planet  is 
in  verse  6 of  chap,  82. 

^ See  remarks  under  the  Bhagavata-Puraiia  in  the  preceding  note. 
This  transposition  of  Mercury  and  Venus  (which  is  of  course  quite  right 
from  one  point  of  view)  is  found  also  in  a passage  in  the  writings  of 
Cicero  ; but  not,  I think,  as  a view  of  Cicero  himself,  though  it  has  been 
referred  to  as  such. 

In  the  Be  Bivinatione,  book  2,  43,  Cicero,  speaking  in  his  own 

])erson,  gives  the  usual  arrangement  in  the  ascending  order,  from  the 
Moon  to  Saturn,  and  expressly  says  that  Mercury  is  the  nearest  star  to 
the  earth  (after  the  Moon).  So,  also,  in  the  Somnium  Scipionis,  § 4,  he 
puts  into  the  mouth  of  Africanus  the  same  arrangement  in  the  descending 
order,  from  Saturn  to  the  Moon.  But  in  the  Be  Natura  Beorum,  book  2, 

20,  Balbus,  in  speaking  of  the  five  planets  properly  so  called,  is  made 
to  place  them  in  the  following  order,  descending, — Saturn,  Jupiter, 
Mars,  Mercury,  and  then  Venus  : and  he  says  about  Venus  that  she  is 
“the  lowest  of  the  five  wanderers,  and  the  nearest  to  the  earth  : — 
Intiina  est  quinque  errantium,  terraeque  proxima,  Stella  Veneris ; 
<Pcaa4>6po<i  Craece,  Lucifer  Latine  dicitur,  cum  antegreditur  solem  [i.e., 
as  a morning  star],  cum  subsequitur  autem  [i.e.,  as  an  evening  star] 
Hesperus. 

For  the  order  in  the  Be  Bivhmtione,  Cicero  cites  ratio  07mfJie77iatit‘orvw , 
“the  science  of  the  Mathematieians For  the  order  in  the  Somnium 
Scipionis,  no  authority  is  quoted.  For  the  order  given  by  Balbus,  also, 
in  the  Be  Natiira  Beorum,  no  authority  is  specifically  quoted  : book  1, 

6,  however,  represents  him  as  holding  a very  high  place  among  the 
Stoics:  perhaps  that  may  account  for  the  transposition  of  Mercury 
and  Venus. 


1050 


A NOTE  ON  THE  PURANAS 


not  written  before  the  time  wlien  tlie  Greek  astronomy 
reached  India.  But  the  astronomical  order  is  ['ollowed 
only  partially:  it  is  broken  by  the  transfer  of  the  Snn 
from  the  position  between  Venus  and  Mars  to  the  place 
nearest  to  the  earth,  and  by  the  introduction  of  the 
wdisliatras  between  the  Moon  and  Mercury.  We  are  not 
greatly  concerned  about  this  disposal  of  the  : 

it  is  not  unnatural  that  in  unscientific  writings  they  should 
be  connected  most  closelj^  with  the  Moon,  and  should  be 
placed  accordingly.  The  important  point  is  the  treatment 
of  the  Sun  as  the  planet  nearest  to  the  earth.  What  are 
the  circumstances  wliich  introduced  this  feature  into  tlie 
Puranic  scheme  ? And  what  light  does  it  throw  on  the 
age  of  the  passages  in  which  it  is  found  ? 

We  can,  in  my  opinion,  only  attribute  this  feature  in 
the  Puranic  scheme  of  the  universe  to  the  influence  of  a 
well-established  use  of  the  planetary  week  1)eginning  with 
tlie  day  of  the  Sun.  And  in  my  preceding  note  I liave 
said  (and  have  given  part  of  the  proof)  that  it  was  only 
after  a.d.  900  that  that  use  l^eeame  tlioronghly  liabitual  in 
India.  But  I do  not  seek  to  suggest  for  tliose  parts  of 
the  Puranas  which  I have  in  view  so  late  a date  as  that. 
And  I find,  in  fact,  that  it  was  only  indirectly  that  tlie 
influence  in  (piestion  produced  the  feature  to  which 
attention  has  been  drawn.  We  can  recognize  an 
appreciably  earlier  time,  when  it  may  be  held  to  have 
operated. 

As  has  been  said,  the  Hindu  astronomers  liave  always 
preserved,  so  far  as  tlie  relative  positions  of  the  planets 
and  the  stars  are  concerned,  the  astronomical  order  states! 
on  p.  10<i(S  above,  beginning  witli  the  Moon  as  the  nearest 
orb  to  the  earth,  and  liaving  the  Sun  )>etween  Venus  a-ud 
Mars.  And  probably  every  one  of  them  l)as  breu  eand‘al 
to  state  that  arrangement,  in  either  the  ascending  or  tin* 
descending  order,  at  least  once  in  Jiis  writings.  But  they 
did  not  any  means  deal  with  the  planets  always  in  that 


A NOTE  ON  THE  PURANAS 


1051 


order.  They  took  them  in  whatever  order  suited  host  the 
point  involved  and  the  composition  of  tlieir  verses.  And 
when  there  was  no  particular  reason  for  following  any 
other  course,  they  were  speoially  prone  to  taking  them  in 
the  astrological  or  weekday  ordeiy  beginning  with,  tlie 
Sun,  which  was  evolved  and  carried  to  India  in  the 
circumstances  explained  in  my  preceding  note.  Thus, 
both  Brahmagupta  (wrote  a.d.  (328)  and  Lalla  (apparently 
just  about  the  same  time)  have  taken  the  planets  in  this 
order  in  stating,  each  in  his  first  chapter,  the  numbers  of 
the  revolutions  of  them  in  their  exeMgmoi  or  calculative 
periods.  This  habit  was  so  general  as  to  be  the  subject  of 
special  comment  in  a.d.  1030  by  Alberurii,  wlio  said  d — 
''  It  is  a custom  of  the  Hindus  to  enumerate  the  planets  in 
the  order  of  the  week-days.  They  will  persist  in  using  it 
in  their  astronomical  liandbooks,  as  Avell  as  in  other  books, 
and  they  decline  to  use  any  other  order,  though  it  be 
much  more  correct.”  And  to  such  an  extent  did  it  prevail 
that  we  find  the  expression  Sury-ddi,  the  vSun,  etc.  ”, 
used  freely  in  the  astronomical  writings  to  mean  the  Sun 
and  the  other  six  planets  in  (as  is  always  made  clear  by 
the  context)  the  astrological  or  weekday  order.  So,  also, 
in  matters  in  which  the  Sun  happens  not  to  figure,  we 
find  Cliandr-ddi  used  to  denote  the  Moon  and  the 
remaining  five  planets,  again  in  that  same  order.  And 
occasionally,  when  something  is  to  be  taught  about  only 
the  planets  properly  so  called,  we  find  use  made  of 
Bhaivm~ddi,  Kuj~ddi,  ''  Mars,  etc,’*,  to  denote  Mars  and 
the  remaining  four,  again  in  the  same  order.  And 
though  this  habit  does  at  first  sight  seem  a somewdiat 
peculiar  one  to  be  adopted  by  scientific  waiters,  it  is  not 
altogether  a matter  for  surprise.  Its  origin  is  found  in 
the  method  of  the  Hindu  astronomers,  of  beginning  their 
treatises  by  stating  the  number  of  the  revolutions  of  fbe 
planets  in  their  exeligmoi.  In  this  procedure  the  Sun 

‘ Trans.  Sachau,  1.  215. 


1052 


A NOTE  ON  THE  PUKANAS 

was  taken  first,  because  the  number  of  the  revolutions  of 
tlie  Sun  laid  down  for  any  particular  exeligraos  gives  the 
number  of  the  years  in  the  period,  and  so  paves  the  waj^ 
for  tlie  application  of  the  number  of  revolutions  assigned 
to  each  of  the  other  components  of  the  system.  The 
Moon’s  turn  came  next  in  any  cii'cuin stances.  And  then, 
the  order  adopted,  so  far  agreeing  with  tlie  well-establislied 
astrological  oixler,  it  was  not  at  all  unnatural  that  ti.ie 
same  order  should  be  followed  in  stating  the  elements  for 
the  remaining  components  of  the  system  ; especially 
because  probably  every  early  Hindu  astronomer  was  also 
more  or  less  of  an  astrologer,  though,  perhaps,  seldom  to 
such  an  extent  as  in  the  cavse  of  Varahamihira. 

It  is  to  the  influence  of  this  inveterate  haliit  of  the 
Hindu  astronomers,— due,  itself,  to  the  influence  of  tlie 
planetary  week, — of  neglecting  the  astronomical  order  of 
the  planets  in  writing  about  them,  in  favour  of  taking 
them  in  the  astrological  or  weekday  order  beginning  with 
the  Sun,  tliat  we  may  attribute  tlie  view  presented  in  tlie 
Puranas,  Avhicli  actually  places  the  Sun  as  the  first  of  tlie 
planets,  the  nearest  to  tlie  earth.  ^ xbid  this  habit  of 
the  astronomers  plainly  became  fixed  long  before  the  use 
of  the  planetaiy  week  as  an  ordinary  item  of  the  Hindfi 
calendar  became  at  all  general.  Even  so,  however,  the 
habit  must  have  existed  for  an  a2:)preciable  pci-iod,  before 
it  could  ha\'e  so  peculiar  an  effect.  And  the  point  i‘emains 
as  to  the  time  by  which  it  had  become  sufficiently  confirmed 
for  it  to  operate  in  that  manner. 

With  tlie  materials  available  to  us  in  the  shape  (^f  (Hiitunl 
texts  and  translations  and  abstracts  of  unpublished  works, 
we  can,  so  far,  only  trace  the  habit  from  the  latter  part 

^ It  remain:^,  no  doubt,  a curious  point  that  the  Puranas  should  thus 
transfer  the  Sun  from  the  position  in  the  centre  of  the  list,  heiween 
Venus  and  Mars,  to  the  place  nearest  to  the  earth,  and  yet  shc>\iid 
abstain  from  rearranging  the  whole  series  of  the  planets  into  the 
astrologictil  or  weekd<iy^  order.  This  point  may  perliaps  be  considered 
on.  some  other  occasion. 


THE  KUPXATH  AND  SAKNATH  EDICTS  OF  ASOKA  1053 


of  the  sixtli  century.  We  recognize,  indeed,  a beginning 
of  it  in  the  ^York  of  Aryabhata,  written  in  or  soon  after 
A.D.  499.  Verse  1 of  the  Dasagitikasiitra,  tlie  iiitroductory 
part  of  his  work  containing  his  elements  and  certain  othei* 
preliminaries,  states  first  the  revolutions  of  the  ^Sun  i'or 
the  exeligmos  used  bj"  him,  the  Yiiga  of  4,820,000  yeai's, 
and  then  the  revolutions  of  the  Moon.  Next,  however,  it 
states  the  rotations  of  the  earth  (for  which  other  writers 
substituted  the  revolutions  of  the  stars  ; stating  them, 
however,  after  the  same  detail  for  Saturn) : and  then, 
dealing  with  the  remaining  planets,  it  preserves  the 
astronomical  arrangement  in  the  descending  order, — 
Saturn,  Jupiter,  Mars,  Venus,  and  Mercury.  Tlius,  what 
he  did  stops  far  short  of  the  practice  which  we  have 
quoted  from  astronomical  writers  who  came  after  him. 

It  is,  in  fact,  only  from  the  time  of  Varahamihira,  who 
died  in  A.D.  587,  and  whose  literaiy  activity  may  be  placed 
from  A.D.  550  onwards,  that  we  can,  so  far,  trace  the  habit 
as  an  established  one.  And  in  view  of  the  point  that  he 
was  both  an  astronomer  and  an  astrologer,  we  may  venture 
to  suggest  that  it  was  actually  by  him  that  the  habit  was 
set  going.  But,  as  has  been  said,  the  habit  must  have 
existed  for  an  appreciable  time  before  it  could  have  such 
an  influence  as  is  seen  in  the  Puranic  idea  of  the  universe. 
And  while  I write,  of  coui’se,  with  reservations,  subject  to 
anything  that  we  may  learn  hereafter  from  the  publication 
of  other  astronomical  texts  which  can  be  referred  to  the 
sixth  century  or  before  it,  I think  that  we  must  fix  A.D.  600 
as  the  earliest  limit  for  the  composition  of  the  passages 
wliich  present  tliat  idea,  or  of  some  archetypal  passage  on 
which  they  were  based. 

J.  F.  Fleet. 


The  Rupnath  and  Sarnath  Edicts  of  Asoka 
Since  the  time  when  Dr.  Thomas  showed  that  the 
Sahasram  text  of  Asoka’s  short  sermon  on  ‘'zeah’  contains 


1054  THE  EUPNATH  AKB  SABNATH  EDICTS  OF  ASOKA 


the  word  ratri,  “ a night/'  ^ the  much-discuvssed  term 
vivdsa  of  the  Riipnath  text  has  been  taken  in  two  slightly 
different  waJ^s.  Dr.  Thomas  and  M.  Levi  - exj^lain  it  hy 
nights  spent  abroad'’  and  Dr.  Fleet  bj.^  'Diiglits  spent 
in  W'Orship  The  same  difference  of  opinion  prevails  in 
the  interpretation  of  the  last  clause  but  one  of  the 
Rupnath  text,  which  contains  the  genuidiN'e  vivasefa  r<7ti/<( 
(read  vivasetaviye).  According  to  Dr.  Thomas  (p.  518) 
the  king  requests  his  officers  to  start  or  to  make  people 
start  on  similar  tours  in  their  whole  jurisdiction  ”,  wliile 
Dr.  Fleet  (p.  1103)  translates  : “ And  by  tliis  same  token, 
as  long  as  your  food  lasts  you  should  make  vivdsa  every- 
where.” M.  Levi  (p.  125)  does  not  transhite  this  passage, 
but  he  renders  the  similar  clause  of  the  Sarnath  pillar 
inscription  as  follows : Faites  que,  dans  I’etendue  de 
Yotre  ressort,  partout  on  quitte  sa  maison  conformthnent 
a ce  texte  ; et  aussi  faites  que  dans  tons  les  pays  de 
protectorat  (?)  on  fasse  que  Ton  quitte  sa  maison.” 

The  Sarnath  passage  may  be  expected  to  contribute 
to  the  correct  interpretation  of  the  Riipnath  one,  as  it 
contains  all  the  three  crucial  words  of  the  second,  viz. 
vyyamjana,  dhdla,  and  vivdsayati.  I shall  now  endea\'our 
to  ascertcxin  their  true  meaning  by  considering  the  context 
ill  which  the  Sarnath  passage  occurs.  For  this  purpose 
it  is  first  of  all  necessary  to  define  the  subject  of  tlie 
Sarnath  edict  with  the  help  of  two  other,  closely 
connected,  inscriptions,  viz.  the  Safichi  pillar  edict  and 
the  so-called  Kosirmbi  edict  on  the  Allahaba{l  pillar. 
Luckily  the  main  portion  of  the  royal  order  is  pres(n*\'ed 
in  c%ll  tiie  three  versions, 

Sarnath  edict,  li.  3-5 

e chum  kho  [bhikhju  [va  bhikhjiini  va  sainghain 
bh[okha]t[i]  s[e]  odatani  dus[an]i  [sajmnanidhapayiya 
anavasasi  avasayiye 

^ Joic'rnal  Asiatlqtie,  serie  10,  tome  15  (1910,  part  1),  p.  520, 

- Id.,  tome  17  {1911,  part  1),  p.  119,  ^ This  Journal,  1911,  p.  1106. 


THE  KUPNATH  AND  SARNATH  EDICTS  OF  ASOKA  1055 


But  indeed  tLat  monk  or  nun  who  sliall  misdirect  tlie 
Samo-lia,  sliould  be  caused  to  put  on  ^v]lite  robes  (and)  to 
reside  in  a non-residence.”  ^ 

Sanchi  edict,  11.  4-7 

ye  saiiighaiii  bliokhati  bhikhu  va  b]nkhu[in]  va  odatani 
dus[an]i  sanain[dhapay]itu  ana[va]sasi  va[sa]petaviy[e] 

The  monk  or  nun  who  shall  misdirect  tlie  Samodui, 
must  be  caused  to  put  on  wdiite  robes  and  to  reside  in 
a non-residence.” 

Kosamhi  edict,  IL  3-4 

. . . [saiiigham  bhojkhati  bhikh[u]  v[a]  bhik]i[u]n[i] 
\‘a  [se  pi]  cha  [o'^]dat[a]ni  dusani  [sajnaiiidliapayitu 
a [nava]sas[i  a] v [a]say iy [e] 

‘‘  And  also  that  monk  or  nun  [who]  shall  misdirect  the 
Saihgha,  should  be  caused  to  put  on  white  robes  and  to 
reside  in  a non-residence.” 

This  sentence  is  preceded  at  Sarnath  (1.  3)  by  the 
words  ye  kenapi  samyhe  hh.eiave,  in  wliich,  as 

]\[.  Boyer  ingeniously  proposes,-  ye  is  perhaps  the 
remainder  of  va  saJdye:  ''The  Samgha  [cannot]  be 
divided  by  anyone.”  In  the  Sahchi  edict  (11.  2-4) 
I read  now  . . ly]t%  bhe[ta]  . . (restore  h'hetave)  , . [rflt]e 
(restore  samglie)  ....  viage  (restore  samage)  hUe  [bhi^]- 
khuva[m]  cha  hhi[khun]‘iriam  ch[a]  ti  [2)]tda-2^a[2:)0^]fAke 
cItcion[cla]vi[(t-s€b]ri[yi]ke,  and  translate  : "...  [cannot] 
be  divided.  The  Saihgha  both  of  monks  and  of  nuns  is 
made  united  as  long  as  (my)  sons  and  great-grandsons 
(shall  reign,  and)  as  long  as  the  moon  and  the  sun  (shall 
shine).”  ^ The  Kosambi  edict  (h  2)  reads  instead : . . . 

1 See  this  Journal,  1911,  p.  168,  footnotes  1 and  2,  and  p.  169,  foot- 
note 1.  As  pointed  out  by  M.  Senart  [Comptts  Rtndtis  des  Seances  de 
VAcademle  des  hiscripiions  et  Belles’- Lettres^  1907,  p-  28),  dvdsay'iye  is  the 
optative  passive  of  dnlsayatu 

- Journal  Asiatique,  serie  10,  tome  10  (1907,  part  2),  p.  129. 

^ For  the  reading  ptUa-papotike  chathda^na-suriyike  see  this  Journal,. 
1911,  p.  167  f. 


105()  THE  KUPNATH  AND  SARNATH  EDICTS  OF  ASOKA 


\sLC\)iia\fjG  oio  whicli  inny  bo 

translated  : “ [Tlie  Saiiigha]  is  made  imited  . , . sliould 
not  be  received^  into  the  Sailiglia.” 

The  first  line  is  preserved  only  in  the  ]vosand)i  edict, 
vdiicli  begins  : — 

[Devana3ii'^][p]iye  anapayati  Kosainbiyain  niahain[r\]ta 

[Devanailijpriya  commands  (thus).  The  siiperintendt^nvs 
at  Kosambi  . . T 

At  the  beginning  of  tbe  Sarnatli  text,  only  the  two  fii'st 
syllables  of  Asoka’s  title  Bevanamipviya  are  preserved  : 
but  it  may  be  safely  assumed  that  both  this  edict  and  tie* 
Safichi  one  were,  like  the  Kosambi  edict,  addressed  by 
tlie  king  to  the  local  Mahamatras.  The  objtT-t  wliich  Iw 
had  in  view  is  repeated  at  tlie  end  of  the  Sauehi  edict 
(1.  7 f.)  : ''For  my  desire  is  that  the  Saihgba  may  be 
united  - (and)  of  long  duration  ; and  it  was  for  this 
purpose  that  he  tlireateiied  monks  and  nuns  wlio  would 
cause  divisions  with  expulsion. 

The  Safichi  and  Kosambi  texts  go  no  farther  than  this: 
while  the  Sarnatli  text  (11.  5-9)  adds  the  following 
clauses  : — 

" Thus  this  edict  must  be  submitted  both  to  the  Saingha 
of  monks  and  to  the  Saiiigha  of  nuns. 

" Tlius  speaks  Jdevjlnaiiipriya : — 

"And  let  one  written*^  copy  of  this  edict remain*"’ 

^ Xa/iO/rMimy  be  derived  from  the  root  Mfh  i of.  the  optative  pas.>iv4' 
(Irasat/ii/e  in  1.  4 of  the  Kosambi  edict  and  in  I.  5 of  the  Sarnath  eriiet, 

- Cf.  this  Joiinuil,  1911,  p.  168,  where  I laive  pt>inted  oin,  that  the 
reading  of  the  stone  is  not  miiifyiftsa  mat/e,  hi\t  mdnjlH-  and  svf 

the  Putimol'kha  (id.,  1876,  p.  75,  § 10):  hi  .'^Uihrjko  . , . 

inharati, 

•'  Professor  Venis  (Jonrn,  and  Proc.  As.  Soc.  Bengal.  UMlT,  voL 
p.  2)  was  the  first  to  translate  nlkship  by  “inscribing".  That  ia;  i> 
right  appears  from  the  PaglmvaMa,  vii,  65,  where  Wallinatha  explains 
nikislifipita  by  ickhita. 

Literally,  “ one  edict  of  this  description.^* 

M.  Senart  {Comptes  Jkndm,  1907,  p.  »'10)  explains  htirafi  as  sub- 
junctive. Cf.  the  Alaluirashtri  form  hitmnii  in  Fischers  nmmintthk. 
% 476.  . , 


THE  RUPNATH  AND  SARNATH  EDICTS  OF  ASOKA  1057 


with  you  in  (yonv)  office.^  And  write  ye  anotlier  copy  of 
tills  very  edict,  (to  remain)  with  the  lay-worshippers. 

“ And  these  lay- worshippers  maj^  come  on  every  fast-clay 
in  order  to  be  inspired  with  confidence  in  this  \'ery  edict. 
And  invariably  on  every  fast-day  every  superintendent 
(will)  come  to  the  fast-day  (service)  in  order  to  be  inspired 
with,  confidence  in  this  very  edict  and  to  understand  (it).” 

It  will  be  seen  that  this  longish  passage  adds  nothing 
new  to  the  king’s  order,  of  which  two  other  specimens 
are  preserved  at  Sahchi  and  Allahabad,  but  provides 
merely  for  the  proper  circulation  of  the  edict  among  all 
the  parties  concerned.  This  the  king  tries  to  ensure 
(1)  by  communicating  his  edict  to  the  monks  and  nuns, 
whom  it  chiefly  concerns,  and  (2)  by  ordering  that  one 
copy  of  it  should  be  retained  by  the  Mahamatras  and 
another  by  the  lay- worshippers,  to  be  studied  by  both  of 
them  respectively  at  the  fast-day  services. 

It  will  now  be  clear  that  it  is  impossible  to  translate 
the  two  last  clauses  of  the  Sarnath  text  in  the  manner 
proposed  by  M.  Levi  (see  p.  1054  above).  An  abrupt  order 
to  the  Mahamatras  to  ''  make  people  leave  their  liouses  ” 
would  be  unintelligible  in  this  connexion.  What  we 
expect  is  further  provisions  for  giving  a still  wider 
circulation  to  the  king’s  edict.  The  preceding  paragraphs 
liad  arranged  for  its  publicity  among  the  citizens  of 
Pataliputra.^  It  is  but  natural  to  assume  that  the  word 
ahcda  in  1.  9 refers  to  the  district  of  Pataliputra,  and  the 
kota-vishava  in  1.  10  to  outlying  jungle  tracts,  wdiich 
were  not  fully  pacified  but  were  held  by  means  of 
military  posts,  such  as  the  foi'ests  ” mentioned  in  the 
thirteenth  rock  edict.  It  follows,  further,  that  the  two 

^ M.  Senart  {Comptes  RendtiSy  1907,  p.  30  ff.)  is  probably  right  in 
considering  samsalana  ( = Sanskrit  Bar/i8ara7ia)  as  the  designation  of 
some  locality.  Professor  Venis  (Journ.  and  Proc.  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  1907, 
vol.  3,  p.  2)  translates  it  by  “ place  of  assembly”. 

- Of  this  word  only  the  two  first  syllables  are  preserved  at  the 
beginning  of  1.  3. 

JBAS.  1912, 


68 


1058  THE  EUPNATH  AND  SABNATH  EDICTS  OF  ASOKA 

subjunctives  vivasayatha  and  vivasaixtydiluL  in  11.  10 
and  11,  which  are  addressed  to  the  Maliamatras  of 
Pataliputra,  can  only  mean  ‘'go  ye  on  tour”  and  “'cause 
ye  (others)  to  go  on  tour”,^  and  tliat  the  instruinei-ital 
(dena  viymiijaAiena  must  refer  to  the  edict  itself.  As 
vyanjana  is  used  in  Buddhist  literature  in  the  sense  of 
“ letter  ” as  opposed  to  “ sense  ” (attha)r  I propose  to 
render  it  by  "with  a literal  copy  of  this  (edict)”.  In 
this  way  I arrive  at  the  following  translation  of  tlie  two 
last  clauses  of  the  Sarnath  text,  whicli  I am  glad  to  say 
is  nearly  identical  with  the  one  given  by  11.  Senart  in 
Comptes  Rendus,  1907,  p.  35  f.  : — 

Sarnath  edict,  11.  9-11 

" And  as  far  as  your  district  (extends),  go  ye  on  tour 
everywhere  witli  a literal  copy  of  this  (edict).  • 

" In  the  same  way  cause  ye  (others)  to  go  on  tour 
with  a literal  copy  of  this  (edict)  in  all  the  territories 
(surrounding)  forts.” 

It  remains  to  apply  this  result  to  the  passage  of  tlu^ 
Rupnath  text  which  was  quoted  at  the  l;>eginning  of  tliis 
note,  and  which  I would  now  translate  tlius : — 

Rupnath  edict,  1.  5 

" And  with  a literal  copy  of  this  (proclamation)  (you) 
must  go  on  tour  everywhere,  as  far  as  your  district 
(extends).” 

^ As  Dr.  Thomas  {p.  517)  notes,  the  usual  Pali  ecptivalent  of 
is  vippavamti;  see  Childers,  s.v.  Dr.  Vogel  [Ep.  Ind.^  vol.  S,  p.  17 1) 
justly  remarks  that  vimmyaii^  though  a causative  in  form,  ean  hardly 
have  a causative  meaning,  as  it  is  followed  in  tlie  second  clause  hy 
vimmpayati,  which  can  be  nothing  but  a causative  of  rinhsayah',  Pht? 
form  mmseti  at  Etipnath  (I.  5)  may  be  either  a Prakrit  variant  of  tiruH'ifi 
(cf.  PischePs  OrammafJk,  { 472)  or  a clerical  mistake  for  drd&ti 
“ See  Childers,  Pali  Dictionary,  s.v.  vyafijanan^i,  and  note  the  mitiibesis 
between  aiha  and  viya^hjaim  in  U.  4 and  5 of  the  Eilpnatli  text. 

The  word  “proclamation”  (dd,m^ia)  occurs  in  11.  3 ami  5 of  tlie 
Rupnath  edict.  Cf.  the  Delhi-SiwUlik  pillar  edict  vii,  IL  20  and,  22, 
where  AsOka  states  that  he  ha«  issued  “ proclamations  on  mbndity 
{dha7hma-8dvaiulni). 


THE  KUPNATH  AND  SARNATH  EDICTS  OF  ASOKA  1059 

I trust  to  have  proved,  by  the  comparison  and  anal^^sis 
of  the  Silrnath  edict,  that  this  clause  of  the  Rupnath 
edict  has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  actual  subject 
of  Asoka  s proclamation  (which,  as  I believe  with  Dr.  Fleet, 
is  'pardkrama  or  “ zeal  ”),  but  is  intended  inereh"  to 
provide  for  the  circulation  of  the  latter  among  the 
inhabitants  of  the  district.  For  tlie  substantive  vivdsctj 
which  may  be  expected  to  be  derived  from  the  same  root 
as,  and  tlierefore  ought  to  be  connected  in  meaning  with, 
vivamti,  see  this  Journal  for  1910,  p.  1309. 

In  conclusion  I would  like  to  add  a few  words  on  that 
passage  of  the  Rupnath  and  connected  texts  in  which  the 
king  states  that,  as  a result  of  his  zeal  {pakama  = pam- 
hrama),  men  in  Jambudvipa  had  been  made  associated 
with  the  gods.  I believe  that  Dr.  Thomas  has  come 
very  near  the  actual  meaning  of  it  when  he  says  (above, 
p.  480) : Are  we  to  understand  a conversion  of  people 
who  previously  did  not  recognize  the  Brahmanical  gods  ? 
In  a slightly  modified  form,  this  suggestion  finds  support 
in  many  passages  of  the  rock  and  pillar  edicts,  in  which 
'Asoka  declares  that  his  chief  aim  was  to  secure  the 
attainment  of  heaven  ($vagdradh%  Girnar,  ix,  1.  9)  by 
his  subjects  through  the  practice  of  morality.  I shall 
only  quote  the  sixth  rock  edict  (Girnar,  11.  11-14): — 
'^And  (this  is  the  object  of)  whatever  effort  I am 
making  (ya  dm  kiohchi  pardkramdmi  ahaon),  viz.,  that 
I may  discharge  the  debt  (which  I owe)  to  living  beings, 
that  I may  make  them  happy  in  this  (world),  and  that 
they  may  attain  heaven  in  the  other  (world).  For  the 
following  purpose  this  edict  on  morality  was  caused  to 
be  written,  viz.,  that  it  might  last  long,  and  that  my 
sons,  grandsons,  and  great-grandsons  might  conform  to 
this  for  the  welfare  of  all  men.  But  it  is  difficult  to 
accomplish  this  without  great  zeal  (pardkrama^ 

E.  Hultzsch. 


1060  THE  INSCRIPTION  ON  THE  WARDAK  VASE 


The  Inscription  on  the  Wardak  Vase 

This  vase  ^Yas  found  by  Masson  in  the  topes  of  Khawat. 
south-west  of  Kabul,  during  the  ^^ears  1804-7,  and  is 
now  in  the  Britisli  Museuni.  It  is  described  in 
Antlqua  (p.  117)  and  E.  Thomas’  edition  of 
Essays  (p.  161);  and  several  scholars  liavt^  iaideaa'oiired 
to  decipher  the  inscription  on  itd  At  Dr.  Fleet's  retjuesi 
I undertook  the  attempt,  and  my  article  on  it  v'ill  Ije 
publislied  in  the  Epirfrapliia  Indica,  but  meantime  (wiili 
permission)  a very  brief  statement  of  my  results  ma\'  be 
of  interest  to  scholars. 

The  script  is  Kharosthi,  and  the  letters  are  all  well 
made  and  clearly  distinguished,  except  y and  which 
are  much  alike.  The  characters  for  d and  pJi  an*  of 
a modified  form,  and  a new  character  for  final  aniisviira 
appears  in  padiyamsam  (11.  3,  4).  A.\\  important  featurt* 

is  the  rightward  stroke  added  to  the  foot  of  a consonant. 
It  is  of  two  forms  when  added  to  cj  in  the  first  part  of 
the  inscription  (down  to  hhavagixt  in  1.  3),  straight  and 
curved  up;  the  latter  denotes  a real  r as  in  ayra  (1.  i): 
the  former  does  not  signify  p,  but  probably  ga\’e  //  tin* 
sound  of  ^and  is  transcribed  as  an  italic  thus  gna 
ordinary  ga.  It  is  also  added  to  mi  and  transcribed  as  r. 
but  mpi  probably  = mhi.  There  aiijiear  to  be  only  three 
clerical  errors,  in  rajatibaja  (1.  2),  aviya  (1.  3),  ami 
asamsrana  or  asamryana  (1.  4),  with  possibly  a fourth 
in  avasairigana  (1.  3). 

The  language  is  a Prakrit  close  to  Sanskrit,  The  chief 
modifications  are  briefly  these.  The  Sanskrit  tenm*s  l\  /, 
t,  and  p,  when  not  initial  and  not  conjinict,  art*  changed 
here  to  their  corresponding  medicU,  except  in  \Aud,>al 
terminations;  thus  mada-pidam  (1.  2}  — viafa-pijffrta 

^ JASB.,  1861,  p.  337;  4RAS.,  Vol.  XX,  pp.  221-68,  1863  ; .louni. 
Asiat,  Bk,  vin,  vol  xv,  p.  121, 1890 ; $4r.  lx,  vol  vii,  p,  8, 1896  ; JRAS., 
1909,  p.  661. 


THE  INSCRIPTION  ON  THE  WARDAK  VAkSE 


lOGI 


a genitive  collective  singular  corresponding  to  Skt'^rndid- 
■jyitar  + aJj}  This  holds  good  for  tr,  thus  piidra  (1.  1)  = 
2ndra.  aiccordingly  such  a media  in  the  inscription  may 
represent  an  original  single  media^  thus  sarhy  (1.  3)  = 
Skt.  sadas,  and  hliagvae  (1.  2)  is  from  Skt.  hli.dfja  ; or 
(since  consonants  are  not  written  douhle  in  this  script) 
a doubled  media,  as  the  h in  hliradaba  (1.  2),  which  = 
bltrdtahba,  Skt.  bhrdtrvya ; or  an  original  single  tenuis, 
as  the  d in  bkradaba,  and  as  nabagva  (1.  3)  = no/paka, 
Skt.  nrjxt  + ka.  Consequently,  a single  tenuis  non-initial 
here  represents  an  original  doubled  tenuis,  thus  natigra 
(1.  2)  = niittiliU,Skt.  najdf  + ka.  If  the  words  be  modified 
accordingly,  they  appear  as  Sanskrit  or  but  one  step 
removed  therefrom,  as  shown  in  the  italic  interlineation. 

The  inscription  evinces  Greek  and  Persian  influences. 
Arfamisiija  (1.  1)  is  Greek ; so  also  probably  fAimhi  (1.  1) 
and  Alityaga  (1.  3).  HasfAina  (\.  At.)  seems  Persian  ; so 
also  probably  Kamagiilya,  Vagra,  and  Alarega. 

Text 

1 Saiii  20  20  10  1 masya  Artamisiyasa  stehi  10  4 1 
Sam[;vatsa're]  SI  mdsasa  Artamisiyasa  stehi  15 
Imena  gacligrena  Kamagulya  pudra  Vagra-Mare- 
Tmena  gadclikena  Kamagulya,  pmtra,  Vagra-AIare- 
grasya  iya-Khavadamri  kadalayig?’a  Vagra-Marigra- 
gasya  iya-Khavatamhi  kat-dlayika  Vagra-Mariga- 
viharamri  tumbimri  bhagravada  Sakya-mune  sarira 
vihdramhi  tiimhimlii  bhagavata  Sdkya-onunie  samra 
paridhabeti 

jniridhdpeti 

2 Imena  kusala  - inulena  maharaj  a - raj  atibaj  a - Ho  ves  - 
Imena,  hiikila  -mulena  mallard^ a-rdjdtirdj a-Hoves- 
kasya  agra-bhagrae  bhavatu  Mada-pidara  me  puyae 
kasya  agra-bhdgde  bhavatu  Mdtd-pitara  me  xydyde 

^ Visarga  disappearing  in  Prakrit,  Similarly  hhayicavcidct  SUhycc-Mune 
(1.  1)  = Skt.  hhagavata{h)  8dlcya~m%me{h).. 


1062 


THE  INSCRIPTION  ON  THE  WARDAK  VASE 


bliavatu  Bliradaba  me  Hastuim-Maregrasya  puyae 
bhavatu  Bhratcibba  me  HaMiina-Maveijimjii  ‘pu-yde 
bhavatu  Soca  me  bhuya  Natigra-midra-sailibliati- 
bhavat-u  Soca  me  bhuya  Ncittilm-mUra-samhliatf 
grana  puyae  bhavatu  Mahisa  ca  Vagm-Marograsya 
kdna  lymjde  bhavatu  Malma  ea  Vacjra-^lareyasyii 
agra-bhag^’a-padiyaihsam 
agra-bhaga-patiycimkim 

3 bhavatu  Sarva  - satvana  aroga  - dacluuae  hhaA'atu 
bliavatu  Sarva-saitvdna  aroga-dacch  i)jd e hh i / va  t n 
Aviy  a-nabagra  pary  ata  - sava  - bh.a  vagra  y o adra  - 
A riya-napaka  yaryatta-&Ci va-blidvaka  yo  dih Ira- 
aihtara  - amda  - jo  jalayuga  saphatiga  arapyata 
antara - anda -jo  jaldyuka  kvyyhaitika  ara pyatld 
sarvina  puyae  bhavatu  Mahisa  ca  Roliana  sada- 
sdrvina  iJu/yde  bhavatu  Mahlki  cOj  liohana  sada- 
sarvina  avasatrigana  sa-parivara  ea  agra-lihaga- 
sdrvwa  avasattrikdna  sa-parivdra  ca  agrn-hhdga- 
padiya(m)saih  bhavatu  Mitj^agasjTx  ca  agru-bhaga 
patiyamkim  bhavatm  Mityagasya  a i < aj  m -hh  dga 
bhavatu 

bhavatu 

4 Esa  viharaiii  asaihsrana  (or  asaihryana)  Maha- 
Esa  vihdram  asarhkxtya  (?  or  dcdrydva  ?)  dhdui- 
samghigana  parigraha. 

sanghikdna  yarigraha. 

Translation 

. In  the  year  51  on  the  clay  16,  (of  the  first  half  ?)  of  the 
month  Artemisios.  By  means  of  this  vase  Vagra  iilarega's 
son  Karnagulya,  who  has  fixed  his  residence  in  this 
Khavata,  inters  a relic  of  the  Lord  Sakya-riuuu  inside 
a vault  within  the  Vagra  Mariga  monastery. 


By  means  of  this  meritoi^ious  foundation — may  it  (tlie 


NILAKANTHABHARAKI 


1063 


relic)  tend  to  the  pre-eminent  lot  of  the  great  king,  tlie 
suzerain  of  kings,  Hoveska  ! May  it  tend  to  tlie  venera,- 
tion  of  my  parents  ! May  it  tend  to  the  veneration  of 
my  brother’s  son  Hastuna  Marega  ! May  there  be  purity 
for  me  1 May  it  tend  to  the  veneration  of  my  grandsons, 
friends,  and  associates  I And  may  there  be  a share  of 
a pre-eminent  lot  for  the  teiTitorial  lord  Yagra  Marega  ! 
May  it  tend  to  the  bestowal  of  perfect  health  on  all 
beings ! May  it  tend  to  the  veneration  of  all  these, 
namely,  the  saintly  king,  him  who  has  obtained  the 
condition  of  having  mastered  the  doctrine,^  the  creature 
which  is  born  from  moisture,  from  a womb(?)  or  from  an 
egg,  the  creature  whose  life  is  in  water,  the  graminivorous 
animal  and  the  incorporeal  soul ! And  may  there  be 
a share  of  a pre-eminent  lot  for  the  territorial  lord 
Rohana,  all  his  household  and  his  dependants  ^ together 
witli  his  retinue  ! And  may  there  be  a pre-eminent  lot 
for  Mityaga  ! 

This  monastery  is  (or  was)  gift  to  the  Mahasanghikas 
who  are  teachers  (or,  who  had  no  habitation  ?). 

F.  E.  Pargiter. 


iSi  ILAK  ANTE  ADHARANI 

M.  de  la  Yallee  Poussin  et  M.  R.  Gauthiot  ont  publie 
dans  le  Journal  (no.  de  Juillet,  1912,  pj).  629  seqq.)  un 
fragment  de  dharani  rapporte  de  Touen  - houang  par 
M.  (Sir  Marc  Aurel)  Stein.  Ce  document  soigneusement 
declii'ffre  par  les  deux  editeurs  merite  de  retenir  Tattention, 
inalgre  son  apparence  insignifiante.  Le  colophon  de  la 
dharani  lui  donne  le  nom  de  JSfilakantha,  Le  Catalogue 
de  la  periode  Teke-youen  (Teke-youen  lou),  compile  de 
1285  a 1287,  enregistre  sousletitre  sebiisciit  de  Mlalcantha 
(dharani)  deux  ouvrages  admis  dans  le  canon  des  Song,  des 

^ That  is,  the  mlvaka, 

- Strictly,  feminine,  from  Sanskrit  ^avctmlctrl  -f  lea. 


1064 


NILAKANTHADHARANI 


Yoiien,  des  Ming  (efc  qui  figiirent  aussi  dans  la  collection 
coreennc).  L’nn  porte  en  cliinois  le  titre  de  Tsien-yen 
tslen-yi  koan-ehe-ym  -poto-sa  fo-lo-ni  clien-ielt  esii  hiQig, 
le  livre  des  formules  sacrees  de  la  clharani  cVAvalokitesvara 
I'jodhisattva  aux  inille  yenx  et  aux  rnille  bras  ” (Gat. 
de  Nanjio,  no.  318  : ed.  de  Tokyo,  boite  xxvi,  vol.  v, 
pp.  30^-35^);  le  tradncteur  est  Tclie-Homig  (Nanjio, 
App.  ii,  134),  moine  chinois  qui  traduisit  quatre  dbaranis 
entre  627  et  653.  Laiitre  est  intitule  en  cliinois  : 
Ts  ien-cheoio  ts'ien-yen  Koim-che-yin p)’oit-sa  omm-f  o4o-oii 
elten-king,  le  livre  du  corps  de  la  dharani  de  la  vieille 
d’Avalokitesvara  bodhisattva  aux  inille  mains  et  aux  rnille 
yeux  ” (Nanj,,  319;  M.  Tok.,  xxvi,  5,  pp.  23^~30‘^)  ; la 
traduction  est  due  au  faineux  Bodhiruci  (Nanj.,  App.  ii, 
150),  originaire  de  sud  de  ITnde  et  qui  traduisit 
53  ouvrages,  de  693  a 713.  Bodhiruci  a traduit  la 
Nilakanthadharani  en  709.  Les  deux  traductions  repre- 
sentent  le  meme  original.  On  a trouve  de  part  et  d autre, 
enchassee  dans  un  cadre  du  type  banal,  une  dharani  tres 
voisine  de  la  fonnule  conservee  en  brahini  et  en  sogdien 
a Touen-liouang,  et  composee  en  partie  des  memes  elements. 
Mais  les  differences  sont  trop  fortes  pour  qu’on  puisse 
identifier  les  textes.  Un  autre  ouvrage  du  canon  chinois 
rappelle  par  son  titre  les  deux  precedents:  c'est  le 
Tsien-cheou  ts’ien-yen  Kocm-che-yin  pon-sa  koang4a- 
youen-mang  nmo-gnai  ta-joei-sin  t’o4o-ni  king,  “ le  livre 
de  la  dharani  du  cceur  de  la  grande  compassion  sans 
obstacle,  abondante  et  vaste,  crAvalokite.4vara  bodhisattva 
aux  rnille  mains  et  aux  inille  yeux  ''  (Nanj.,  320 ; ed.  Tok., 
xxvii,  10,  Sl^-SO"") ; traduit  a une  date  indeterminee,  sous 
la  dynastie  des  Tang,  par  Kia-fan-ta-mo  originaire  de 
rinde  occidental  (Nanj.,  App.  ii,  135).  Nanjio  note  que 
cet  ouvrage  a ete  tres  populaire  en  Chine  depuis  la  d^niavstie 
des  Song  (960-1127),  on  y trouve  une  dharani  qui,  elle 
aussi,  rappelle  de  pr&  la  Nilakantha  dharaiii  de  Touen- 
houang,  mais  sans  etre  identique.  Uedition  de  Coree 


XILAKANXHABHARANl 


1065 


a seule  conserve  line  dhaniui  extraite  de  Fori  filial  traduit 
par  Kia~fan-ta~mo  et  publie  a part  : Ts  ien-clieoib  tsien- 
jfen  Koan-tze-Uai  ‘pou-sa  Koang4a  yoiien-mimig  tvou- 
ngai  ta-pei-sln  t’o4o-ni  icltesu-pen,  ‘‘original  de  la 
formiile  sacree  de  la  dliarani  du  cceur  de  la  grande 
compassion  sans  obstacle,  abondaiite  et  vaste,  d’Avalo- 
kitesvara  bodhisattva  anx  mille  mains  et  anx  inille  yenx 
(manque  a Nanjio  et  aux  collections  chinoises ; ed.  de 
Tokyo,  xxvii,  10,  30^‘'-”31‘').  C’est  une  simple  transcription 
en  caracteres  chinois  de  Foriginal  sansciit,  executee  par 
line  des  gloires  du  tantrisme  chinois,  Vajrabodlii  (Ncrnj  , 
App.  ii,  158),  le  maitre  du  grand  Amoghavajra,  Vajrabodlii, 
originaire  du  pays  de  Malaya,  dans  ITnde  du  sud,  arriva 
en  Chine  apres  im  vo^xage  accidente,  coupe  de  stations 
prolongees,  en  719  ; d y niourut  en  782.  L’original  suivi 
par  Vajrabodhi  est  absolument  identique  au  texte  de 
Touen-houang.  II  est  inutile  de  donner  une  transcription 
integrale  de  cet  abracadabra.  II  suffira  de  noter  que  le 
texte  est  decoupe  bizarrement  en  tranches  irregulieres, 
qui  marquent  sans  doute  les  haltes  du  debit  ritueh  Ces 
tranches  sent  au  nombre  de  113.  Le  fragment  Stein 
sduvre,  pour  la  brahmi,  au  cours  de  la  tranche  45;  pour 
le  sogdien,  au  debut  de  la  tranche  42.  La  ligne  initiale, 
marquee  0 par  les  editeurs,  a pour  equivalent  dans  la 
transcription  chinoise : (42)  vidyCim,  (48)  dehi  dehi 

famlara  (sic),  (44)  gamaiigamay  {4<o)  vikang<xm(t  vingaona 
(sic).  Au  sujet  des  particularites  graphiques  signalees 
par  M.  de  la  Vallee  Poussin,  je  note  1.  7 ( = 65)  malid- 
tripmxi  {ii4-li—pou-lo)\  1.  14' (85)  malidtdtahdsa ; 1.  15 
(87)  vdei  (fo-tsi). 

II  est  acquis  desorrnais  que  la  Nilakanthadharani  jouissait 
d’une  faveur  toute  speciale  chez  les  bouddhistes  de  la 
Chine  entre  650  et  750  de  Fei^e  chretienne.  La  presence 
a Touen-Iiouang  de  cette  dharani,  tx^acee  en  ecriture  de 
ITnde  et  en  ecriture  sogdiemie,  est  une  autre  preuve 
de  cette  popularite.  Le  docunaent  Stein  gagne  a cette 


1060  THE  AUTHENTICITY  OF  THE  RTUSAMHAEA 


constatation  un  interet  plus  hiimain  et  plus  reel ; sa  date 
aussi  gagiie  en  precision  ; nous  avons  un  indice  de  plus 
pour  la  rapporter  aux  environs  de  Tan  700. 

Sylvain  Levi. 


Paris. 

AoiU  9, 1913. 


The  Authenticity  of  the  Rtusamhara 

The  latest  assault  on  the  tradition^  which  attributes  to 
Kalidasa  the  composition  of  the  Rtusamlidra  is  due  to 
Dr.  J.  Nobel,  who,  admitting  the  inconclusiveness  of  tlie 
earlier-  doubts  expressed  on  the  subject,  seeks  to  disprove 
the  tradition  by  arguments  drawn  in  tlie  main  from  the 
Alamkarasastra.  As  Dr.  Nobel  expresses  in  a more 
definite  and  precise  form^  than  usual  the  arguments 
against  the  ascription  to  Kalidasa,  it  will  be  useful  brief!}" 
to  consider  his  proofs. 

1.  In  a MS.  taken  to  China  at  some  comparatively 
early  date,  and  written,  according  to  Dr.  Nobel,  about 
1200  A.D,^  the  scribe  has  copied  out  the  beginnings  of 
the  Kumdrasamhliavcij  the  Meghaduta  and  the  Raglm- 
vamia  and  adds  some  obscure  Aksaras  whicli  may  possibly 
be  read  as  trayakdvyah  visam  traya  kctvyam.  Hence  it 
is  deduced  that  the  scribe  desired  to  give  the  beginning 
of  the  Kavyas  of  Kaladasa  and  knew  only  three.  The 
. argument  is  really  too  preposterous  to  need  refutation. 

^ Vallabhadeva  in  Suhhdsitavali,  vv.  1674  and  1678,  quotes  JRtmamMra, 
vi,  16  and  19,  as  Kalidasa’s.  It  should  be  noted  that  v.  1673  is  also 
Khlidt\Bii^s{K‘imdrasamhhava,  iii,  29),  which  strengthens  the  attribution. 
The  fact  that  vv.  1703  and  1704  are  quoted  as  anonymous  has  no  weight ; 
no  doubt  they  were  taken  from  an  anthology  which  gave  no  names,  as 
Biililer,  Die  indischen  Iiischriften^  p.  71,  u.  2,  suggests. 

^ e,g.  Weber,  Ind.  Streif.  ii,  151  ; Stenzler,  ZUMG.  xliv,  33,  n.  3. 
Oldenberg,  Ber  LUtratur  dea  alien  Indian,  p.  217,  n.  1,  leaves  the  matter 
open.  Weber,  it  must  be  remembered,  at  one  time  doubted  the 
authenticity  of  the  Mdlaxnkdgnimitra,  but  later  recognized  his  error ; 
see  his  Indian  Literature,  p.  204,  n.  211. 

^ ZDMG.  Ixvi,  275-82. 

^ The  argument  for  the  date  is  of  uncertain  value ; for  the  MS.  cf. 
Kielhoi-n,  Academy,  xlv,  498  seqq.  ’ ; ■ 


THE  AUTHENTICITY  OF  THE  KTUSAMHARA  1067 


2.  In  Mallinatha’s  commentary  on  Maglias  Him-pola- 

vadha,^  Mallinatha  refers  to  himself  as  having  explained 
a certain  principle  Kcdidasatrayasamjm^^  and  as 

a matter  of  fact  lie  has  explained  the  principle  in  his 
commentaries  on  the  Megliaduta^  and  the 

But  the  reference  to  tray  a liere  has  a perfectly  simple 
sense  : Mallinatha  commented  on  three  Kavyas  of  Kalidasa: 
he  refers  to  this  fact,  and  his  reference  gives  absolutely 
no  ground  for  the  view  that  he  lield  that  Kalidasa  only 
wrote  three;  Kcdidttsairayasamjlviin  means  a commentary 
on  three  (works)  of  Kalidasa,  not  on '' the  three”,  wliich 
is  a sense  we  must  read  in  ah  extra,  at  all. 

3.  It  is  urged,  though  not  adduced  as  a substantive 
ground,  that  the  Kavya  cannot  be  compared  in  literary 
merit  with  the  admitted  works  of  Kalidasa.  I need  not 
oppose  my  own  opinion  to  this  dictum  : Y.  Henry,  who 
quotes  S.  Levi’s  ^ doubts  of  the  Rtiisamhara,  says  ^ 
''  encore  lui  [Kalidasa]  ferait-il  honneur  ” ; so  Macdonell  ® 
writes  : ''  Perhaps  no  other  work  of  Kalidasa’s  manifests 
so  strikingly  the  poet’s  deep  sympathy  with  natux^e,  his 
keen  powers  of  observation,  and  his  skill  in  depicting  an 
Indian  landscape  in  vivid  colours.”  In  truth  the  repu- 
tation of  the  poem  is  not  due,  as  suggested  by  Dr.  Nobel, 
to  its  production  in  a comparatively  unpolished  age  ; it  is 
owing  to  its  high  qualities  of  style  and  poetic  conception. 

4.  Walters  has  argued  that  the  Rtiosamhdra  displays 
a distinct  fondness,  later  not  characteristic  of  the  poet,  for 
the  repetition  of  the  same  words.  But  to  this  argument 
the  reply  is  twofold;  in  the  first  place  it  is  utterly 
misleading  to  say,  Dergleichen  findet  sich  in  Meghaduta 

^ xiii,  24.  For  Alalliiiatha's  date  see  Keith,  Bodleian  Catalogtte, 
Appendix,  p.  23. 

^ i,  36.  ^ xii,  19.  Le  tlddtre  indien,  ii,  43. 

® Les  Litteratm''es  de  VInde,  p.  217.  . 

^ Sansh-if.  Literature,  p.  317. 

fiber eimtimmungen  in  Gedanhen  bei  den  indisclien  KiLiistdichtern, 
pp.  6 seqq. 


1068  THE  AUTHENTICITY  OF  THE  RTUSAMHARA 

und  aiicli  in  Kalidasa's  iibrigen  Werken  niclit,  was  sicker 
Ivcin  Zufall  ist."  The  repetition  of  the  same  word  is 
never  rare  in  Kalidasa;  thus  in  the  Uttaramegha  in  v.  41 
dri^i/ipdtam  is  echoed  in  v.  42  by  drstir  dkqyyate  me ; in 
V.  41  ■ufjKtsydmi  is  followed  in  v.  43  by  ; 

in  v.  34  stanitavimukltah  is  followed  in  v.  35  by  stanita- 
vacanailh ; in  v.  34  occurs  sahasva ; in  v.  42  saliate ; 
in  V.  34  yddhoiKiCjudham 'y  ’m  v.  39  gddliataptemip  h\ 
V.  45  fjddhosmdbhih ; in  v.  39  pratmm  tcinund  ; in  v.  41 
2)ratanumi  in  v.  29  vimhadivase ; in  v.  31  pratha- 
mavirahe;  in  v.  39  idkcvnthcmi  and  in  v.  40 

idJMntlidvhxicitaiKtdam.  But  it  is  absurd  to  collect 
instances;  they  occur  on  every  side.  In  the  second 
place,  even  if  the  theory  w^'ere  true,  the  obvious  explana- 
tion is  that  the  jR/'RsamMra  is  an  earlier  and  less  mature 
work,  and  this  is  to  some  extent  supported  by  the  fact 
that  the  repetition  in  the  Meghaduta  seems  more  artistic 
than  in  the  RtmsamhdrcL 

5.  It  is  argued  that  in  poetic  figures  the  Meghadiita  is 
more  advanced  than  the  Rtuscmihdra.  The  argument  is 
frankly  weak,  for  the  two  poems  agree  substantially  in 
the  use  of  the  SabdalamkEras,  such  as  the  Yamaka  and 
Anuprasa,  and  the  MegJiadWta  has  no  certain  case  of 
a Dipaka,  while  the  Rtusamlicira  has  many,^  and 
.Dr.  Nobel,  therefore,  is  reduced  to  arguing  that  the 
Dipakas  of  the  Rtiosamhdra  are  simpler  than  those  of 
the  Kumdrasamhhava^  or  Ragliuvamia,^  It  is  needless 
to  labour  the  question  of  taste,  in  which  I do  not  wholly 
agree  with  Dr.  Nobel,  but  in  any  case  it  is  quite  un- 
necessary to  claim  more  than  that  the  Rtusamhara  is  an 
early  work.  Indeed,  in  correcting  Piscliehs  ^ view  of  the 
relations  of  the  Kumamsambhava  and  the  Raghiivamm 
Dr.  Nobel  concedes  the  point,  for  he  ascribes  the  com- 
parative neglect  of  the  Kavya  rules  in  the  former  work 

^ i,  2,  3,  6,  2o ; iii,  2,  5,  20,  etc.  - y,  6 ; vi,  69. 

iv,  42;  xii,  9.  - i Knltiir  dtr  Qttjmwart,  i,  vii,  201. 


THE  xiUTHENTICITY  OF  THE  RTUSAMHAllA  1069 


to  its  earlier  date.  But  why  not  so  treat  tlie  Rtv- 
mralidva  ? 

Dr.  Nobel  prefers  to  lay  stress  on  the  absence  of  the 
figure,  Artliantaranyasa,  from  the  whereas 

it  is  common  in  the  Mef/hadMa.  For  tlie  stress  laid  on 
this  criterion  no  ground  can  be  alleged  : the  Arthantara- 
nyasa  is  a figure  admirably  adapted  for  the  latter  poem 
with  its  constant  contrast  between  the  lot  of  the  Yaksa 
and  his  former  happiness  and  the  misery  of  the  Yaksa 
and  the  happy  fate  of  the  cloud  (see  e.g.  Purvamegha, 
vv.  3,  5,  and  6),  while  it  is  far  less  appropriate  in  the 
Rtibsamlidva  which  lacks  any  such  motive,  nor  is  there 
any  ground  for  holding  that  if  genuine  the  two  Kavyas 
must  be  closely  connected  in  time. 

On  the  other  side  Dr.  Nobel  ignores  entirely  the  force 
of  the  argument  from  the  notices  of  Vatsabhatti.  He 
accepts  the  view  tliat  this  poetaster  copied,  both  Kalidasa^ 
and  the  litiosamhara,^  and  he  admits  that  they  need  not 
have  been  far  distant  in  time.  But  it  is  really  very 
improbable  that  Vatsabhatti  should  have  imitated  Kali- 
dasa and  a work  attributed  to  Kalidasa  but  not  Kalidasa’s, 
though  it  is  in  spirit  and  general  characteristics  thoroughly 
in  Kalidasa’s  manner.  And,  it  should  be  added,  last  but 
not  least,  Kielhorn,  whose  judgment  in  these  matters  is 
of  great  value,  unhesitatingly  treats  the  Rtiisamhdra  as 
a work  of  Kalidasa. 

Indeed,  the  incorrectness  of  the  whole  theory  can  be 
•seen  at  once  if  it  is  remembered  that  many  great  poets  ^ 
have  shown  marked  changes  of  power  and  form  in  the 
course  of  their  careers,  and  that  the  gulf  between  their 
early  and  their  late,  their  best  and  their  worst  work,  is 

^ Biihler,  Die  indischen  Inscliriften^  pp.  18,  70  seqq. 

2 Kielhorn,  Gott.  JSfach.  1890,  p.  253. 

^ The  difference  between  the  Eclogues  and  Georgies  of  Vergil  are 
much  more  marked,  and  yet  their  ascription  to  Vergil  is  in  both  cases 
beyond  all  doubt.  Again,  the  poems  of  Catullus  show  a variety  much 
greater  than  that  found  in  the  case  of  Kalidasa’s  poems. 


1070 


THE  STANZAS  OF  BHARATA 


often  infinitely  greater  than  that  between  the  Rtusamihara 
and  the  other  three  Kavyas  ascribed  to  Krilidasa.  Tlie 
differences  between  the  Meghaduta  and  the  Rtiisamlmva 
are  legitimately  interesting  as  traces  of  poetic  develop- 
ment, but  tliey  have  no  value  as  evidence  for  difference  of 
authorship. 

A.  Berriedale  Keith. 


The  Stanzas  of  Bharata 

In  the  Melanges  d'Indianisme  oferts  2^ctr  ses  Sieves 
d M.  Sylvain  Levi,  Professor  Edward  Huber  presents 
a brief  paper  under  the  title  ''  Sur  le  texte  tibetain  de 
quelqnes  stances  morales  de  Bharata  ”,  in  which  he  makes 
an  interesting  attempt  at  shedding  light  on  some  obscure 
passages  in  this  difScult  text  by  consulting  the  Chinese 
translation  of  Yi-tsdng.  In  criticizing  Schiefner’s  rendering 
of  this  work,  M.  Huber  exclusively  refers  to  his  translation 
which  appeared  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Petersburg  Academy 
(vol.  xxii,  No.  7,  1875),  but  unfortunately  overlooked  the 
fact  (though  it  is  expressly  indicated  in  the  pi-eface  to 
this  memoir,  p.  vii)  that  Schiefner  has  edited  also  the 
Tibetan  text  of  this  work  with  a Latin  translation  and 
a valuable  glossary  (Bliaratae  Responsa  tihetice  cum 
versions  latina  ah  Antonio  'Schiefner  edita,  Petropoli, 
1875).  If  M.  Huber  will  look  up  this  edition,  he  will 
no  doubt  recognize  that  this  is  a piece  of  thorough  and 
creditable  work  which  commands  respect.  The  text  is 
critically  and  carefully  edited  from  a collation  of  the 
Kanjur  prints  of  Narthang  and  Peking,  and  the  Arabic 
text  of  Kalila  and  Dimna  has  also  been  utilized,  M.  Huber 
on  his  part  availed  himself  of  a copy  of  the  Tibetan  text 
made  for  him  by  a Mongol  Lama  in  Peking  after  the 
Peking  edition  of  the  Kanjm*,  a copy  which  in  all  likelihood 
is  bound  to  be  less  reliable  than  the  edition  of  Schiefner. 

He  who  is  intent  on  furthering  the  understanding  of 


THE  STANZAS  OF  BHARATA 


this  work  must  take  regard  of  a good  many  otlier  tilings. 
It  is  known  that  the  story  of  Bharata  lias  become  part 
and  parcel  of  Tibetan  folk-lore,  and  that  several  entirely 
ditierent  versions  of  it  are  in  existence.  Thus  far  three  of 
these  popular  versions  have  been  published.  One  under 
the  title  “ The  Uiilkasuitra  ” has  been  translated  from 
a manuscript  of  the  India  Office  Library  b}^  A.  Schiefner 
in  the  Melanges  asiaiiqnes,  vol.  viii,  pp.  C35— 640 
(St.  Petersburg,  1879);  the  relations  of  this  text  to  the 
Replies  of  Bharata  are  pointed  out  by  him  on  p.  024. 
Another  more  vulgar  version  entitled  Ha-shaiig-rgyal-po 
and  Ug-tad  (i.e.  a Dialogue translated  from  the 

Tibetan  by  Karl  Marx,  was  published  in  JASB.,  vol.  Ix, 
pt.  i,  Xo.  2,  pp,  37-46,  1891.  Thirdly,  a Tibetan  text 
under  the  name  “ Casstra  of  the  Kin^,^ 

and  the  Minister is  printed  in  the  Tibetan  Reader^ 
No.  V,  edited  hy  Lama  T.  Ph.  Wangdan. (Darjeeling,  1898)  ; 
here  the  Indian  king,  an  incarnation  of  Mara,  is  called 
Ha-sliah-deva,  and  the  minister  who  effects  his  conversion 
is  Buddha  himself  transformed  into  an  owl.  Substantially, 
this  version  differs  from  those  of  Schiefner  and  Marx,  and 
quite  naturally,  as  the  comical  answers  of  the  minister 
allow  of  an  almost  endless  variation.  In  WZKM.,, 
vol.  xiii,  p.  223,  I briefly  alluded  to  a possible  connexion 
of  the  Bharata  series  with,  our  stories  of  Eidensinegel ; 
indeed,  Bharata  or  the  minister  Owl  (Uluka)  is  in  his 
very  jokes  the  prototype  of  owe  Eulen  {Ov^iyspiegel,  The 
three  versions  here  mentioned,  have  not  yet  been  compared  ; 
of  the  text  translated  by  Marx,  I possess  four  manuscripts. 
But  one  important  conclusion  can  be  reached  that,  in  view 
of  the  numerous  variations  and  deviations  of  these 
texts,  there  is  a high  degree  of  probability  that  also 
a plurality  of  original  Sanskrit  versions  of  this  story  has 
existed.  If  this,  however,  was  the  case,  it  is  not  necessary 
to  assume  that  the  Tibetan  and  Chinese  translations  were 


1072  THE  STANZAS  OF  BHABATA 

made  from  exactl}^  tlie  same  Sanskrit  text,  wliich  seems 
improbable  also  for  the  reason  that  the  two  translations 
are  separated  by  a long  space  of  time.  M.  Huber  takes 
it  for  granted  that  both  versions  have  emanated  from  the 
same  original,  ^oid  therefore  seeks  the  meaning  conveyed 
by  tlie  Chinese  stanzas  also  in  the  corresponding  Til^etan 
verses.  Tliis  procedure  may  certainly  prove  correct  in 
many  cases,  but  it  must  not  be  so  in  all  cases.  It  cannot 
be  made  a general  principle,  as  it  is  always  possible  that 
the  Tibetan  translator  had  a different  Sanskrit  wording 
before  his  eyes  or  interpi’eted  the  passage  at  variance  witli 
the  Chinese  translator.  Under  no  circumstances,  however, 
must  the  meaning,  yielded  by  the  Chinese  phrases,  be 
forced  into  the  Tibetan,  if  itcannot  naturally  be  deduced 
from  the  Tibetan  sentence.  While  I gladlj?^  admit  tliat 
M.  Huber  has  largely  improved  on  the  translation  of  the 
two  last  stanzas  quoted  by  him  on  pp.  809^  and  310  and 
readily  accept  his  result,  I fail  to  see  that  his  new  trans- 
lation on  p.  307  can  be  deduced  from  tlie  Tibetan  text ; 
nothing  is  there  to  justify  the  translations  : ''A  Timproviste 
chatient  les  rois,  ...  a rimproviste  surviennent  les 
bonnes  aubaines.''  Schiefner’s  translation  certainly  is 
here  capable  of  improvement ; the  last  verse  should  be  : 
“The  monk  ought  not  to  think  of  gain.”  It  is  quite 
manifest  that  in  this  case  the  Chinese  and  Tibetan 
translations  do  not  follow  the  same  Sanskrit  model, 

M.  Huber  (p.  309)  is  quite  right  in  attacking  Schiefner's 

■ q\ 

translation  of  rtsa  oiijm  by  “meadow^”,  but  he 

is  not  very  fortunate  in  the  explanation  of  the  term. 
''Rtsa  signifie  ‘ami,  parent’  (bandhu)  et  mjin  ‘ cercle  ’ 
(varga,  mandala).  II  y a done:  Ce  riche  qui  a pen 
d’amis.’  ” There  is  no  word  rtsa  in  the  Tibetan  language 
with  the  meaning  of  friend;  rtsa  means  root,  and  there 

^ A different  reading  of  the  same  stanza  is  quoted  by  Sarat  Chandra 
Das,  Tibetan -English  Dictionary,  p.  50a,  which  may  serve  as  additional 
evidence  for  the  existence  of  various  versions  of  the  text. 


YISISTAI>VAITA>I 


1073 


is  a compound  vtsa  lag  (lit  root  and  liaiids,  i.e.  root 
and  brandies)  whidi  assumes  the  meaning  of  relations, 
friend,  usually  in  a Buddhist  sense  ( ==  updsaka).  The 
Tibetan-Mongol  Dictionaries  render  it  b^"  Mongol  ut!.- 
sadn  or  orok-sadti  (sadto  from  Skr.  sadhu),  Tlie  compound 
rtsa  mjiih  is  simply  a synonym  of  rtsco  lag,  and  is 
explained  in  the  Dictionary  Zla-hai  Od-snan,  the 
Moonlight”  (printed  1838  at  Peking,  fol.  95h),  as  undr 
sadu,  ''  a true  friend  ” ; the  literal  translation  of  the 
phrase  is  ''the  pith  of  the  root  For  the  rest,  the 
word  "rich”  suggested  to  M.  Huber  by  the  Chinese  text 
only  is  not  contained  in  the  Tibetan ; the  plirase  rtsa  mj  in 
c'tvii  simply  means  "one  who  has  few  friends 

Finally,  I should  like  to  express  the  wish  that  M.  Huber 
would  give  us  a complete  translation  of  Yi-ts'ings  text. 
The  work  has  a certain  importance  for  tlie  history  of 
folk-lore ; in  my  opinion  the  jokes  of  Bharata  must  be 
interpreted  as  riddles,  the  solution  of  wlxicli  is  unfortunately 
placed  first.  If  his  sentences  are  put  as  queries,  we  obtain 
veritable  riddles,  and  it  is  this  very  feature  which  has 
been  so  pleasing  to  the  Tibetans  and  accounts  for  the  great 
popularity  of  the  book  in  Tibet. 

Beethold  Laufe3:i. 


ViSISTADVAlTAM 

The  word  vUistadvaitam  is  strangely  mistranslated 
" qualified  monism  This  phrase  is  scarcely  intelligible, 
and  in  any  case  does  not  express  the  fundamental  teaching 
of  Ramanuja.  Visistddvaitam  is  visistayor  adva/itam, 
"the  identity  of  the  two  visistask  Visista  means 
" substantive  ” as  opposed  to  visesana, " adjective.”  Brahma 
is  visista  ; and  Cit  (individual  souls)  and  Acit  (matter) 
are  as  visesana  to  him.  Now  Brahma  exists  in  two 
states,  viz.  in  the  kdrandvasthd  during  the  periods  of 
dissolution,  when  Cit  and  Acit  exist  in  a subtle  (suksma) 
condition  as  his  body,  and  in  the  Icdrydvasthd  during  the 
JBAS.  1912. 


1074  SOME  NOTES  ON  BENGALI 

periods  of  cosmic  manifestation,  when  Cit  and  Acit,  still 
forming  his  body,  are  in  a manifested  (sthula)  state. 
Thus  in  the  former  case  he  is  sTiksma-cicl<icicl-vU^^^^ 
([ualified  by  subtle  Cit  and  Acit,  and  in  the  latter  he  is 
sfhrda-cid--aci(l-visida,  qualified  by  perceptible  Cit  and 
Acit.  The  ViMstdclvaitam  teaches  that  these  two  Brahmas, 
these  two  vUistas,  are  one  and  the  same  being. 

R T.  Sbinivas  Iyengar. 


Some  Notes  on  Bengali 

A kind  footnote  at  p.  281  of  the  January  number  of  our 
Journal  emboldens  me  to  write  down  a few  notes  on  the 
development  of  Bengali  which  may  interest  students  of 
the  modern  languages  of  India.  On  the  title-page  of  his 
History  of  Bengali  Language  and  Literature,  Mr.  Dinesh 
Chandra  Sen  quotes,  with  natural  pride,  the  obiter  dictum 
of  an  old  friend  of  his  and  mine  to  the  effect  that 
^‘Bengali  unites  the  mellifluousness  of  Italian  with  the 
power  possessed  by  German  of  rendering  complex  ideas”. 
Bengali  is,  to  be  sure,  a supple  and  expressive  language, 
and,  spoken  as  it  is  in  Nadiya  for  instance,  it  is  very 
pleasant  to  the  ear.  But  if  we  are  to  look  for  an 
interesting  and  suggestive  parallel  among  Western 
languages,  surely  our  choice  should  fall  on  French.  If 
the  Indo  - European  languages  of  Northern  India  are 
i*elated  to  Sanskrit  as  the  Latin  ” languages  are  related 
to  the  speech  of  Rome,  then  Bengali  is  quite  startlingly 
like  French.  If  Provence  was  one  of  the  earliest  of  Roman 
colonies,  the  land  of  the  langue  d'oil  is  one  of  the  last 
to  come  wholly  under  the  Latin  influence,  so  that  people 
are  still  biglot  in  N.W.  France  and  in  the  Pyrenees. 
So  is  it  in  N.E.  Bengal,  where  Bodo  dialects  hold  their 
own  with  Bengali.  The  word-stress,  in  Bengali  as  in 
French,  is  so  faint  that  the  phrase-stress  (in  both  languages, 
accompanied  by  an  audible  rise  of  tone)  is  the  dominant 
feature.  A result  common  to  both  languages  is  that 


SOME  NOTES  ON  'BENGALI 


1075 


verse  in  both  is  syllabic,  and  not  divided  into  feet  dne 
to  the  recurrent  beat  caused  by  emphasized  or  lengthened 
syllables.  In  both  rhyme  seems  to  be  a practical  necessity, 
and  attempts  to  write  blank  verse  are  only  recognizable 
as  metre  by  the  use  of  intoning  or  some  other  such 
musical  expedient.  It  has  been  denied,  I know,  that 
Bengali  is  one  of  the  languages  in  which  phrase-stress 
dominates  and  obscures  word-stress,  just  as  M.  Paul 
Passy  (a  formidable  authority)  says  that  French  verse 
is  not  syllabic,  and  that  its  rhythm  is  just  as  much 
a matter  of  regularly  recurring  beats  as  the  verse  of 
English  or  German.  But  the  faintness  of  word-stress  in 
Bengali  may  be  made  tolerably  obvious  by  considering  the 
pronunciation  of  words  borrowed  from  stressed  languages, 
such  as  Hindi  or  English.  Dakhl  (possession)  is  pro- 
nounced dokliol,  with  a level  accent  on  both  syllables, 
and  zamin  (land)  becomes  jiomi  In  French  and  Bengali 
alike,  several  words  are  pronounced  rapidl}^  together,  and 
the  phrasal  unit  thus  formed  has  a dominant  syllable, 
which,  to  my  hearing,  is  both  stressed  and  pronounced  at 
a higher  pitch  than  the  rest  of  the  phrase.  This  is, 
perhaps,  particularly  noticeable  in  the  so-called  ''compound 
verbs'',  so  characteristic  of  Bengali  idiom.  They  exist, 
of  course,  in  other  Indo-European  tongues,  but  Bengali 
is  particularly  rich  in  this  device.  A participle  (some- 
times even  tw^'o)  is  joined  to  a finite  verb,  and  the  combined 
phrase  has  a meaning  different  from  its  component  parts. 
I do  not  think  that  this  linguistic  device  is  so  much  as 
mentioned  in  native  vyaharanSj  and  even  in  grammars 
written  in  English  the  list  of  such  “ compound  verbs " 
is  manifestly  incomplete.  It  is,  of  course,  sometimes 
difficult  to  say  in  a given  case  whether  there  has  been 
a fusion  of  meaning.  For  instance,  there  may  be  doubt 
in  the  case  of  such  a picturesque  compound  as  ae  baliyd 
basila,  "he  having  said,  sat,"  which  means  "he  quietly 
said,"  "he  had  the  quiet  impudence  to  say," 


1076  SOME  NOTES  ON  BENGALI 

In  gmnimar  papers  set  to  candidates  for  linguistic 
honours  in  Bengali,  they  are  often  required  to  describe 
the  Bengali  passive.  Here  the  conscienti^^  candidate’s 
difiiculty  is  worth  stating  with  some  particularity/  since 
it  is  an  apt  example  of  the  different  views  often  held 
by  native  and  foreign  grammarians  respectively.  The 
native  vydkarans  do  not  so  much  as  mention  a passive 
voice,  perhaps  because  they  do  not  recognize  any  special 
verbal  device  exclusively  appropriated  to  the  expression 
of  the  passive  sense.  Mr.  D.  0.  Sen  is  very  tantalizing 
in  this  matter.  At  p.  922  of  his  History  he  cites  as 
a ‘'curious  specimen”  of  European  blunders  an  early 
attempt  by  the  Eev.  J.  Keith  to  conjugate  one  tense  of 
the  Bengali  pa>ssive.  This  attempt  only  differs  from  the 
conjugation  given  at  p.  145  of  Shama  Charan  Sirkar’s 
well-known  grammar  in  two  points.  The  second  person 
is  made  to  terminate  in  4d  instead  of  in  -le,  and  the 
pronoun  in  the  third  person  plural  lacks  the  honorific 
caMclra-vindu.  The  latter  error  is  probably  a misprint. 
The  second  person  in  4d  survives,  I think,  in  Assamese 
and  in  N.  Bengal. 

In  Mr.  Beames’s  little  grammar,  and  in  Sirkar,  the 
passive  construction  is  ami  mdrd  yd%  where  mdroj  is 
plainly  participial,  as  in  the  corresponding  construction  in 
Hindi.  ' In  Wengers  grammar,  and  in  Mr.  E.  P.  De’s 
recently  published  Bengali : Litera^^y  and  Colloquial,  the 
construction  given  is  dmdke  mdrd  ydy.  Here  mdrd  has 
become  a verbal  noun  and  the  subject  of  the  verb  ydy, 
(It  may  be  of  interest  to  note  that  this  way  of  expressing 
the  passive  occurs  in  Gaelic,  but  not,  I am  told,  in  the 
Celtic  of  Ireland  or  Brittany.)  If  we  search  books  for 
examples  of  the  construction  we  are  handicapped  by  the 
fact  that  the  passive,  rare  at  all  times,  seems  to  be  most 
commonly  used  of  inanimate  things.  Hence,  owing  to  the 
structure  of  the  language,  the  most  common  specimens  of 
the  passive  may  be  interpreted  either  way.  But  in  the 


SOME  NOTES.  ON  BENGALI 


1077 


few  cases  where  there  can  be  little  doubt  the  construction 
seems  participial  rather  than  nominal,  as,  for  instance,  in 
the  phrase  ei  midi  nd  thdMle,  aneh  grcmithalcdr  Qndrd 
ydrlen,  ^Yh.ere  the  termination  o^  the  verh  ydUen  plainly 
shows  that  rjranfhakdr  is  in  the  nominative,  and  mdrd  the 
complement  of  the  verb  and  not  its  subject. 

Perhaps  we  ought  not  to  talk  of  a passive  in  analytic 
languages  which  have  no  specific  verbal  inflection  to 
express  the  passive  idea.  In  Bengali,  as  in  most  modern 
Indian  languages,  the  passive  sense  can  be  expressed  in 
many  alternative  ways,  some  not  exclusively  used  for  that 
purpose.  Thus,  it  is  possible  to  say  ami  mdrd  padildm, 
I fell  beaten,’’  a construction  which  is  interesting  because 
it  shows  that  mdrd  is  still  used  participially,  and  is  not, 
as  shown  in  grammars  written  in  English,  merely  a verbal 
noun.  The  fact  tliat  the  grammars  disagree  maj^-  be  due 
to  local  differences  of  usage,  and,  in  any  case,  the  nominal 
construction  is  probably  a new  development  due  to  the 
sense  that  sucli  forms  as  mdo'^d  are  becoming  verbal  nouns. 

Perhaps,  too,  we  ought  to  congratulate  ourselves  that 
European  grammarians  have  not  discovered  a middle  voice 
in  Bengali.  The  causal  form  of  the  verb  can  be  used  to 
express  a reflexive  sense,  as  in  the  phrase  tdhd  hlidla 
clekhdy  nd,  that  does  not  look  well.”  There  are  many 
verbs  of  this  type  which  correspond  to  French  reflexives. 
Thus,  beddite  = ''  se  promener  ” and  janmdUe  often  has 
the  sense  of  se  produire  ”,  as  well  as  the  causal  meaning 
which  usually  belongs  to  its  form. 

If  an  apology  is  needed  for  this  ingenuous  exposition  of 
elementary  difficulties,  it  may  perhaps  be  found  in  the 
fact  that  grammatical  discrepancies  are  often  due  to  an 
attempt  to  classify  Indian  facts  of  language  according  to 
European  grammatical  terminology.  This  is  very  marked 
in  the  instance  of  the  cases,  so  that  we  get  such  statements 
(I  am  actually  quoting)  as  the  locative  is  used  in  cases 
where  in  English  the  dative  or  accusative  would  be  used 


1078  NOTE  ON  THE  RAMA  YANA  OF  TIJLASI  DAS 

This  implies  that  the  meaning  of  the  adJdkaran  case  is 
normally  '‘locative”.  In  the  instance  of  primitive  non- 
Indo-European  languages  the  facts  of  grammar  can  hardly 
be  expressed  in  European  phraseology  at  albas  Sir  Richard 
Temple  has  shown.  In  the  case  of  such  languages  as 
Bengali  it  is  perhaps  safest  in  a land  of  grammarians  to 
use  vernacular  terms  which  at  least  do  not  beg  doubtful 
questions  of  interpretation  and  are  based  on  the  observation 
of  natives.  Where  the  foreigner  can  perhaps  be  of  use  is 
in  drawing  attention  to  constructions  which  from  sheer 
familiarity  may  have  escaped  the  notice  of  native 
grammarians.  The  passive  in  Bengali  would  seem  to  be 
one  of  these.  The  methods  of  expressing  the  passive 
sense  must  needs  be  explained  to  foreigners,  and  perhaps 
native  grammarians  might  like  to  know  how  the  mechanism 
of  the  passive  and  of  "compound  verbs”  strikes  the  foreign 
student.  This  might  stimulate  their  analytic  faculty, 
and  thus  help  the  foreign  student  to  learn  from  his  best 
masters — those  who  have  used  the  language  from  birth. 

J.  D.  A. 


Note  on  the  Ramayana  of  Tulasi  Das 
There  is  an  obscure  passage  towards  the  end  of  the 
Ayodhya  Kand  of  the  Hindi  Ramayana,  describing  the 
malice  of  the  god  Indra,  the  sense  and  origin  of  which 
seem  to  have  escaped  the  sole  translator  of  that  epic. 
The  last  ChaupM  preceding  the  290th  Doha  ^ (using  the 
text  published  by  the  Nagari  Pracharini  Sabha  of  Benares ) 
runs  as  follows : — 

^ iftrrf*rw  i w^T*r  i 

CK  vj»  CN. 

This  is  rendered  by  Mr.  Growse  thus : Seeing  this  the 
Ocean  of  compassion  smiled  to  himself  and  said,  ‘ Indra  is 
like  a dog  in  his  ways.’  ” 

^ [i.e.  the  290th  Doha  according  to  Growse’s  translation.  In  theN.P.S. 
edition  it  is  No.  302.  The  verte q^oted’is  the  last  line  on  p.  331.— Ed.] 


LINGUISTIC  SUEVE-Y'OF  INDIA 


The  literal  translation  of  the  second  half  of  tlie 
Ghaupai  is  ''A  dog,  Indra,  and  a young  are  alike”. 
This  is  a punning  allusion  to  a Siltra  of  the  gram- 
marian Panini,  (tlie  133rcl  Sutra  of 

the  fourth  Pada  of  the  sixth  Adhjuiya),  the  meaning  of 
which  is  that  the  Sanskrit  words  for  a dog,  and  for  the 
god  Indra  (Maghavan),  and  for  a young  man  are  all 
subject  to  the  same  peculiarity  in  their  declension,  viz,, 
a change  before  certain  case-terminations  of  the  semi- 
vowel (^)  into  the  corresponding  vowel  (a  change 
technically  called  samprasarana), 

R,  P.  Dewhurst,  I.C.S. 


Progress  Report  of  the  Linguistic  Survey  of  India 
UP  TO  THE  END  OF  THE  YeAR  1911 


The  following  is  a list  of  the  volumes  of  the  Survey, 
showing  the  state  at  which  each  has  arrived  : — 

Vol.  I.  Introduction.  This  cannot  be  touched  until 
all  the  other  volumes  have  been  printed 
and  indexed. 

„ II.  Mon-Khmer  and  Tai  families,  a 

„ III.  Tibeto-Burman  family.  In  three 
parts. 

„ lY.  Munda  and  Dravidian  families.  These  have 

„ V,  Indo- Aryan  languages,  Eastern  all  been 
group.  In  two  parts.  printed  and 

„ VI.  Indo- Aryan  languages,  Mediate  published, 
group. 

„ VII.  Indo-Aryan  languages,  Southern 
group. 

,,  VIII.  Indo-Aryan  languages,  North-Western  group. 

A portion  in  type,  and  the  rest  nearly 
ready  for  the  press., 


1080 


LINGUISTIC  SURVEY  OP  INDIA 

Vol.  IX.  Indo'Aiyan  languages,  Central  group : — 

Part  I.  Western  Hindi  and  PanjcrbL 
In  the  press. 

„ IL  Eajasthtoi  and'j  Printed 
Gujarati.  | and 

,,  III.  Bhil  languages,  etc.  I published. 

„ IV.  Himalayan  languages.  In  the 
press. 

„ X.  Eranian  languages.  The  greater  part  in 
type*  A small  portion  remaining  to  be 
written. 

XL  Gipsy  languages.  This  has  been  prepared  by 
Dr.  Konow,  and  is  ready  for  the  press. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  Survey,  save  for  the  Intro- 
ductory volume,  is  nearly  completed.  Only  a few  months' 
work  remains.  As  for  what  has  not  already  been  published, 
the  following  remarks  may  be  of  interest. 

Vol.  VIII  covers  the  whole  of  North-Western  India,  and 
deals  with  Sindhi,  Lahndi,  and  the  Pisacha  languages 
(including  Kashmiri)  spoken  between  the  north-western 
frontier  of  India  proper  and  the  Hindu  Kush.  With  the 
exception  of  Kashmiri,  all  the  Pisacha  languages  have 
been  disposed  of,  and  the  section  dealing  with . them  is  in 
type.  Lahndi,  by  far  the  heaviest  section,  is  completed 
except  for  a couple  of  dialects,  regarding  which  it  lias 
been  found  necessary  to  make  reference  to  India.  Sindhi, 
which  will  require  but  a short  section,  has  not  yet  been 
touched.  All,  therefore,  of  this  volume  that  remains 
to  be  done  is  Sindhi,  two  dialects  of  Lahndi,  and 
Kashmiri. 

As  regards  Vol.  IX  (Eranian  languages),  two  forms  of 
speech  remain  untouched j viz.  Bilochi  and  Ormuri.  The 
latter  is  a most  interesting  but  little-known  language 
spoken  in  Waziristan.  I have  been  fortunate  enough  to 
obtain  excellent  materials,  .^nd  hope  to  be  able  to  give 


LIXGUrSTIC  SUEVEY  OF  INDJA 


1081 


a fairly  complete  account  of  it.  I have  already  drafted 
a grammar  and  voeabulary.  Althongli  distinct!}/  a member 
of  the  Eranian  family,  it  also  shows  points  of  agreement 
with  the  Pisaclia  languages  of  the  Hindu  Kusli  country. 
It  may  here  be  remarked  that  Khetrani,  a dialect  of  the 
Indo- Aryan  Lahndi,  also  shows  signs  of  similar  agreement. 
The  rest  of  this  w^olume,  dealing  with  the  Ghalchah 
languages,  Pushto,  and  some  local  varieties  of  Persian,  has 
long  been  in  type. 

As  regards  Vol.  IX,  the  parts  dealing  with  Kajasthanh 
Gujarati,  and  the  Bhil  languages  have  already  been 
published.  The  part  for  Western  Hindi  and  Panjabi  has 
long  been  ready  for  the  press,  but  difficulties  connected 
with  the  preparation  of  special  Oriental  type  have  delayed 
its  appearance.  Part  IV  has  lately  been  completed  in 
MS.  and  gone  to  press.  It  deals  with  the  Indo-Aiyan 
languages  of  the  Himalaya  from  Darjeeling  in  the  east  to- 
beyond  Chamba  in  the  west.  These  have  been  divided  into 
three  languages  or  groups  of  dialects,  which  (proceeding 
from  east  to  west)  I name  respectively  Eastern  Pahari  or 
jSTaipali,  Central  Pahari,  and  Western  Pahari. 

These  Pahari  languages  exhibit  points  of  great  interest,, 
both  to  tlie  ethnologist  and  to  the  philologist.  In  Eastern 
Pahari  we  have  an  Indo-Aryan  language  spoken  by 
a dominant  class,  comparatively  few  in  number,  amidst 
a population  whose  speech  is  Tibeto-Burman.  In  such 
a case  we  should  expect  to  find  many  instances  of  Tibeto- 
Burman  loan-words,  but  this  does  not  occur  to  any  large 
extent.  On  the  other  hand,  the  grammar  is  greatly 
influenced,  and  we  find  this  Indo-Aiyan  language  adopting 
a system  of  conjugation  and  rules  of  syntax  which  are 
essentially  Tibeto-Burman.  For  instance,  as  in  Tibeto- 
Burman,  there  is  a special  impersonal  conjugation  of  every 
verb,  giving  an  honorific  sense  ; and  the  subject  of  a 
transitive  verb  in  any  tense  (not  only  the  past  tense)  is 
put  into  the  case  of  the  agent. 


1082 


LINGUISTIC  SUEVEY  OF  INDIA 


Central  Pahari  is  the  language  of  Kuinaun  and  Garhwal. 
The  many  dialects  can  conveniently  grouped  under  tlie 
two  language  names  of  Kumauni  and  GarhwalL  The 
speakers  of  Eastern  Pahari  call  themselves  Khas 
<and  the  principal  dialect  of  Kumauni  is  called  Khas- 
2iarjiyd,  or  “the  speech  of  the  Khas-people The  main 
cultivating  population  of  Kumaun  and  Garliwal  belongs 
to  the  Khas  tribe.  Western  Pahaii  is  the  name  given  to 
the  group  of  dialects  between  Garhwal  on  the  east  and 
Jammu  and  Kashmir  on  the  west.  It  includes  the 
vernacular  language  of  the  country  round  Simla. 

The  tract  over  which  Central  and  Western  Pahari  are 
spoken  closely  corresponds  to  the  ancient  Sapadalaksha^ 
the  country  from  which  in  old  times  the  Gurjaras  migrated 
to  populate  North-Eastern  Eajputtoa  (Mewat  and  Jaipur). 
D.  R.  Bhandarkar  has  shown  that  the  Rajputs  are  tlxe 
modern  representatives  of  ancient  Gurjaras  who  adopted 
the  profession  of  arms,  the  remainder,  who  adhered,  to  the 
tribal  pastoral  life,  retaining  the  old  name  of  “ Gurjara  ’b 
or  in  modern  times  “Gujar”, 

The  Khas  tribe  of  the  Central  Pahari  tract  rej)resents 
the  ancient  Khasas,  regarding  whom  much  has  been 
written,  but  little  definitely  proved.  The  cultivating 
population  of  the  Western  Pahari  tract  calls  itself 
“Kanet'bnot  “Khas’';  but  the  Kanets  are  divided  into 
two  classes,  one  of  which,  the  lowmr  in  status,  bears  the 
name  of  “ Khas”.  The  other  class,  of  higher  status,  calls 
itself  “ Eao  ” and  claims,  as  the  name  implies,  to  be  of 
impure  Rajput  descent. 

The  language  spoken  in  the  three  Pahari  tracts  is,  as 
is  well  known,  connected  with  Rajasthani,  and  wdien  the 
Pahari  volume  appears  it  will  be  seen  that  it  agrees  most 
closely  with  the  dialects  of  North-Eastern  Rajputaiui — 
Mewati  and  Jaipur!.  But  thi’oughout  there  are  traces  of 

^ See  D.  R.  Bhandarkar  in  Indian  Antiquary,  xl,  1911,  28.  The  name 
still  survives  in  the  “ Sawalakh'^'ifiills, 


LINGUISTIC  SUHYEY  OF  INDIA 


1083 


another  form  of  speech  belonging  to  the  North-Western 
group  of  Indo- Aryan  languages,  which.  I call  “Pisacha”. 
These  traces  are  si  iglit  in  Eastern  Pahirri,  strong  in  Central 
Pahari,  and  very  strong  in  Western  Pahari. 

The  state  of  affairs  is  further  complicated  by  the  fact 
that  in  the  extreme  north-west,  amongst  Pisaca-speaking 
peoples,  in  the  distant  hills  of  Swat  and  Kashmir,  there 
are  at  the  present  day  wandering  tribes  of  Gujar  cattle- 
tenders  and  sliepherds,  who  have  a language  of  their  own 
quite  diJffercnt  from  that  of  the  people  among  whom  they 
dwell.  This  language  also  closely  resembles  the  Rajasthani 
of  Mewat  and  Jaipur.  . 

Although  it  is  unsafe  to  base  ethnological  theories  on 
linguistic  facts,  I think  that  wdien  Part  IV  of  Vol.  IX  of 
the  Linguistic  Survey  is  published  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  following  theory  is  at  least  not  inconsistent  with  the 
linguistic  facts  as  we  now  observe  them. 

I suggest  that  the  earliest  known  Indo-Aryan  or  Aryan 
inhabitants  of  the  Himalaya  tract,  known  as  Sapada- 
laksha,  were  the  Kliasas.  These  spoke  a language  akin 
to  what  are  now  the  Pisacha  languages  of  the  Hindi! 
Kush.  They  are  now  represented  in  the  Western  Pahari 
tract  by  the  Khas  clan  of  the  Kanets  and  in  the  Central 
Pahari  tract  by  the  Khas  tribe,  which  forms  the  bulk  of 
the  cultivating  population. 

In  later  time  the  Khasas  were  conquered  by  the  Gurjaras. 
The  Gurjaras  are  now  represented  by  the  Rajputs  of  the 
whole  SapMalaksha  tract,  and  also  by  the  Rao  clan  of 
the  Kanets,  which  represents  those  Gurjaras  who  did  not 
take  to  warlike  pursuits,  but  remained  cultivators.  Hence 
their  claim  to  be  of  impure  Rajput  descent.  In  Garhwal 
and  Kumaun,  where  (for  our  present  purposes)  there  are 
only  Rajputs  and  Khasas,  the  cultivating  Gurjaras  became 
merged  in  the  general  Khas  population.  Over  the  whole 
of  this  Sapadalaksha  tract  the  Gurjaras  and  the  Khasas 
gradually  amalgamated,  and  they  now  speak  one  language, 


1084 


LINGUISTIC  SURVEY  OF  INDIA 

mainly  Gurjari,  but  also  bearing  traces  of  the  speech  of 
the  original  Khasa  population. 

As  Bhandarkar  has  shown,  many  of  these  Sapadalaksha 
Gurjaras  migrated  into  Raj putana,  carrying  their  language 
with  them,  which  there  developed  into  Rajasthani.  In 
the  subsequent  centuries  there  was  constant  communication 
between  Rajputana  and  Sapadalaksha,  and,  under  tlie 
pressure  of  Mughul  domination,  there  ultimately  set  in 
a considerable  tide  of  emigration  back  from  Raj puttoa 
into  Sapadalaksha.  These  immigrants  were  received  with 
all  the  prestige  of  the  high  position  to  which  they  had 
attained  in  the  social  system  of  the  Indian  Plains.  The 
foundation  by  them  of  various  Hill  States  is  a matter  of 
history  and  need  not  here  detain  us,  but,  from  a linguistic 
point  of  view,  the  important  fact  is  that  they  still  further 
strengthened  the  Rajasthani  element  in  the  Pahari  dialects. 

There  remain  the  nomadic  Gujars  of  the  north-western 
hills.  Their  presence  is  accounted  for  as  follows : — We 
have  seen  that  those  Gurjaras  who  did  not  take  to  warlike 
pursuits,  but  adhered  to  their  pastoral  occupation,  retained 
the  name  and  social  status  of  Gurjaras  or  Gujars.  During 
the  period  in  which  Rajput  rule  became  extended  over  the 
Panjab,  the  Rajput  fighting-men  were  accompanied  by 
their  Immbler  pastoral  brethren,  and  we  now  find  a line 
of  Gujar  colonization  running  from  Mewat  (the  ''  Gujarat 
of  Albiruni)  up  both  sides  of  the  Jamna  Valley,  and 
thence  following  the  foot  of  the  Panjab  Himalaya,  right 
up  to  the  Indus.  Where  they  have  settled  in  the  plains 
they  have  abandoned  their  own  language  and  speak 
that  of  the  surrounding  population,  but  as  we  enter  the 
lower  hills  we  invariably  come  upon  a dialect  locally 
known  as  “Gujari”.  In  each  case  this  can  best  be 
described  as  the  language  of  the  people  nearest  the  local 
Gujars,  but  badly  spoken,  as  if  by  foreigners.  The  further 
we  go  into  these  sparsely  populated  hills,  the  more 
independent  do  we  find  the  Gtjar  dialect,  and  the  less  is. 


AN  AIICH.EOLOGICAL.  COLLECTION  FOR  MUNICH  1085 

it  inliueiiced  hy  its  surroundings.  At  lengtli,  when  we 
get  into  tile  wild  hill-country  of  Swat  and  Kasliniir,  tiie 
nomad  GCijars  are  found  still  pursuing  their  pastoral 
avocations,  and  still  speaking  the  language  their  ancestors 
brought  with  them  from  Mewat.  But  even  this  shows 
traces  of  its  long  journey.  For  these  Gujars,  wandering 
over  liills  where  tlie  resident  population  speaks  either 
Pushto  or  some  Pisacha  dialect,  and  separated  from  the 
Jamna  hy  the  wide  plains  of  the  Punjab,  over  which 
either  Lalmdi  or  Panjabi  is  the  universal  tongue,  speak 
a language  which,  thougli  nearly  the  same  as  Mewati, 
also  contains,  like  flies  in  amber,  odd  phrases  and  idioms 
belonging  to  the  Hindostani  of  the  Jamna  Valley.  These 
they  could  not  have  taken  from  Pushto  or  from  Pisacha. 
These  are  strange  alike  to  Lahndi  and  Panjabi.  These 
do  not  occur  in  Mewati,  and  they  clearly  show  that  the 
Gujars,  on  their  to  Swat  and  Kashmir,  must,  at  one 
period  of  their  wanderings,  have  lived  in  the  Jamna 
Valley. 

George  A.  Grierson. 


An  Archaeological  Collection  for  Munich 

An  Exhibition  was  lield  in  Munich  during  May  and 
June  of  this  year  of  an  interesting  collection  made  hy 
Professor  Scherman,  Director  of  the  Royal  Ethnographical 
Museum,  in  the  course  of  a twelve  months’  tour  in  Burma 
and  India.  Professor  Scherman’s  main  object  was  to  fill 
up  gaps  in  the  Museum  exhibits,  and  as  Burma  was  poorly 
represented  more  than  half  his  time  was  devoted  to  that 
province.  The  result  is  a very  fine  and  complete  collection 
of  objects  illustrating  the  daily  life  of  the  people — 
Burmese,  Shans,  Palaungs,  Karens,  Nagas,  Kachins,  and 
others.  Clothing,  ornaments,  arms,  pottery,  household 
and  agricultural  implements,  musical  instruments,  sacred 


1086  AN  AKCHJ*:0L0G1CAL  COLLECTION  FOR  AIUNICH 


utensils,  and  specimens  of  weaving  all  find  their  place  for 
each  of  the  principal  racial  divisions.  The  Todas  and 
Gonds  of  Southern  India  are  similarly  dealt  with,  and 
the  Jains  of  Ahmadabad  are  represented  by  a set  of 
sacred  utensils  and  by  carvings  from  old  temples.  The 
collection  also  includes  religious  and  other  objects  from 
Assam  and  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Himalayas,  sculptures 
from  Mathura,  and  embroideries  and  ornaments  from  other 
parts  of  India.  In  all  there  are  over  two  thousand  pieces. 
Most  of  them  were  bought  with  the  aid  of  officials, 
missionaries  (especially  those  of  the  American  Baptist 
Mission),  and  gentlemen  interested  in  ethnology ; but 
some  are  from  the  private  collections  of  Messrs.  Needham, 
Swinhoe,  and  C.  E.  Browne,  and  some  presented  by 
Sawbwas  and  others. 

Among  the  most  conspicuous  exhibits  are  two  doorways 
of  glass  mosaic  from  a ruined  monastery  in  Upper  Burma, 
a carved  throne  in  the  style  of  those  in  Mandalay  Palace, 
and  a processional  car  containing  a Buddha.  One  side 
of  a room  is  occupied  by  a complete  set  of  marionettes, 
ari’anged  as  in  a Burmese  operatic  play,  and  in  front  of 
these  is  an  entire  orchestra.  Less  familiar  objects  to 
those  living  in  Burma  are  some  fine  bronze  drums  from 
Karenni,  made  by  Shans.  There  are  Buddhas  in  every 
position  and  of  every  type  and  material,  and  specimens 
showing  the  stages  of  the  cire-perdu  process  by  which 
brass  images  are  manufactured.  Pre-Buddhist  religion 
is  well  represented  by  copies  of  the  remarkable  carved 
figures  of  the  Thirty-seven  Nats  at  Nyaungu,  near  Pagan. 
The  art  of  wood-carving  before  it  became  over-elaborate 
and  degenerate  is  exemplified  by  specimens  from  ruined 
monasteries  in  the  Upper  Ohindwin  and  Mandalay.  The 
silver-work  also,  which  fills  a large  case,  has  been  chosen 
as  characteristic  of  the  Shan  and  Burmese  art  of  the  last 
century  rather  than  of  the  more  modern  developments. 
There  is  a very  fine  collection  of  spears,  swords,  knives, 


NOTES  ON  SOME  STTFI  LIVES 


1087 


and  bow8,  and,  lastly,  models  of  boats,  bouses,  carts,  etc. 
The  uses  to  which  all  these  things  are  put  are  illustrated 
in  photographs  by  Mrs,  Scherman,  selected  from  about 
a thousand  negatives. 

The  Director  of  the  museum  is  an  official  of  the 
Bavarian  Government,  but  the  expenses  of  the  tour  were 
defrayed  from  private  subscriptions.  Professor  Scherman 
travelled  with,  letters  of  recommendation  from  the  vSecretary 
of  State  and  the  Government  of  India. 

The  exhibits  will  be  stored  until  x'oom  is  obtained  for 
them  in  a new  museum  building. 


Notes  on  some  Sufi  Lives 
In  the  preface  to  the  Kaslif  al-Mahjah,  p.  xvii,  its- 
author  is  said  to  have  studied  under  Khiittali  and 
another.  In  Mr.  Clauson’s  Khidam  Ta'rikh  aUBahd 
(ante,  p.  598,  n.  1)  I have  come  across  the  name  of  a third 
teacher,  Abu-l-Fadl  al-Sahlaki,  who  is  mentioned  {Kashf, 
164)  as  ''  Shaikh  Sahlagi  and  as  imparting  direct 
information  to  the  author.  In  the  Khuldsa  he  is  stated 
to  have  written  a work  on  the  arcana  of  Bayazid,  and  to 
have  died  A.H.  398,^  whereas  Dhahabi  dates  his  death  in 
477.  Were  the  earlier  date  correct  the  pupil  must  have 
survived  the  master  by  at  least  sixty  years.  The 
KJmldm  again  mentions  the  Kashf  in  connexion  with 
Abu  ‘Abd  A.  Muh.  b.  Khalaf  al-Eastoi,  d.  419.^  He  must 

y\  ^ 

. uJAS' 


1088 


NOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 

be  identical  with  the  Dasttoi  (p.  164),  who  found  an 
excellent  successor  in  Shaikh  Sahlagi.”  And  the  text 
goes  on  to  notice  the  death,  in  the  same  year,  of  Khara- 
kani  (p.  163),  who  is  called  Eabbani,  presumably  an 
epithet,  and  to  give  an  Arabic  version  of  his  conversation 
with  Miliani,  as  also  Kushairi’s  account  of  his  feelings  on 
entering  Kliarakan  to  the  same  effect  as  in  the  JfasAti 
The  death  of  the  author  of  that  work  does  not  appear  to 
be  noticed  in  the  AT/mfen. 

I take  the  opportunity  of  correcting  some  errors  in  the 
article  which  have  been  pointed  out  by  one  or  other  of 
the  three  Professors  to  whose  assistance  I was  indebted  : 
557,  n.  3,  read  , as  in  Laivaldlp  al-A-n^^ 

i,  97,  penult. ; 564,  ult.,  i*ead  Jjjsixxi,  and  translate 

“his  love  was  i*ecognized,  but  the  Deity  had  been 
coquetting  with  him”:  566,  n.  2,  11.  2 and  3,  read  ; 
568,  1.  4 a.f.,  read  and  and  3 a.l, 

translate  are  rare  ” ; 669,  n.  1,  the  text  is  given 
more  correctly  in  Subki’s  Tabakat  cd-Shdfi'iyya,  ii,  39, 
and,  differently,  Laiodhih,  i,  83  ; ib.,  penult.,  read  ; 
570,  1.  16,  read  Or.  49;  and  572,  1.  11,  read  “Akta'  and 
Makki  disclaimed  him  — — those  whom  theAbi?"^ 

^ ^ — ]\y4j  o : JLS  wiAi  ii 

4X--«a-^.a*s  *.d 

(j\3j  . dJiJA  LZj\j^[^ 

^j\ — UJ  : 

Jli  . tiXSi 

. 5j^  jUT  Lyhd  i 


XOTES  ON  SOME  SUFI  LIVES 


1089 


mentions  as  accepting  him  are  Ibn  'Atii,  Ibn  Khafif,  and 
Nasiubadlii 

I may  add  tliat  Nakkash  (574,  note)  was  tlie  autlior  of 
^/I\ihakat  al-Srffiyya  (Haji  Kh.  7905);  tliat  al-Awariji 
(572,  n.  2)  is  mentioned  'Arib,  87,  1.  17;  and  that  Mnh. 
b.  'Abd  A.  al-Shirazi  and  Ibn  Bakiiya,  mentioned  ib.  103, 
11.  6 and  21,  are  one  and  the  same  person ; c£.  ante,  556,  ult. 
His  death  in  428  is  noticed  by  Dhahabi,  Or.  49,  148^. 

In  the  table : p,  581,  for  Kharkani  read  Kharakani 
(Ansab) ; p.  582,  tlie  Maghribi  mentioned,  Mnh.  b.  Isma'il, 
should  be  followed  by  another,  Sa'id  b.  Sallam  (Kashf, 
p,  158),  d.  373  (Sulami,  111^,  and  Dhahabi,  Or.  48,  135^). 
And  it  is  probable  that  the  preceding  Ibn  al-Kiiti  should 
be  read  Ibn  al-Ghilti  (from  the  Ghuta  of  Damascus),  for 
the  name  appears  thus  in  the  Kitah  al-Liima‘  (B.M.  Or. 
7710, 148a,  b),  in  a version  of  the  Kashf  story  (pp.  408-9) 
of  the  young  man’s  sudden  death  on  the  “ audition  ” of 
a verse.  In  the  Lttma‘  it  is  Dukki  who  is  walking  with 
Ibn  al-Ghfiti  at  the  spot  mentioned,  and  the  young  man 
adjures  the  girl  to  repeat  the  verse,  not  for  his  own  life’s 
sake,  but  for  that  of  her  master.  The  ''  change  ” in  the 
verse  seems  to  be  in  respect  of  colour — — and  on 
hearing  it  the  youth  exclaims  o 

and  dies.  A somewhat  similar  tragedy,  but  without 
a Suh  environment,  is  told  by  Jahiz  as  having  taken 
place  at  the  court  of  'Abd  al-Malik  b.  Marwan,  or  of  one 
of  liis  sons  (see  Mas'udi,  Prairies  d'Or,  vii,  225,  and 
Ibn  Khali.,  de  SI.,  ii,  406).  The  death  there  was  self- 
inflicted,  but  the  Caliph’s  conduct  may  have  been  the  model 
for  the  impulsive  proceedings  of  the  singer’s  master  here. 

I have  found  the  Kitah  al-Luma'  quoted  for  a Sufi 
there  mentioned,  Abu-l-Taib  Alimad  b.  Mukatil  al-'Akki, 
in  the  Ansab  of  Sam'ani,  Gibb  Facsimile,  396^  2 a.f., 
a volume  which  may,  by  the  time  these  lines  are  in  print, 
have  actually  reached  the  public’s  hands. 


H.  F.  A. 


1090  THE  MANUSCRIPTS  OF  THE  KITAB  AL-LUMA'^ 


The  Manuscripts  of  the  Kitab  al-Luma^ 

In  liis  ''Notes  on  some  Sufi  Lives”  published  in  the 
last  number  of  the  Journal,  Mr.  Amedroz  refers  (p.  555, 
n.  1)  to  my  forthcoming  edition  of  the  famous  Arabic 
treatise  on  Sufism  by  Abii  Nasr  al-Sarraj  of  Tiis.  Only 
two  MSS.  of  the  Kitab  are  known  to  exist. 

One  of  these  belongs  to  Mr.  A.  G.  Ellis,  who  has  kindly 
placed  it  at  my  disposal : it  is  dated  683  A.H.,  is  carefully 
written,  and  has  been  collated  throughout,  as  appears 
from  the  numerous  corrections  in  the  margin.  The  second 
MS.  has  recently  been  acquired  by  the  British  Museum 
(Or.  7710).  Its  date  is  much  earlier,  namely  548  A.H., 
and  it  represents  an  older  recension  of  the  work. 
Although  the  two  texts  agree  closely  with  each  other, 
their  variations  being  generally  unimportant,  the  rule 
seoiiores  prior es  applies  to  manuscripts  as  well  as  to 
men;  and  I should  not  have  decided  to  make  Mr.  Ellis's 
copy  (A)  the  basis  of  my  edition  if  the  British  Museum 
codex  (B)  were  what  Mr.  Amedroz  says  it  is— "a  complete 
and  legibly  written  MS.”  The  description,  however,  is 
seriously  misleading.  Compared  with  A,  which  itself  is 
not  complete,  B is  defective  to  the  extent  of  more  than 
a third  part  of  the  whole  text:  of  the  193  folios  in  A, 
72  are  wanting  in  B.  The  single  lacuna  in  A covers 
six  chapters  (probably  between  ten  and  fifteen  folios) 
which  B,  unfortunately,  does  not  supply.  B is  legible 
enough,  except  where  it  has  been  damaged  by  worms, 
but  A is  in  far  sounder  condition  and  is  also  more 
correct.  I will  add,  for  the  benefit  of  anyone  who 
may  wish  to  peruse  or  consult  the  only  copy  of  the 
Kitab'  al-Luma'  at  present  available,  that  the  pagination 
and  order  of  the  text  are  in  hopeless  confusion.  The 
correct  order  is  given  in  the  second  column  of  the 
following  table,  which  also  shows  what  portions  of  the 
text  are  missing:;^', /:f,;  ^ r .*  • 


THE  BUSHELE  BOWL 


1091 


A B 


A, 

fol. 

la,  11 

. 2-10. 

B. 

om. 

A, 

fol. 

la,  11 

. 10-16. 

B, 

fol. 

3a,  11. 

1- 

11. 

A, 

fol. 

la,  1. 

n—foi. 

56,  1.  7. 

B, 

oin. 

A., 

fol. 

5b,  1. 

7 — fol.  6a,  1.  9. 

B, 

fol. 

36, 1 1 

fol.  4a,  last  line. 

A, 

fol. 

6a,  1. 

9— fol.  106,  1.  1. 

B, 

om. 

A, 

fol. 

106,  1 

. 1— fol. 

166,  1 1. 

B, 

fol. 

46.  I.  1 

fol  . 

15a,  last  line. 

A, 

fol. 

166,  1 

. 1— fol. 

17a,  L 3. 

B, 

om. 

A, 

fol. 

17a,  1.  4 — fol. 

32a,  1.  7. 

B, 

fol. 

156,  1. 

1- 

-fol 

43a, 

last 

line. 

A, 

fol. 

32a,  1 

. 7-— fol. 

416,115. 

B, 

fol. 

696,  1. 

1- 

-fol 

876, 

1.  7. 

A, 

fol. 

416,  3 

. 15 — fol. 

. 62a,  last  line. 

B, 

om. 

A, 

fol. 

626,  3 

..  1— fol. 

636,  penult. 

B, 

fol. 

876,  1 

8~ 

-fo3. 

90a, 

last 

line. 

A, 

fol. 

636,  last  line— 

-fol.  686,  1. 10. 

B, 

fol. 

436,  1. 

1- 

-fol. 

52a, 

last 

line. 

A, 

fol. 

686,  3 

..  10— fol 

. 69a,  1.  12. 

B, 

fol. 

686,  1. 

1- 

-fol 

69a, 

last 

line. 

A, 

fol. 

69a,  1 

,.  12-  fol. 

, 956,  1.  8. 

B, 

om, 

A, 

fol. 

956,  1 

. 8— fol. 

1056,1  12. 

B, 

fol. 

906,  1. 

1- 

“foi. 

1096 

, 1.  1 

A, 

fol. 

1056, 

1.  12— fol.  1086,  1,  2. 

B, 

fol. 

232a,  1. 

6- 

-fol 

238a 

, last  line. 

A, 

fol. 

1086, 

1.  2— fol. 

109a,  1.  16. 

B, 

fol. 

2396, 1. 

1- 

-fol 

241a, 

, last 

line. 

A, 

fol. 

109a, 

1.  16— fol.  1096,  1.  12. 

B, 

fol: 

2386, 1. 

1- 

-fol. 

239a, 

, last  line. 

A, 

fol. 

1096, 

1.  13— fol.  1126,  1.  8. 

B, 

fol. 

626,  1. 

1- 

-fol 

68a, 

last 

line. 

A, 

fol. 

1126, 

1.  9— fol. 

, 1136,  1.  4. 

B, 

fol 

546,  1. 

1- 

-fol 

56a, 

last 

line. 

A, 

fol. 

1136, 

1.  5— fol 

.114a,  17. 

B, 

fol 

2416, 1 

1- 

-fol. 

242a, 

, last  line. 

A, 

fol. 

n4a, 

1.  8— fol 

.1156,1.4. 

B, 

fol. 

526,  1. 

1- 

-fol. 

54a, 

last 

line. 

A, 

fol. 

1156, 

1.  5— fol, 

. 119a,  1.  19. 

B, 

fol 

566,  1. 

1- 

-fol. 

62a, 

last 

line. 

.A, 

fol. 

119a, 

penult. - 

-fol.  1476,  1.  2. 

B, 

fol. 

131a,  last  line- 

-fol. 

191a 

:,L  4. 

A, 

fol. 

1476, 

1.  2— fol. 

.153a,  1.18, 

B, 

fol 

1096,  1 

.2 

!— fol.  122a,  1. 

10. 

A, 

fol. 

lo3a. 

1.  18— fol.  172a,  1.  8. 

B, 

fol. 

191a,  1 

4 — fol 

230a, 

, last  line. 

A, 

fol. 

172a, 

1.  8— fol 

. 1726,  1.  10. 

B, 

om. 

^A,, 

fol. 

1726, 

1. 10— fol 

. 173a,  last  line. 

B, 

fol. 

2306,  1 

. 1 

—fol.  232a,  1. 

6. 

A, 

fol. 

173a, 

last  line- 

-fol.  178a,  1.  2. 

B, 

fol. 

122a,  1 

10 — fol.  131a,  penult. 

A, 

fol. 

178a, 

1.  3— fol. 

, 1936,  1.  4. 

B, 

om, 

Keynold  a.  Nicholson. 


The  Bushell  Bowl 

Mr.  L.  C.  Hopkins  in  deciphering  the  inscription  of  the 
Bushell  Bowl,  now  in  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum 
(JRAS.,  1912,  pp.  439  ff.),  finds  considerable  difficulty  in 
explaining  the  character  No.  245.  It  seems  to  me 
that  there  is  every  probability  of  its  modern  form  being 
^ or  which  according  to  Giles’  Dictionary  (edition 
1911),  11268  and  11269,  signifies  “a  caldron;  a tripod, 
or  a four-footed  vessel,  of  bronze,  with  two  ears ; a 
sacrificial  vessel,  regarded  as  an  emblem  of  Imperial  power; 


1092 


THE  BUSHELL  BOWL 


hence,  the  empire  Of  course,  to  use  Mr.  Hopkins’  own 
words,  sucli  an  equation  does  not  satisfy  the  conditions, 
for  neitlier  the  Bushel!  Bowl  nor  the  San  Shih  P an  can 
properly  be  styled  a ting  any  more  than  a at  least 

as  far  as  modern  Chinese  is  concerned.  But  we  have  to 


base  theories  on  facts,  not  interpret  facts  to  fit  into  theories. 

If  Mr.  Hopkins  is  correct,  and  the  thing  referred  to  in 
the  inscription  as  having  been  “ completed  or  ''  made  ” 
is  our  very  bowl,  tlien  it  would  be  well  to  point  out  the 
fact  that  ting  is  not  necessarily  a tripod,  altliougli 
commonly  denoting  such  in  present-day  language,  but 
may  include  even  to-day,  and  perhaps  much  more  so  in 
the  seventh  century  B.c.,  sacrificial  vessels  of  other  shapes. 
There  is  a play  of  words  in  this  sentence,  which  may 
have  induced  the  engraver'  to  use  these  characters.  jQ , 
if  Mr.  Hopkins  reads  the  character  correctly,  of  which 
he  himself  shows  some  doubt,  has  also  the  meaning  of 

original,  to  originate  ”,  etc.,  and  ting  that  of  dynasty  ”, 
quite  enough  to  tempt  any  Chinese  scribe.  Cf.  ^ or 
± “ to  establish  a dynasty  ” (Giles). 

If,  on  the  other  hand.  Professors  Giles,  Chavannes,  etc., 
are  right,  and  the  bowl  is  ''  a fake  ”,  then  it  is  quite 
probable  that  the  inscription  of  the  bowl  is  a copy,  more 
or  less  true,  of  another  inscription,  the  original  perhaps 
having  been  cast  or  engraved  on  the  ting  mentioned. 

But  the  most  probable  version  appears  to  me  to  be  that 
the  inscription  on  the  Bushell  Bowl  recounts  the  deeds 
and  rewards  of  that  Prince  of  Chin.  Among  the 
distinctions  bestowed  on  him  by  the  king  is  a ting, 
which  beside  its  intrinsic  value  probably  had  some 
symbolical  meaning. 

On  the  whole,  the  arguments  of  the  iconoclasts  ” cairry 

more  conviction,  and  it  is  certainly  awkward  to  base  an 

entire  theory  on  a letter  admittedly  in  dispute,  or  rather 

not  deciphered  yet  at  all.  tt 

^ H.  Gipperich. 

Tientsin  (China)] 


GINOEE,  ETC. 


109S 


Note  on  the  above 


I have  read  with  interest  Mr.  Gippericli’s  comments  on 
my  article  on  the  Bushell  Bowl.  The  difficulty  witli 
] regard  to  the  identification  of  character  No.  245  with 

I ting,  a caldron,  is  that,  though  ancient  examp]e>s  of  that 

character  are  very  numerous,  there  is  among  them  no 
known  instance  of  our  form.  Hence  I dared  not  treat 
the  latter  as  ting,  for,  as  Mr.  Gipperich  remarks, we 
have  to  base  theories  on  facts,  not  interpret  facts 
[or  cliaracters]  to  fit  into  theories.” 

I am  not  in  any  doubt  as  to  the  preceding  chax'acter 
yilan.  But  it  is  uncertain,  perhaps,  whether  its  sense  in 
this  passage  is  original  ” or  ''  great  ”. 

I am  not  sure  whether  Mr.  Gipperich  supposes  me  to 
base  my  belief  in  the  genuineness  of  the  Bowl  and  its 
inscription  on  the  sentence  under  discussion.  However, 
I formed  my  opinion  long  before  these  few  characters 
came  fullv  to  light. 

L.  C,  Hopkins. 


Ginger,  etc. 

1.  In  his  note  on  the  Indian  names  for  “ginger” 

pp.  475-6)  my  friend  Professor  Hultzsch  concurs 
with  me  in  disconnecting  the  form  as  regards  its 

etymolog}^  from  the  various  forms  of  sTnga{'vera),  inji, 
etc.  As  he  does  not  mention  the  pi*oposed  derivation  of 
sibnth.%  from  which  was  included  in  my  note  (1905, 

pp.  169-70),  he  will  no  doubt  permit  me  to  recall 
attention  to  it,  more  especially  as  I understand  him  to 
accord  it  his  approval.  It  is  confirmed,  as  he  points  out 
to  me,  by  the  fact  that  the  ordinary  Tamil  designation 
mkku  is  clearly  derived  from  the  Sanskrit  equivalent 
mska,  ''  dry,”  antithetic  to  ardraka,  “ fresh  ginger.” 

2.  A number  of  Sanskrit  poets  bear  names  ending  in 
-oka,  e.g.  Bimhoka,  Gangoka,  Oopoka,  Hingoka,  Nathoka, 


1094 


GINGEE,  ETC. 


NUoka,  Pundroka,  Siddhoka,  Vdtoka,  Yog  oka,  Aufrecht 
LekS  made  a list  of  them  in  one  of  his  MSS.,  and  they 
will  be  found  scattered  in  the  pages  of  the  Catalogus 
Gatalogoribin,  One  of  them,  however,  Malloka,  is  omitted 
as  not  having  written  in  Sanskrit ; he  is  perhaps  the 
oldest,  being  author  of  one  of  the  verses  in  the  Sa-pta- 
sataka  of  Hala. 

We  may  suggest  the  following  explanation  of  the  suffix. 
The  poet  Annarit  is  frequently  cited  by  the  variants 
Amaraka,  Amaruka,  and  Amarnka  (see  Professor  Simon  s 
edition  of  the  Sataka,  pp.  16  sqq.).  Amarw  will,  there- 
fore, be  a Prakrit  derivative  from  Amaraka  by  loss  of 
the  k,  which  has  subsequently  been  reappended  in 
Amaruka,  just  as  our  word  salUcellar  contains  the  word 
for  '‘salt”  twice.  Similarly,  Vdtoka,  etc.,  represent  an 
original  koscAorm  Vdtaka,  etc.,  reduced  to'  Vdto,  etc.,  and 
again  reainplified  to  Vdtoka,  If,  however,  I am  invited 
to  particularize  the  dialect  in  which  the  change  -akah 
— ail — <1  was  thus  early  completed,  I must  for  the 
present  respectfully  decline. 


F.  W.  Thomas. 


WriCES  OE  BOOKS 


KIthaka  SamhitI,  Book  III  Edited  by  Leopold  voN 
ScHROEDER.  Leipzig,  1910. 

The  appearance  of  the  third  book^  of  the  Samhita  is 
welcome  as  at  last  affording  us  the  actual  text  of  the 
whole  of  the  Kaikaka.  It  is  true  that  the  Mantras  have 
already  been  utilized  for  Bloomfield's  Concordance, 

and  that  the  material  of  the  Kdthaka  has  been  extensivelj^ 
used  and  communicated  by  Weber  in  his  various  works, 
but  it  is  impossible  to  rely  with  full  confidence  on  anything 
short  of  the  full  text,  and  for  it,  edited  with  his  wonted 
care  and  accuracy,  we  are  indeed  grateful  to  Professor 
von  Schroeder.  The  work  of  editing  is  in  many  ways 
particularly  unsatisfactory,  for  apart  from  the  paucity  of 
MSS.  and  the  character  far  from  good  in  man}-  parts 
of  the  text,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  Kathaka 
tradition  was  often  not  a good  one,  and  the  most  faithful 
restoration  of  the  text  may  yet  result  in  a reading  which 
comparison  with  other  Samhitas  shows  to  be  inferior. 

Weber’s  work  has  rendered  it  difficult  to  extract  any- 
thing new  as  regards  subject-matter  ^ of  general  interest 
from  the  Kdthaka,  and  interest  therefore  centres  in  the 
syntactical  side  of  the  text.  As  in  the  other  two  books, 
tlie  striking  feature  of  the  predominance  of  the  narrative 
imperfect  is  continued  ; there  are  some  370  cases  of  this 
usage.  Against  it  is  hard  to  set  any  narrative  perfect  at 
all.  The  normal  use  of  the  perfect  is  the  present  sense, 
seen  in  aha,  veda,  vidma  (xxxii,  4),  vidus  (xxxi,  15), 

^ For  a review  of  Books  i and  ii  see  JRAS.  1910,  pp.  517  seqq.,  and 
cf.  1909,  pp.  149  seqq. 

^ Bhangasravas  in  a Mantra  in  xxxviii,  12  may  be  compared  with 
Bliahgyasravas,  Taittiriya  Armiyaha,  vi,  5.  2 ; Apaatamha  Sranta  Sutra, 
xvi,  6.  4.  That  rain  falls  most  on  mountains  is  asserted  in  xxxvi,  7. 


1096  NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 

jdgrJtus  (xxxvi,  6) ; prdptts  (xxxvi,  6),  vivydca  (ibid., 
fladrse  (xxxvi,  1),  viddclhara  (xxxv,  19),  hhejdte  (xxxii,14), 
dadliara  (xxxvii,  16).  The  transition  from  a present  to  an 
historical  use  is  seen  in  cases  like  cvtha  ha  smdlia  (xxxii, 
2,  7) : the  sense  is  not  a past,  as  has  been  erroneously 
held,  it  is  the  present,  for  the  dictum  remains  a dictum 
even  if  said  in  the  past  ^;  but  another  form  of  the  same 
use  is  seen  more  markedly  in  vidmn  eakdra  (xxxii,  2)  and 
ivvdca  (xxxiv,  17),  which  is  followed  by  ha  sma  vad  pibati 
and  ahravU ; these  cases,  indeed,  seem  to  indicate  the  mode 
by  which  the  perfect  became  used  in  the  prose  of  the 
Brahmanas  as  a narrative  form.^  Besides  these,  in  the 
prose  I liave  not  found  a single  case  of  the  narrative  use 
of  the  perfect. 

The  aorist  is  never,  of  course,  used  in  a narrative  sense. 
It  occurs  very  seldom  except  in  Mantras,  where  it  is  very 
common  (e.g.  asadan,  xxxi,  10 ; aridsmald,  xxxiii,  1 ; 
ahaiimJi,  xxxii,  4 ; vyakramsta,  xxxii,  5 ; aydkms,  xxxvi, 
6 ; pardkmmsta,  16;  a-s/am,  xxxiv,  17)  in  the 

usual  sense  of  a proximate  past.  In  the  prose  its  use  is 
almost  in  these  books  confined  to  the  sense  approaching 
that  of  a present  which  is  so  common  in  the  Mmtrdyain 
Samhitd.  Clear  examples  are  akran  (xxxii,  7),  agrahlt 
(ibid.),  dpan  (xxxiii,  2),  arutsata  (ibid.),  ahrkmt  (xxxvi, 
11),  agdt  (ibid.),  (ibid.),  agan  (xxxvi,  13),  aydt 

(ibid.),  abhuvan  (xxxvi,  14),  akrata  (ibid.),  adhita  (xxxvii, 
16),  akrta  (ibid.),  akar  (xxxvii,  17).  They  tend  to  occur 
in  groups,  and  they  are  rather  unusually  frequent  for  the 
Kdthaka. 

The  imperfect  shows  practically  no  variation  from  the 
narrative  use  ; in  conjunction  with  the  past  passive 

^ Of.  Kausilahi  Brdhmaiiaf  ,vii,  6 : yo  vet  tata  Cigadiati  tmya  vd 
siihTusanta  iti  ha  smdha,  if  Muir,  Sanskrit  Texts,  ii‘-,  328,  is  right  in 
taking  this  as  a quotation.  If  not,  it  illustrates  xxxiv,  17,  as  ahravit 
follows. 

2 See  e.g.  Aitareya  Brahman,a,  viii,  23  ; JRAS.  1909,  p.  150 ; 1912, 
p.  724.  ' . , ’ 


3CATH1KA  SAMHITA 


1097 


participle^  it  gives  a suitable  expression  for  the  condition 
resulting  from  the  action  of  the  verb,  as  in  pravwfdsU 
(xxxi,  4),  sr,Hfd  dsan  (xxxv,  20),  smnyattCi  dsan  (xxxvii, 
14,  and  often),  etc.  In  xxxvii,  1 tlie  form  asarat  is,  of 
course,  to  be  regarded  not  as  an  imperfect  of  sr  (wliicli  in. 
the  Veda  is  of  tlie  third  conjugation)  but  as  an  aorist, 
which  alone  gives  the  correct  sense. 

In  tlie  use  of  the  moods  there  is  little  to  remark  ; in 
xxxi,  4 is  read : ya  evam  viclvdn  bhrcitrvydndm  onadhye, 
'vdstlya  yajeta  ydvanto  ’sya  hhrdtTvyd  yajndyudhdndm 
upaspivcmti  tesdon  indr iy am  viryam  vriilde ; and  in 
xxxi,  5 : yavad  ekd  devata  kdmayeta  tdvad  asyd  dlmteh 
prathate]  it  would  be  unwise  here  to  see  tlie  indefinite, 
for  the  change  to  the  indicative  is  too  slight  to  justify  our 
keeping  the  text ; see,  for  instance,  the  change  which  the 
editor  has  made  in  xxxi,  7 and  xxxiv,  1 in  tlie  readings 
pravrjyete  and  sarivpadyateti  of  the  Cliambers'  MS. 
In  xxxii,  2 the  teaclier  Kapivana  is  credited  with  the 
sentence  kim  iv  sa  yajeta  yo  gam  iva  yajfiam  na.  duke, 
but  in  this  case  also  we  cannot  fully  rely  on  the  text. 
In  xxxiii,  5 we  have  tat  kutas  sd  dhok^yati  yam  dvadasa- 
krtva  npasuleyuli,  where  the  future  is  well  adapted  to 
bring  out  the  sense ; it  is  noteworthy  that  this  sequence 
is  decidedly  rare;  the  Taittirlya,  vii,  5.  3.  1,  has  the 
indicative.  In  xxxiv,  2 yesdm  diksitdndm  praml- 
yate  is  followed  once  by  two,  once  by  one,  optative, 
and  the  optative  seems  to  be  required  in  that  clause  also. 
On  the  other  hand,  in  vSuch  cases  as  xxxiv,  3,  yady  akritam 
(ipahareytir  anyali  krltavyah,  the  optative  is  justified  by 
the  fact  that  the  apodosis  is  equivalent  to  an  optative 
of  direction,  which  can  of  course  always  be  used  with  an 
optative  in  the  protasis.  The  optative  is  also  in  place  in 

^ This  form  is  very  frequent,  and  it  occurs  not  rarely  without  a finite 
verb,  hut  it  never  has  the  narrative  sense  as  in  later  Sanskrit.  It 
expresses  the  state  as  existing  in  the  present  when  no  verb  is  used, 
e.g,  p7%tmsfah,  xxxi,  15 ; see  Keith,  ZDMG.  Ixiii,  348,  349. 


1098 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


Bases  like  xxxiii,  5 with  yatha  and  no  verb  in  the  apodosis, 
but  only  tat  The  optative  occurs  also  in  cases  like  xxxv, 
17  : sd  ydd  dnista  udvaydd  viehittir  evdsya  $d,  an  instance 
which  is  important,  as  it  shows  us  the  origin  of  the 
inorganic  sa  yadi,  which  is  found  not  only  in  tlie 
Satapatha  Brdhonana  and  the  Baudhayana  Srauta  Sutra, 
but  sporadically  elsewhere. 

Of  other  verbal  forms  may  be  noted  the  use  of  the 
future  participle,  which  occurs  not  onlj^  very  often 
participially  ^ but  is  also  frequently  used  with  an  auxiliar}’ 
verb  in  the  sense  ''mean  to  do”,  as  in  xxxv,  16  : dadyad 
yah  (dakdnd)  ddsyan  bhavati ; other  examples  are 
agamisyad  bhavati  (xxxi,  10),  nirvapsyan  bhavati  (xxxi, 
15),  yahyamdnas  sydt  (xxxii,  7),  and  graJiisyan  sydi 
(ibid.).  The  use  of  i with  the  participle  in  the  sense  of 
continuous  action  is  frequent,  e.g.  xxxiii,  3,  7,  8 ; xxviii,  1. 
The  infinitive  is  not  common,  and  usually  occurs  with 
isvara  and  a form  in  °toh,  as  in  xxxii,  5 ; there  are 
also  found  purd  apdkartoh  (xxxi,  15),  purd  pTacaritoh 
(xxxiv,  17),  d vaditoh  (xxxii,  7),  d tamitoh  (xxxvi,  13); 
udgamam  ndsahnot  in  xxxvi,  8 may  be  set  beside  the 
use  of  hantwm  upapldyata  (xxxvi,  10)  and  arhati  with 
umietum  (xxxvi,  13)  and  dptum  (ibid.  14) ; more  interesting 
are  the  rare  usages  ndticavitavai  (xxxvi,  5)  and  na 
grahUavai  (xxxiii,  4).  In  avapadad  abibhet  (xxxiii,  6) 
the  infinitive  is  given  up  and  a simple  noun  used  instead. 

In  two  cases  a curious  usage  is  found : in  xxxiv,  2 the 
text  runs:  sa  Uvara  pdplydn  bhavati,  and  in  xxxvi i,  14  : 
isvara  vd  abhicaro  ’somtah ; in  botli  cases  bhavitoh  and 
abhicaritor  suggest  themselves  almost  irresistibly  as  the 
correct  versions,  and  if  the  text  is  correct  the  usages  are 
really  only  illogical  developments. 


Of  interest  are  the  Kdthaka.  variants  of  the  following 
passage : in  xxxi,  7 we  read  nmindauta  yasmin  yajnasya 


KATHAKA  SAMHITA 


1099 


kriiram  ondrkfymyiaha  ^ iti,  and  following  that : abravid 
aham  vas  tam  janwyami  yasmin  yajiiasya  kruram 
marksyadhva  (misprinted  °clhya)  iti.  The  construction 
in  the  two  cases  really  illustrates  the  difference  between 
the  direct  and  the  indirect,  and  the  single  iti  must  be  that 
which  ends  the  quotation  ahravlt} 

In  case  construction  there  is  little  noteworthy : hru  is 
used  wdth  the  genitive  in  the  sense  of  '‘claiming  to 
be  the  descendant  of”  in  xxxi,  15;  the  accusative  with 
anirddhukah  in  xxxii,  6 follows  the  positive  construction  ; 
the  older  use  is  seen  in  mstis  trmi  ca  kctdni  in  xxxiii,  1. 
A curious  case  is  xxxiv,  17 : yajna  rdhyate  yasyaivam 
viduf^o  yasyaivam  vidvdn  hrahmd  bhavati,  and  xxxvii,  17 : 
yasyaivam  vuhiso  yasyaivam  vidvdn  stomahhdgair 
brahma  bhavati  vasiydn  bhavati ^ where  the  relative  is 
caught  up  again  in  an  illogical  but  intelligible  manner. 
Vayasdm  vlryavattamah  occurs  in  xxxvii,  14,  and  the 
concord  in  brahma  ca  ksatram  ca  saynjan  karoti  in 
xxxvii,  11  is  noteworthy.  In  xxxi,  1 : asyd  evainad 
rdsndyi  karoti  is  read  while  the  Kapisthala,  xlvii,  1,  has 
endm : the  only  justification  of  the  text  is  to  take  it  that 
enad  represents  the  real  object  and  rdsnd  is  in  apposition, 
in  which  case  the  text  is  no  doubt  correct.  Tlie  use  of 
a neuter  predicate  is  not  rare  : nedUtham  occurs  both  with 
a masculine  (xxxiv,  3)  'and  a feminine  {sd  hi  pitfndm 
nedistham)  (xxxvi,  11).  Particular  interest  attaches  to 
the  Mantra  citation  justdj  justatard  panydt  panyatard, 
in  xxxii,  3,  where  the  Maitrdyani  Swmhitd,  i,  4.  1,  has 
panydt  panyatard,  for  it  decides  definitely  the  question 
raised  above  ^ whether  in  such  cases  the  object  of 
comparison  is  expressed  by  a noun  or  an  adjective. 
In  xxxvii,  14  von  Schroeder  corrects  pravla(ya)vyathitam 
iva  manyeta  into  pravlayavyathita,  following  Professor 

^ The  Kapisfkala  points  to  7imrk§ydmaha  as  the  reading,  as  in 
Maitraydnl  Samhitd,  iv,  1.  9 (see  above,  JRAS.  1910,  p.  157). 

2 Cf/jRAS.  1910,  p.  1320.  ® Keith,  JRAS.  1909,  p.  430. 


1100 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


Caland ; but  lie  ignores  tlie  fact  that  the  St.  Petersburg 
.Dictionary  (|Uotes  for  the  accusative  the  Katha  U-pani^ad, 
ii,  19  : katas  cen  manyate  hatam  and  pariclitamv 
manyariianalh  from  that  Upanisad  and  the  Mituclakay 
and  that  the  accusative  is  probably  to  be  found  in  the 
Aitareya  Aranyaha,  iii,  i.  4.’ 

It  is  not  at  all  clear  in  what  way  the  editor  takes  the 
phrase  in  xxxvi,  7 : te  'hriivan  hasya  vdhedam  svo  bkavitd 
hasya  vd  pacatcti.  The  subject  seems  clearly  from  the 
next  clause  to  be  odana,  and  the  future  in  bkavitd  seems 
to  call  for  a future  used  passively  - in  pacitd.  The  only 
objection  to  this  is  that  pac  is  normally  used  without  the 
‘‘  intermediate  i ” and  that  paldd  is  therefore  to  be 
expected.  But  the  rules  as  to  the  use  of  i have,  of  course, 
no  fixed  value,  and  the  reading  seems  difficult 

indeed  to  understand,  though,  of  course,  it  may  be 
a vocative. 

In  the  use  of  the  particles  there  is  little  to  note : 07id 
occurs  without  a verb  in  xxxi,  i ; the  following  verb, 
rdhydsara,  being  the  positive  while  md  has  a sense 
supplied  thence ; a^n  ha  vai  occurs  as  beginning  a sentence 
in  xxxii,  2 and  after  etad  in  xxxii,  20  ; ha  sma  vai  occurs 
in  xxxiv,  17  with  the  present  pihat%  following  on  etad 
ha  vd  uvdca  Vctsistlias  Sdtyahavyah  : the  sense  is  not 
really  a mere  simple  ecjuivalent  of  the  past ; the  dictum, 
as  noted  above,  is  persistent,  and  the  following  clause 
expresses  the  custom  of  the  sage  on  which  the  dictum  was 
based.  In  xxxiv,  17  iota — utco  na  is  found  ; both  tvai 
(xxxvi,  6)  and  tvdva  occur.  In  xxxvi,  1 is  found  oia  hi 
pasavo  na  hhunjanti. 

Mention  may  also  be  made  of  phalihf^  found  in  xxxi,  4, 
and  of  the  Mantra  form  (xl,  4)  manmaldbhavantmi,  which 
the  editor  needlessly  changes  to,  malmaldhhavanUm, 

^ See  Keith’s  ed.,  p.  242. 

^ See  Speyer,  ZDMG.  Ixiv,  316  seqq. 

^ Whitney,  Sanskrit  Grammar^  '§  1191. 


KATHAKA  SAMHITA 


1101 


following  the  Taittirvya  Samhita,  i,  4,  34.  But  the 
variant  has  frequent  parallels  ^ in  onomatopoetic  eases. 

The  Mantra  material  offers  less  of  definite  interest,  as 
it  is  of  very  varying  character  and  age,  lacking  the 
distinctive  unity  of  tlie  prose.  In  xxxiv,  5 the  constant 
confusion^  of  first  persons  singular  and  plural  is  illustrated 
by  the  lines — 

ycicli  jdgrad  ydcli  svdqma  enSmsi  caJcpnd  vayami 

suryo  via  tdsmdcl  enaso  viivdn  mtvncatv  miihasaJp, 

In  xxxviii,  9 the  mixture  of  nominatives  and  the  vocative 
Indr  a following  them  with  cwaiam  noteworthy.  In  v,  5. 
15,  after  srotraon  asi  srotram  may i dhehi  comes  dyiir  asy 
dyiiT  me  dhehi,  and  here,  following  Taittmya  Samhitd, 
vii,  5.  19.  2,  the  editor  suggests  mayi  for  me,  but  that  is 
needless,  for  me  is  perfectly  good  syntax  with  dha  and 
interchange  of  cases  is  not  at  all  rare.^  An  excellent  case 
is  xiii,  4533:  adhvaryave  duli/itaram  dadatn 

chandoge  vd  caritabrahmacarye. 

In  V,  9.  2 there  is  a very  curious  form : two  animals 
are  named  as  offered  to  Tvastr,  a chagalak  Jcalondsah  and 
a Idlddivwidlgayah,  while  in  the  Taittirlya  (v,  6.  22) 
there  are  three  mentioned,  a and  a being 

two.  The  compound  is  a monstrosity  and  difficult  to 
understand  : a masculine  singular  Dvandva  is  a rarity, 
if  not  unknown;  it  is  denied  for  this  period  by 
Wackernagel,^  but  the  denial  is  not  absolutely  certain: 
iiksavakt  occurs  twice  as  a masc.  sing,  in  the  Taittirlya 
Samhifd  (ii,  1.  7.  2,  6)  and  the  version  “Stierkalb”  of 
the  St.  Petersburg  Dictionary  is  for  once  not  followed  by 
Monier-Williams.  In  point  of  fact,  the  same  text  (ii,  1.  4.  4) 

^ WHiitney,  BanttJcrit  Gi'ammar,  §1193. 

See  e.g.  Taittirlya  Sarnhitd,  iii,  5.  4.  2,  as  against  Maitrayam 
Samhifd,  i,  4.  3. 

^ See  St.  Petersburg  Dictionary,  iii,  902. 

^ See  Kcitii,  JRAS.  1910,  p.  468 ; Oldenberg,  ZDMG.  Ixiii,  287,  *288. 

JLUmd,  Gramm,  II,  i,  163. 


1102 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


has  uksavaimv  as  a compound,  meaning  beyond  all  doubt 
•'ox  and  cow”,  and  the  temptation  to  accept  the  same 
version  is  strong  for  the  singular.  Possibly  also  another 
case  of  a non-neuter  Dvandva  is  concealed  in  the  strange 
ibksaveliat  of  ^atapatha  Brdhmana,  xii,  4.  4.  6,  which 
is  to  the  St.  Petersburg  Dictionary  doubtfully,  but  to 
Bohtlingk  ^ and  Monier-Williams  certainly,  " ein  zeugungs- 
unfahiger  Stier  ”,  but  to  Eggeling  a ''cow  longing  for 
the  bull”. 

The  forms  revealed  have  been  nearly  all  used  by  Weber 
and  by  Whitney : varlm  in  v,  4.  4 gives  support  to  the 
tradition  of  the  Naighantuka,  i,  13,  and  the  conjecture 
kuvdrasyct  in  v,  6.  3 is  perhaps  legitimate,  as  kiivdra  is 
recorded  in  the  Amarcilcoki,  i,  2.  3. 1.*^  In  xxxv.  7 hhiipati 
retains  the  account  postulated  by  Panini,  vi.  2.  19.*^ 
Dyaurddh  in  xxxix,  9 is  strange  ^ but  clearly  traditional ; 
ksidsamhddhamdndh  in  xxxiii,  3,  which  is  parallel  to 
kmtsambddhdh  in  Taittiriya  Saorihitd,  vii,  4.  11.  2,  is  of 
very  remarkable  character,  and  is  probably  corrupt.^ 

One  of  the  many  corrections  of  the  text  has  a special 
interest : in  xxxi,  7,  for  so  matiskas  sa  p)WoddkLli  the  editor 
reads  yo,  which  is  borne  out  by  the  Kap)isthala  Scmnhitd 
(xlvii,  7)  and  by  the  Maitrdyain  Samhitd  (iv,  1.  9),  which 

^ Bohtlingk  agrees ; Eggeling  renders  “ bullock  ” in  ti^atapailia 
Brdhmdna^  iv,  5.  1.  9.  Of.  possibly  yogaksema  in  Taittiriya^  vii,  5.  18. 

^ But  Jcuvara  may  equally  well  be  merely  a variant  of  hfihara 
{Maitrdyam  Samhitd,  ii.  1.  11),  “cart  pole’";  for  v and  b,  see 
Wackernagel,  I,  183, 

^ Wackernagel,  II,  i,  265.  The  form  hidlraya  found  here  for  the 
ptdtJcaya  of  the  Maitrdyani,  iii,  14.  2,  6,  hxdlpaya  of  the  Ydjamneyi, 
xxiv,  25,  and  hidllcaya  of  the  Taittirlya,  v,  5,  13,  is  probably  a mere  case 
of  a blunder ; the  original  was  pidikaya  or  hullpaya,  and  a corrector 
inserted  n (or  vice  versa),  with  the  result  that  it  has  ousted  the  syllable 
lea  or  pa  ; a similar  case  of  a correction  being  treated  as  part  of  the  text 
is  found  in  the  Kapisyiala  Sayihitd^  xxviii,  8,  where  laldya  corresponds 
to  laya  {Taittirlya,  iv,  7.  3)  or  Idya  {Kdthaka,  xviii,  8),  meaning  perhaps 
“ ploughshare 

^ Wackernagel,  II,  i,  47. 

Ibid.  193 ; not  only  is  such  a compound  unknown  to  early  texts, 
but  the  sense  requires  the  participle  ^ be  passive. 


GANIT  KA  ITIHAS. 


lies 


has  ydthd  onatUka  evetm  lyiiToddsali.  Tliis  helps  to  confirm 
the  conjecture  of  Geldner  ^ in  the  Bisastainya  legend  in  the 
Aytareya  Brdkmana  (v,  30.  10,  11)  of  hisdni  steno  a pi  yo 
jakdra  for  so,  wliieh  in  turn  is  supported  by  the  Mahd- 
hlidrata  (xiii,  94.  16)  yas  te  karati  jm^^karam. 

In  the  critical  note  to  xxxix,  13  Weber  has  been  over- 
looked : he  suggested  kasto  for  hastaur 

A.  Berried  ALE  Keith. 


Ga]sut  ka  Itihas,  a History  of  Mathematics.  First 
part,  Arithmetic.  By  Mahamahopadhyaya  Sudhakar 
D viVEDi.  Benares : Prabhakari  Printing  W orks,  1910. 
pp.  207.  Price  Rs.  2. 

This  is  a small  work  written  in  Hindi  by  Sudhakar 
Dvivedi,  the  well-known  mathematical  professor  at  the 
Government  Sanskrit  College,  Benares.  It  appears  from 
an  incidental  allusion  to  have  been  composed  about  the 
year  1902,  but  has  been  published  after  his  death,  which 
happened  in  1910.  Though  styled  a history,  the  term 
history  cannot  properly  be  applied  to  it,  for  it  does  not- 
attempt  to  deal  with  the  subject  historically ; yet  much 
mathematical  history  is  introduced  into  it.  It  aims  rather 
at  giving  an  account  of  arithmetic,  with  concise  notices  of 
all  eminent  mathematicians  and  their  discoveries  and 
inventions  in  this  field.  The  first  quarter  of  the  book 
sets  out  the  various  systems  of  numerical  notation  that 
were  employed  in  former  times  in  different  countries,  so 
leading  on  to  the  Arabic  system  now  in  universal  use, 
and  discusses  tlie  conventions  adopted  for  expressing  large 
numbers  and  the  terms  selected  in  India  for  the  highest 
numerals.  The  next  half  of  the  book  deals  with  the 

^ ZDMG.  Ixv,  306,  307 ; cf.  Oharpentier,  ZDMG.  Ixvi,  45;  Oldenberg, 
NGGW.  1912,  p.  184  ; the  ehatithim  runaddhi  of  the  Aitareya  confirms 
the  second  version  of  the  Mahdhhdmta  (ZDMG.  Ixiv,  74)  and  the 
Bhuajdfalca, 

- Ind,  Stud,  iii,  468. 


1104  NOTICES  BOOKS 

processes  of  addition,  subtraction,  etc.,  with  squares  and 
cubes,  and  tlieir  roots,  fractions  and  decimals,  aritlimetical 
signs,  prime  numbers,  series,  magical  squares  and  figures, 
and  logarithms.  Tliis  discussion  is  more  philosophical 
than  practical,  as  befits  the  author  s aim,  and  he  endea\'ours 
to  explain  how  each  of  these  branches  of  arithmetic  was 
developed  by  various  mathematicians  and  the  theorems 
tliat  they  discovered  or  propounded.  He  explains  how 
tlie  English  terms  ^'decimal”  and  'logarithm'’  were 
wittily  Hinduized  in  the  forms  clakima-lava  and  laghu- 
riJctha,  In  the  last  quarter  are  contained  a notice  of 
Yedic  arithmetic,  a list  of  the  Sanskrit  names  of  the 
numerals  and  their  synonyms,  succinct  biographical 
accounts  of  the  principal  persons  mentioned  in  the  book, 
arranged  alphabetically,  and  a full  index. 

The  book  should  be  of  real  value  to  Hindi  students. 
The  language  is  generallj^  simple  and  plain,  though  iiot 
always  so  when  the  author,  in  explaining  some  process  or 
theoi'ern,  introduces  terms  or  symbols  that  belong  more 
properly  to  algebra.  His  treatment  of  the  higher  portions, 
and  especially  of  the  theorems,  indicates  the  hand  of 
a devoted  mathematician,  and  presumes  a good  acquaint- 
ance with  algebra  and  even  some  trigonometry  on  the 
student’s  part.  The  historical  information  is  very  con- 
siderable ; it  appears  to  be  generally  accurate,  and  is 
often  highly  interesting,  and  that  regarding  Indian 
mathematicians  should  be  useful  to  English  students. 
The  only  salient  blemishes  are  that  the  author,  not 
being  a literary  scholar,  has  at  times  transcribed  ancient 
and  modern  European  names  into  strange  Hindu  forms, 
as  “ Gyrene  ” into  Siren,  ''  Euler  ” into  Yular,  and  so  on. 
Had  he  lived  to  publish  this  work,  he  might  have  revised 
the  names  with  the  help  of  some  English  friend. 


F.  E.  P. 


A MANUAL  OF  THE  KA8HMIRI  LANGUAGE  1105 


A Manual  of  tpie  Kashmiri  Language,  comprising 
Grammar,  Phrase-book,  and  Yocabulartes.  ToL  I ; 
Grammar  and  Plirase-book.  Yo],  II:  Kashmiri™ 
English  Yocabulaiy.  By  George  A.  Grierson. 
Oxford  : at  the  Clarendon  Press,  1911.  12s. 

Sir  G.  A.  Grierson  has  laid  the  first  foundation  of 
a scientific  study  of  the  Kasmiri  language.  The  older 
treativses,  by  Leech,  AYade,  ElmsHe,  liave  been  very  useful 
to  those  who  wanted  to  acquire  a practical  knowledge  of 
the  language.  They  were  not,  however,  satisfactory.  The 
learner  was  left  quite  bewildered  in  the  chaos  of  unex- 
plained forms.  Now,  after  the  appearance  of  Sir  G.  A. 
Grierson’s  Manual,  everything  will  be  clianged. 

The  author  s connexion  with  Kasmiri  dates  back  to 
the  nineties  of  the  last  century.  In  1898  he  published 
Isvara  Kaula’s  Kasmiri  grammar,  written  in  Sanskrit  in 
the  year  1S75.  AATiile  all  the  Europeans  who  had  dealt 
with  Kasmiri  had  described  the  Musalman  dialect  of  the 
language.  Is  vara  Kaula  based  his  grammar  on  the  mucli 
purer  form  which  Kasmiri  assumes  in  the  mouths  of  the 
Hindus  of  Srinagar.  He  also  marked  the  so-called  mdird- 
vowels,  the  very  short  form  which  some  vowels  assume 
in  certain  positions,  which  had  not  been  noticed  by 
previous  writers.  In  his  Essays  on  Kdgmiri  Grammar 
(London  and  Calcutta,  1899,  reprinted  from  the  Journal 
of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal)  Grierson  gave  us 
an  analysis  of  Kasmiri  grammar  and  phonology,  based 
on  a careful  examination  of  the  sounds  of  the  spoken 
language,  which  for  the  first  time  enabled  us  to  understand 
something  of  the  matter. 

In  the  Manual  the  author  goes  a step  farther.  He 
has  re-arranged  the  whole  Kasmiri  grammar  at  the  hand 
of  his  studies  on  Kasmiri  phonology.  And  the  result  has 
been  excellent.  Kasmiri  has  always  been  considered  as 
a very  difficult  language,  and  those  few  people  who  have 
made  an  attempt  at  learning  it  have  often  given  the 
jBAs.  1912,  71 


1106 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


matter  up  in  despair.  The  many  changes  which  individual 
words  are  apt  to  undergo  were  too  bewildering.  Tims 
one  might  understand  how  the  plural  of  gdv,  a cow,  could 
be  gdi\  or  at  least  the  difficulty  in  learning  such  forms 
would  be  surmountable.  But  when  one  finds  plural  forms 
such  as  woj  from  mxZ.,  a hole ; roZs  froni  mZA,  night ; 
griln^  from  grand,  a counting,  one  is  apt  to  think  that 
the  mind  of  those  old  Kasmiris  in  whose  mouths  the 
language  took  shape  must  have  been  somewhat  deranged. 
Now  Grierson  makes  all  this  clear,  simply  by  analysing 
Kasmiri  phonology.  We  see  how  the  mdZm-vowels,  which 
have  so  long  remained  unnoticed,  are  of  all-pervading 
importance.  The  form  rots,  nights,  e.g.  should  correctly 
be  written  rots'^,  with  a very  short  ondtra-YO\Yel  il  at  the 
end.  The  mdZra- vowels  are  the  reason  for  the  puzzling 
changes  in  this  and  in  other  words.  The  author  then 
makes  Kasmiri,  if  not  an  easy  language,  at  least  intelligible 
and  learnable  by  laying  down  the  rules  regulating  the  use 
of  these  vowels  and  the  changes  which  they  bring 

about  in  the  words.  Those  who  have  tried  hard  and  in 
vain  to  understand  Kasmiri  grammar,  would,  of  course, 
think  that  such  an  exposition  would  have  to  extend  over 
a great  number  of  pages.  Grierson’s  treatise  of  the 
alphabet,  the  pronunciation,  and  the  various  changes  of 
vowels  and  consonants,  however,  only  occupies  ten  small 
pages,  and  these  ten  pages  give  us  the  key  to  the  whole 
grammar.  This  is  the  most  striking  feature  about  the 
new  Manual,  and  one  which  is  worthy  of  our  highest 
admiration.  Then  follows  a sketch  of  Kasmiri  grammar, 
appendixes  about  the  difference  between  the  M’usalman 
and  Hindu  dialects  and  about  the  written  characters  ; 
1937  English-Kai^miri  sentences,  alphabetically  arranged 
after  leading  words;  and,  finally,  a Kasmiri  - English 
vocabulary  wdth  detailed  analysis  of  words  and  word 
forms. 

The  whole  Manual  wall  be  an  extremely  useful  companio 


THE  SHIVA-SUTRA^VIMAESINI  OF  KSEMAltAJA  1107 

to  every  visitor  to  the  happy  valley.  The  author  has, 
however,  also  another  aim  in  view,  viz.  to  provide  the 
student  who  wants  to  get  a deeper  insight  into  the 
language  with  the  means  of  achieving  this.  Also  in  this 
respect  he  has  been  successful.  His  grammatical  sketch 
is  surprisingly  full  and  suggestive,  and  the  sentences  and 
the  vocabulary  contain  so  many  interesting  remarks  tliat 
nobody  will  go  to  the  study  of  the  Manual  without  the 
greatest  benefit. 

The  author  is  also  inclined  to  think  that  Kasmiri  and 
other  languages  belonging  to  the  same  group  may  possibly 
prove  to  be  the  clue  to  the  literary  languages  which  were 
once  spoken  in  Central  Asia,  and  in  which  written 
documents  have  in  the  last  twenty  years  been  brought 
to  light.  I am  not  very  hopeful  in  that  respect.  One  of 
the  two  “ unknown  ’’  languages  is  now  comparatively 
well  known,  and  there  cannot,  in  my  mind,  be  any  doubt 
that  it  is  an  Iranian  tongue.  The  other  is  perhaps  the 
one  which  Dr.  Grierson  has  in  mind.  Professor  Sieg,  one 
of  those  who  knows  most  about  it,  told  me  some  time  ago 
that  he  had  tried  in  vain  to  find  any  connexion  between 
what  he  calls  Tocharisch  ” and  the  Kasmiri  group. 
“ Tocharisch  ” is  certainly  not  an  Aryan  tongue,  and  I am 
afraid  that  we  shall  have  to  look  forward  to  translations 
of  known  Sanskrit  works  for  the  elucidation  of  the  various 
problems  which  it  still  presents  to  the  understanding. 

Sten  Konow. 


The  Shiva-sutra-vimarsini  of  KsEmarIja.  Translated 
into  English  by  P.  T.  Shrinivas  Iyengar.  Indian 
Thought  Series,  No.  11.  Allahabad,  1912. 

From  the  above  title,  which  we  have  faithfully  copied 
from  the  title-page,  our  readers  will  observe  with  regret 
that  Mr.  Shrinivas  Iyengar  has  joined  the  ranks  of  those 
gentlemen  who  have  lately  added  to  the  old  confusion  in 


1108  NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 

their  transliteration  of  Indian  words  by  adopting  a new 
method,  in  which  (in  accordance  with  the  supposed  facts 
of  European  pronunciation)  the  consonants  of  tlie  dental 
series  are  marked  by  a dot  underneath  and  those  of  the 
cerebral  series  are  undotted.  This  is  bad  enougli ; but  as 
this  arraugement  is  complicated  by  tlie  dotting  of  the 
cerebral  nasal  and  the  dental  nasal  is  left  without  a dot,  in 
the  old  style,  while  the  Indian  printer  raises  his  usual  crop 
of  minor  misprints,  the  reader's  brain  soon  reels. 

Apart  from  this  superficial  drawback,  the  book  is  an 
excellent  piece  of  work.  Mr.  Shrinivas  Iyengar  is  already 
known  by  his  learned  and  instructive  Outlines  of  Indian 
Philosoiihy  (Theosophical  Office,  Adyar,  1909),  and  the 
present  work  shows  the  same  qualities.  It  is  gratifying 
to  see  competent  native  scholars  studying  tlie  Saiva 
literature  in  this  manner,  and  enabling  Europeans  to 
realize  its  nature.  The  fact  that  at  the  earliest  date  to 
which  it  can  be  traced  back  it  is  alreadj^  divided  into  the 
three  great  scliools  of  Kaslnnir  (Spanda  and  Pratyabhijna, 
which  are  fundamentally  the  same),  Gujarat  (Lakulisa- 
pasupata),  and  tlie  South  (the  Tamil  Saiva-siddhantain 
and  cognate  literatures),  shows  how  ancient  and  important 
it  is. 

The  Siva-sutra-vimarsini  is  a commentary  upon  the 
Siva-stitra,  a series  of  aphorisms  of  Saiva  Yogic  teaching 
which  are  said  to  have  been  discovered  tlirough  the  <»Taee 
of  Siva  by  Vasu-gupta  (about  the  end  of  the  eighth 
century).  Ksema-raja,  our  commentator,  is  somewhat 
later  (he  was  a disciple  of  Abhinava-gupta,  and  so  belongs 
to  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century);  but  he  appears  to 
represent  faithfully  the  ancient  traditions.  The  work, 
while  incidentally  throwing  much  valuable  light  on  the 
philosophical  theory  of  the  school,  is  primarily  practical, 
its  object  being  to  enable  a Yogi  by  pliysical  and  mental 
exercises  to  attain  to  miraculous  powers  and  ultimately  to 
the  stage  of  pure  Consciousness  in  which,  while  his  life 


TRIVANDRUM  SANSKRIT  SERIES  1109 

lasts,  he  is  equal  to  ^ the  Absolute  6iva,  and  after  death 
immediately  becomes  Siva  himself  for  all  eternity.  A work 
of  this  kind  naturally  bristles  with  technicalities  and 
obscurities;  but  the  learning  and  skill  of  the  translator 
have  enabled  him  to  surmount  most  of  these  stumbling- 
blocks  and  to  furnish  valuable  material  for  the  knowledge 
of  Hindu  mentality 

L.  D.  Barnett. 


Trivandrum  Sanskrit  Series 

The  publication  of  texts  in  the  Trivandrum  Sanskrit 
Series ''  proceeds  with  laudable  rapidity.  This  series, 
edited  by  Pandit  T.  Ganapati  Sastri,  and  published  under 
the  authority  of  the  Government  of  His  Highness  the 
Maharaja  of  Travancore,  was  begun  in  1905,  and  has 
already  reached  its  fourteenth  volume ; and  of  the  fourteen 
volumes  no  fewer  than  seven  have  appeared  within  the 
years  1910-12.  These  are  briefly  as  follows : — 

YIII.  Pradyumnabhyudaya  of  Kavivarman,  a drama 
founded  on  the  exploits  of  Pradyumna,  son  of  Cri-Krsna. 
The  author  is  a Kerala  prince  who  is  known  from 
inscriptions  to  have  been  born  in  the  Caka  year  1188 
( = A.D.  1266). 

IX.  Virupaksapaiica9ika  of  Virupaksanathapada,  with 
the  commentary  of  Vidyacakravartin,  a metaphysical 
work  dealing  with  the  tenets  of  the  Pratyabhijfia  ” 
s^-^stein  as  described  in  the  Sarva-darc;ana-samgraha. 

X.  Matangalila  of  Nilakantha,  a treatise  on  elephants. 

XI.  Tapatisanivarana  of  Kula9ekharavarman,  with 
the  commentary  of  Civarama,  a drama  on  the  story  of 
Tapati  and  Samvarana  in  the  Mcihabharata,  The  author 
is  described  in  the  prologue  as  lord  of  Mahodaya,  ‘'crest- 
jewel  of  the  Kerala  family.''  Pandit  Ganapati  Sastri 
supposes  him.  to  have  lived  at  some  time  between  the 
latter  part  of  the  tenth  and  the  early  part  of  the  twelfth 
century. 


1110 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


XII.  Paramartliasara  of  Bhagavad-Adi9esa,  with  the 
commentary  of  Raghavananda,  a resume  in  eiglity-five 
arya- verses  of  the  tenets  of  the  Vedtota  philosophy. 

XIII.  Subhadradhanailjaya  of  Kula^ekharavarman, 
with  the  commentary  of  Civarama,  a dramatized  version 
of  the  romance  of  Subhadra  and  Dhanahjaya  in  the 
Malidhhdraia. 

XIV.  Nitisara  of  Kamandaka,  with  the  commentary 

of  Cahkararya^  an  epitome  of  Kautilya’s  Artha-eastra. 
The  author  is  supposed  to  have  lived  before  the  time  of 
Bhavabhuti.  ______ 

The  Mahavamsa  oe  The  Great  Chronicle  of  Ceylon. 
Translated  into  English  by  Wilhelm  Geiger,  Ph.D,, 
Professor  of  Indo-Germanic  Philology  at  Erlangen 
University,  assisted  by  Mabel  Haynes  Bode,  Ph.D., 
Lecturer  on  Pali  at  University  College,  London. 
Demy  8vo  : pp.  Ixiv,  300 ; with  a map  of  Ancient 
Ceylon.  Published  for  the  Pali  Text  Society  by 
Henry  Frowde  ; London:  1912. 

, Professor  Geiger  gave  us  in  1908  his  critical  edition  of 
the  text  of  the  Original  Maliavarhsa  ; that  is,  of  chapters 
1 to  36  and  verses  1 to  50  of  chapter  37  of  the  whole 
work,  being  that  portion  which  was  written  to  rearrange, 
expand,  and  explain  the  Dipavaihsa  (see  p.  11  of  the 
introduction  to  the  translation).  He  has  now  followed 
that  up  by  his  translation  of  the  text,  published  in  Englisli 
through  the  co-operation  of  Mrs.  Bode : Professor  Geiger 
made  his  translation  in  German;  Mrs.  Bode  turned  his 
translation  into  English  ; and  the  English  rendering  was 
then  revised  by  Professor  Geiger : we  may  congratulate 
both  collaborators  on  the  result.  As  is  well  known,  the 
text  of  the  Dipavaihsa,  with  an  English  translation,  was 
given  by  Professor  Oldenberg  in  1879.  We  are  now  at 
last  provided  with  reliable  and  easy  means  of  studying 
both  the  great  Ceylonese  Buddhist  chronicles. 


THE  MAHAVAMSA 


1111 


Professor  Geiger's  translation  is  preceded  by  an  intro- 
duction of  68  pages,  in  eleven  sections,  in  which  he  has 
discussed  a variety  of  important  points. 

In  the  first  place,  he  has  briefly  recapitulated  the 
demonstration  given  in  his  Dipavamsa  und  Mahavaonsct 
(1905)  that  the  two  chronicles  were  based  on  an  older 
work,  known  as  the  Atthakatha-Mahavaiiisa,  wdiich  must 
have  come  down  originally  to  only  the  arrival  of  Mahendra 
in  Ceylon  (in  the  time  of  Asoka),  but  ^vas  afterwards 
continued  to  the  reign  of  Mahasena  (first  half  of  the 
fourth  century  A.D,). 

In  the  second  place,  Professor  Geiger,  defending  the 
two  chronicles  against  what  he  has  jmstly  described  (p.  14) 
as  ''undeserved  distrust  and  exaggerated  scepticism",  has 
shown  that  they  are  to  be  accepted  safely  as  reliable 
historical  records,  with  a framework  of  well-established 
dates.  We  have,  indeed,  to  clear  awTiy  from  them  a 
certain  amount  of  miraculous  matter.  But  they  do  not 
stand  alone  among  ancient  histories  in  presenting  such 
matter.  And  when  w^e  have  made  the  necessary 
elimination,  which  is  not  difficult,  there  remains,  easily 
recognizable,  a residue  of  matter-of-fact  statements,  in 
respect  of  which  the  chronicles  have  already  been  found 
to  be  supported  by  external  evidence  to  such  an  extent 
that  we  need  not  hesitate  about  accepting  others  of  their 
assertions,  which,  though  perhaps  wm  cannot  as 
confirm  them  in  the  same  w’^ay,  present  nothing  wdiich  is 
at  all  startling  and  naturally  incredible. 

In  dealing  wfith  the  chronology.  Professor  Geiger  has 
accepted  B.c.  483  as  " the,  probable  year  " of  the  death  of 
Buddha  (p.  24).  That  particular  year  is  undoubtedly  the 
best  result  that  we  have  attained,  and  that  -we  arc  likely 
to  attain  unless  we  can  make  some  new  discovery  giving 
us  the  absolute  certainty  which  we  do  not  possess.  For 
a brief  statement  of  the  manner  in  whicli  it  is  fixed,  see 
p.  239  above : Professor  Geiger  has  added  observations  of 


1112 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


liis  own  (pp.  26,  28-30),  based  on  something  pointed  out 
by  Mr.  Wickremasinghe,  endorsing  it.  As  regards  one 
item  in  the  process  by  which  it  is  fixed,  the  interval  of 
218  years  from  the  death  of  Buddha  to  the  anointment 
of  Asoka  ''  is  supported  ”,  as  Professor  Geiger  has  said 
(p.  25),  “ by  the  best  testimony  and  has  nothing  in  it  to  call 
for  suspicion.”  As  regards  another  item,  we  need  not 
hesitate  about  accepting  28  years  according  to  the  two 
Ceylonese  chronicles,  against  the  25  years  of  the  Puranas, 
as  the  true  length  (in  x’ound  numbers)  of  the  reign  of 
Bindusara.  This  last  consideration,  we  may  add,  entails 
placing  the  anointment  of  Asoka  in  B.c.  265  or  264 
(p.  27) : if  that  should  still  remain  unwelcome  to  anyone 
who,  taking  one  item  from  one  source  and  the  other  from 
another  source,  would  place  both  the  death  and  the 
anointment  four  or  five  years  earlier,  — well ; it  can  be 
shown  on  some  other  occasion  that  there  is  nothinof 
opposed  to  B.c.  265  or  264,  for  the  anointment  of  Asoka, 
in  the  mention  of  certain  foreign  kings  in  the  thirteenth 
rock-edict.  So,  also,  though  the  matter  does  not  afiect 
that  point,  we  may  safely  follow  the  37  years  of  the  two 
chronicles,  against  the  36  years  of  the  Puranas,  as  tlie 
length  (in  round  numbers)  of  the  reign  of  Asoka. 

Professor  Geiger  hesitates  (p.  28)  to  accept  the  “bold 
and  seductive  combination”  by  which  I explain  the 
mention  of  256  niglits  in  the  record  of  Asoka  at  Sahasram, 
Eupnath,  Brahmagiri,  and  other  places.  In  wliat  \va3% 
then,  is  it  to  be  explained  ? As  regards  the  other  two 
explanations  which  have  been  advanced,  there  is  notliing 
in  the  calendar  to  account  for  the  selection  of  that  particular 
number  of  nights  or  days  ; and  a tour  of  such  a length  by 
Asoka,  while  reigning, — ^whether  made  by  him  actually 
as  king  or  in  the  character  of  a wandering  mendicant 
monk, — is  out  of  the  question.  On  the  other  hand,  my 
explanation,  — that  the  266  nights  mark  256  years  elapsed 
since  the  death  of  Buddha,^  suggested  exactly  by  the 


THE  MAHAVAMSA 


1113 


number  of  years  established  by  the  Dipavaiiisa  and  the 
Mcihavaiiisa  from  that  event  to  the  end  of  Asoka’s  reign, 
and  by  the  well-established  practice  of  ancient  Indian 
kings,  of  abdicating  in  order  to  pass  into  religious  retire- 
ment: see  this  Journal,  1911.  1091  ft’  My  explanation 
may  be  set  aside : but  it  has  not  been  shown  to  be  open 
to  adverse  criticism  as  the  others  are. 

In  respect  of  the  later  Buddhist  reckoning,  the  erroneous 
one,  now  current,  which  would  place  the  deatli  of  Buddha 
in  B.c.  544,  Professor  Geiger,  putting  Mr.  Wickremasinghe’s 
remarks  in  a clearer  light,  has  shown  (p.  29)  tliat  it  existed 
ill  Ceylon  in  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  This 
carries  it  back  there  to  more  than  a century  before  the 
time  at  whicli  I arrived  in  this  Journal,  1909.  333. 

In  § 8 of  the  introduction.  Professor  Geiger  has  given 
(p.  36)  a tabulated  list  of  the  ancient  kings  of  Ceylon, 
down  to  Mahasena,  on  the  lines  of  the  list  given  by  me  in 
this  Journal,  1909.  350,  but  with  some  improvements. 
His  table  has  the  advantage  of  giving  the  references  by 
chapter  and  verse  to  his  text  of  the  Mahrivaiiisa ; a detail 
which,  for  reasons  stated  at  the  time,  I was  not  able  to 
till  in.  It  increases  the  total  period  according  to  the 
Mahavaiiisa  by  1 year,  4 montlis,  15  days,  by  alterations 
under  Nos.  10  and  11  (plus  2 years)  and  No.  17  (minus 
7 months,  15  days) : these  are  due  to  improved  readings. 
And  it  includes  two  additional  columns,  which  give  the 
clironology  in  terms  of  the  Buddhist  era  of  B.c.  483  and  of 
the  Christian  reckonings  B.C.  and  A.D. 

As  regards  a remark  on  p.  39-40,  there  is  no  need  to 
accept  the  assumption  that  Samudragupta  began  to  reign 
in  A.D.  326  : a more  reasonable  date  is  A.D.  335  or  340  : 
see  this  Journal,  1909.  342. 

The  last  section  of  the  introduction  (pp.  51-63)  deals 
with  the  first,  second,  and  third  Buddhist  Councils,  all 
of  which  are  sliown  to  be  historical  events,  and  clears 
away  the  confusion  in  the  Indian  tradition  between  two 


1114 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


distinct  persons,  Kala^5ka  and  Dharniasoka  son  of 
Bindusara,  — the  Asoka  who  issued  the  edicts^ 

Appendix  D gives  a list  of  Pali  terms  used  in  the 
translation  without  being  turned  into  English.  Under 
No.  34  there  is  quoted  a statement  that,  according  to  the 
details  given  in  a table  of  the  end  of  the  twelfth  centuiy, 


the  yojana  works  out,  for  Ceylon,  to  between  12  and 
12|-  miles,  but  that  in  actual  practice  it  must  have  been 
reckoned  at  from  7 to  8 miles.  This  latter  value,  however, 
is  quite  an  imaginary  one:  see  this  Journal,  1907.  655. 
And  as  regards  early  times  tliere  is  no  reason  for 
discriminating  between  India  and  Ceylon  in  this  matter  ; 
and  for  India  we  have  (1)  the  vague  day’s-marcli  yojana, 
averaging  12  miles,  but  liable  to  vary  according  to  the 
circumstances  of  the  particular  march,  and,  in  the  way  of 
ydjanas  of  fixed  unvarying  lengths,  (2)  the  long  yojana 
of  32,000  hasta  = 9 miles,  and  (3)  the  short  yojana  of 
16,000  hasta  = miles  ; the  last  being  specially  favoured 
by  the  Buddhists:  see  p.  236  above,  and  this  Journal, 
1906.  1011. 

Limitation  of  space  prevents  any  further  remarks. 
I conclude  by  expressing  the  hope  that  some  Pali  scholar 
" will  give  us  shortly  the  technical  review  of  Professor 
Geiger's  translation  which  it  merits. 

J.  F.  Fleet, 


Chau‘  Ju-kua:  his  Work  on  the  Chinese  and  Arab 
Trade  in  the  Twelfth  and  Thirteenth  Cen- 
turies, entitled  Chu  Fan  Chi.  Translated  from 
the  Chinese  and  Annotated  by  Friedrich  Hirth 
and  W.  W.  Rockhill.  St.  Petersburg : Printing 
Ofiice  of  the  Imperial  Academy  of  Sciences,  1912. 

If  somewhere  in  the  chill  nether  regions  Chau  Ju-kua 
has  knowledge  of  what  passes  in  the  sunlit  orb  above,  he 

There  is  an  accidental  slip  |),  60,  last  line  but  one,  where 
Dhai’naaloka  is  spoken  of  as  the  ph^ndragupta : read  * grandson 

^ , , ;.L'  ■ -J.  r * - I'Will' L-.t;  / i 


CHAU  JUr-KUA 


1115 


should  be  a proud  man,  or  shade,  this  year.  For  after 
more  than  six  centuries  of  neglect  by  his  own  countrymen 
his  meritorious  work  has  been  rescued  from  oblivion  and 
given  to  the  world  in  translation  by  the  exceptionally 
qualified  writers  whose  names  appear  in  the  title.  Ten 
cycles  of  Cathay  are,  perhaps,  in  Chau’s  eyes  too  long 
a pause  between  the  cup  of  composition  and  the  lip  of 
celebrity,  however  select.  It  may  also  strike  him  as  an 
irony  of  history  that  eflective  recognition  of  his  labours 
should  come,  not  from  his  compatriots,  but  from  two  of 
fan  jSn  or  barbarians,  whose  countries,  customs,  and 
traffic  it  was  his  pleasure  to  describe  with  a tolerant  and 
careful  pen. 

Little  is  known  of  our  author  but  that  he  held  an 
appointment  under  the  Sung  dynasty  as  Inspector  of 
Foreign  Trade  at  the  port  of  Ts’tian  chou  in  Fukien 
Province,  and  composed  his  book,  the  Chn  Fan  CM,  or 
"‘‘Description  of  Foreign  Peoples”,  apparently  about  1250. 

In  Ts’iian  chou  or  Zayton,  to  give  it  its  mediaeval  name, 
it  was  Chau’s  office  to  collect  import  duties  for  the  Imperial 
Government,  and  his  hobby  to  extract  information  about 
foreigners,  their  countries,  and  their  wares  for  himself  and 
a rather  unappreciative  generation  of  readers.  We  learn 
from  the  m aster! introduction  of  the  joint  editors  and 
translators  (who  merge  all  distinction  of  views  in  one 
penetrating  but  indiscrinimate  “ I ” throughout  the  notes), 
that  Chau’s  complete  text  was  not  published  till  it  was 
included  in  the  immense  and  very  rare  collection  of  works 
known  as  the  “Yung  Lo  Ta  Tien”  early  in  tlie  fifteenth 
century.  From  this  colossal  literary  tomb  it  was  dis- 
interred, and  again  included  in  a much  smaller  collection 
by  a private  individual  in  1783,  and  once  more,  in  1805, 
republished  in  a collection — always  in  a collection — by 
another  Chinese  editor.  It  is  thus  a book  difficult  to 
procure  in  the  original,  and  Messrs.  Hirth  and  Rockhill 
have  therefore  accumulated  even  more  merit  in  making 


1116 


WnCBS  OF  BOOKS 


the  Glm  Fan  Ghi  accessible  to  us  in  Englivsli  than  if  the 
Chinese  text  itself  were  to  be  bought  in  anj?'  good  native 
bookseller ’s. 

Chau  lias  divided  his  work  into  two  parts.  In  the  first 
])e  assembled  a number  of  “miscellaneous  notes  on  foreign 
countries  and  their  products to  quote  his  Chinese  editor, 
some  of  which  notes  he  transferred  in  an  absent-minded 
way  from  earlier  native  works  without  acknowledgment, 
being  liimself  similarly  treated  by  certain  later  authors. 
In  part  ii  he  epitomizes  what  he  had  gathered  regarding 
these  various  products  under  separate  headings,  beginning* 
with  camphor,  and  bringing  the  list  of  forty-seven  articles 
to  a close  with  beeswax. 

Chau’s  description  of  foreign  countries  can  hardly  fail 
to  interest  Indianists  and  students  of  Arab  history,  for  we 
find  sections  on  Malabar,  Guzerat,  Malwa,  the  Coromandel 
coast,  India,  the  Arabs,  Mecca,  Baghdad,  besides  regions 
so  far  apart  as  the  southern  coast  of  Spain,  Asia  Minor, 
Japan,  Egypt,  and  many  others.  Tlie  value  of  these 
thirteenth  century  jottings  has  been  immensely  added  to 
by  the  profuse  and  scholarly  notes  drawn  from  the  stores 
of  accumulated  knowledge  possessed  by  the  two  editors, 
whose  combined  qualifications  for  elucidating  the  many 
difficult  and  little-known  points  arising  from  the  text  are 
such  as  to  make  the  reading  of  this  book  a deep  satis- 
faction, and  the  task  of  serious  criticism  an  unattainable 
aspiration. 

In  the  Introduction  of  thirty-nine  pages  the  editors  put 
before  us  in  a convenient  form  all  that  can  be  ascertained, 
whether  from  Chinese,  Arab,  or  other  sources,  of  the  early 
mercantile  relations  between  the  Western  world  and  tlie 
Far  East,  or,  as  they  put  it,  “trace  briefly  the  rise  and 
development  of  the  maritime  intercourse  between  China 
and  Southern  and  South-Western  Asia  down  to  the  latter 
part  of  the  twelfth  century/',  when  Chau  Ju-kua  takes 
up  the  tale.  A very  full  General  Index  of  twenty-three 


MALEISCHE  TAAL 


1117 


pages,  and  a Chinese  Index  of  unusual  foreign  names  and 
terms,  follow,  and  the  volume,  which  is  beautifully  printed, 
is  closed  with  a large  and  clear  map  to  illustrate  the  text 
of  an  author  who  is  fortunate  indeed  to  have  fallen  at 
long  last  into  the  hands  of  two  such  ripe  and  sound 
scholars  as  tlie  collaborating  editors. 

L.  C.  Hopkins. 


Maleisghe  Taal,  overzicht  van  de  Grammatiea  door 
0.  Spat.  2nd  edition.  Breda  De  Koninklijke 
Militaire  Acadernie,  1911. 

The  number  of  Malay  grammars  that  have  been  written 
by  Dutch  scholars  is  very  great,  but  this  work  in  270 
pages  by  Mr.  Spat  fulfils  a need.  Taking  the  chief  works 
of  the  modern  school,  we  have  the  classical  Spraaldeer 
der  Maleisdie  Tacil  of  Gerth  van  Wijk,  piinted  in  Batavia 
and  now  in  its  third  edition,  a book  crowded  with 
examples  and  indispensable  for  reference,  but  somewhat 
formless,  and  wdth  the  advance  of  comparative  study 
already  somewhat  out  of  date  in  its  theories ; we  have 
Dr.  Tendeloo’s  Mcdeisehe  Grammatiea  in  two  volumes, 
the  most  scientific  and  exhaustive  treatise  yet  written, 
containing  an  especially  valuable  feature  in  its  review 
and  criticism  of  tlie  work  of  previous  scholars  in  the  same 
field,  and  expressing  views  of  its  own  so  clearly  and  with 
such  marslialled  evidence  that  even  if  one  sometimes 
disagrees  with  the  result  one  can  have  nothing  but  the 
highest  praise  for  the  method  ; and  finally  we  liave 
jlfalelsche  S'praaJdiunst,  by  Ch.  A.  van  Ophuijsen  (Leiden, 
1910),  a short  work  vexy  strong  in  the  idiom  of  the 
language,  but  defaced  (if  I may  say  so)  by  a few  startling 
tlieories  sucli  as  the  view  that  the  di  form  of  the  verb, 
whicli  had  liitherto  been  regarded  as  built  up  from  the 
locative  preposition  di,  is  a contraction  (unparalleled  and 
involving  a redundant  use  of  nya  at  the  end  of  the 


1118  NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 

derivative,  e.g.  cli-^nakan-nya  = dia  makan  dia  !)  of  the 
3rd  person  pronoun  dia  and  denotes  conjugation  in  that 
3rd  person  ! On  the  whole,  therefore,  there  was  room 
for  a concise  work,  at  once  practical  and  scientific,  not 
burdened  with  too  many  examples  or  too  much  theory, 
but  based  on  the  results  of  modern  scholarship.  This 
want  the  grammar  under  review  supplies.  It  is  hardly 
too  long  or  too  scientific  for  the  beginner,  and  it  contains 
all  that  any  scholar  except  the  advanced  expert  can 
require. 

Since  a review  to  be  helpful  either  to  author  or  to 
reader  must  be  critical,  I will  venture  to  refer  to  a few 
points  which  to  me  seem  worthy  of  remark. 

In  the  first  place,  I doubt  if  Mr.  Spat  has  used  the 
results  of  comparative  students  like  Professors  Kern, 
Brandes,  Schmidt,  and  especially  Brandstetter  quite  so 
much  as  he  might  have  done.  He  starts  by  saying 
Malay  belongs  to  the  Austric  family  of  languages,  a family 
split  into  the  two  sub-families  Austro- Asiatic  and  Austro- 
nesian.  This,  I believe,  is  now  accepted,  but  it  has  not 
been  accepted  so  long  that  one  would  not  have  been  glad 
to  have  two  or  three  pages  of  evidence  instead,  say,  of 
the  interesting  but  rather  useless  detail  on  pp.  23-7 
under  Grammatische  figuren.  And  one  wmuld  like  to 
have  had  more  on  the  Indonesian  element,  especially  its 
system  of  affixation  which  helps  to  throw  so  much  light 
on  that  very  vexed  problem  the  Malay  derivative  verb. 

The  chapter  on  Phonetics  contains  a long  quotation 
from  Dr.  Fokker  on  the  vowels,  a quotation  justified  in 
Holland  by  the  fact  that  Fokkei^'s  treatise  is  in  English, 
but  of  rather  doubtful  value  in  a general  grammar,  as 
Dr.  Fokker  wrote  of  Malay  of  the  west  coast  of  Borneo, 
and,  moreover,  has,  I believe,  come  to  modify  many  of  his 
views.  Page  37  contains  the  usual  Dutch  view  of  accent 
in  derivative  words,  a view  which  finds  no  sanction  in  the 
speech  of  the  modem  Peninsular  Malay,  The  rules  given 


MALEISCHE  TAAL  1119 

for  spelling  in  the  Arabic  character  are  neither  more  nor 
less  useful  than  such  views  can  be  at  a time  when  the 
Malay  has  abandoned  Arabic  principles  and  not  yet  quite 
made  up  liis  mind  to  substitute  for  them  Roman 
principles. 

The  portion  of  the  grammar  dealing  with  the  parts  of 
speech,  simple  and  derivative  both  together  under  the 
conventional  heads  of  noun,  adjective,  verb,  and  so  on, 
is  arranged  on  the  usual  lines.  It  is  not  an  ideal 
arrangement.  One  would  prefer  to  have  the  simple  word 
dealt  with  by  itself  and  followed  by  a chapter  on 
affixation,  showing  how  the  same  prefixes  often  attach 
to  and  form  several  different  parts  of  speech — how,  in 
short,  the  language  probably  failed  to  make  that  strict 
div'-orce  between  parts  of  speech  which  our  grammar 
makes.  But  the  problem  is  very  difficult.  The  table  on 
p.  150  is  useful ; the  pages  on  the  suffixes  kan  and  i good. 
I confess  I am  not  yet  satisfied  that  the  so-called 
conjugated  forms  on  pp.  164-7  are  really  conjugation  or 
anything  but  a device  to  throw  the  emphasis  off  the 
agent  on  to  the  act ; the  order,  viz.  that  no  word  may 
intervene  between  pronoun  and  verb,  it  seems  to  me 
possible  to  explain  on  the  ordinary  rules  of  Malay  syntax. 
No  fresh  light  is  thrown  on  the  me  forms.  I can  see  no- 
sufficient  reason  to  speak  of  he  and  te  forms  instead  of 
the  more  usual  her  and  ter ; certainly  r is  an  infix  in 
Indonesian  languages,  and  its  omission  in  certain  Malay 
dialects  may  be  merely  phonetic..  Spat's  treatment  of  the 
verbal  derivatives  may  be  summarized  as  sane  and  clear, 
but  not  very  illuminating. 

The  chapter  on  pronouns  might  have  contained  leather 
fuller  treatment  of  the  improper  personal  pronouns 
considering  what  great  importance  attaches  to  their  nice 
distinctive  nuances ; but,  of  course,  this  would  trespass 
on  the  province  of  lexicography. 

Under  conjunctions  one  wmuld  like  it  to  be  shown  how 


1120 


KOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


ilalay  can  dispense  with  that  part  of  >speech  altogetlier, 
supplying  its  place  by  balance  and  antit]}esis  in  con- 
struction. It  is  a defect  of  Dutch  grammars  that  ^yhile 
most  of  them  contain  chapters  on  ellipsis,  few  or  none 
bring  out  those  two  other  great  princij)les  of  Malay 
construction — {a)  emp)liasis,  (b)  balance  or  aniithesls. 
Mr.  Spat  just  alludes  to  it,  e.g.  p.  267,  but  they  are 
such  far-reacliing  principles  that  tliej^  deserve  liandling  at 
length. 

One  word  on  the  romanized  spelling  of  the  Malajy 
Mr.  Spat’s  use  of  the  hitmza  doedoe  ^ (where  we  should 
write  dvxloh)  seems  an  attempt  to  make  the  best  of  two 
worlds— the  Roman  and  the  Arabic  1 I can  see  no 
objection  to  the  use  of  h final  to  represent  the  glottal 
check.  In  the  first  place,  it  appears  to  be  historical  1}^ 
correct  and  to  represent  a final  h which  was  sounded, 
as  Mr.  Blagden  points  out,  by'  the  Mak^y  race  when  the 
Sakai  of  the  Peninsula  learnt  the  language ; and  the 
final  h is  still  sounded  in  parts  of  tlie  Archipelago. 
Moreover,  h to  indicate  the  glottal  cheek  iieed  cause  no 
confusion  if  it  is  remembered  that  final  k is  now  never 
sounded  in  Malay  (except  in  dialect)  and  alwaj\s  repre- 
sents just  the  glottal  check.  It  speaks  little  for  English 
research  in  Malay  that  our  best  grammar  is  still  that  of 
Marsden,  printed  a century  ago,  and  that  for  such  a work 
as  Spat’s,  dealing  with  his  matter  in  a way  only  possible 
when  there  is  already  a literature  upon  the  subject,  tlie 
ground  in  England  is  still  unprepared. 

R.  0.  WlNSTEDT, 

Abu’l  Mahasin  ibn  Taghri  Birdi’s  Axnals.  Edited 
by  William  Popper.  University  of  California  s 
publications  in  Semitic  Philology.  Vol.  II,  Part  IL 
pp.  539  + 1. 

This 'is  a continuation  of  the  edition  of  the  Avell-known 
Arabic  history  entitled  ez  Zdhirak  The 


ABU'L  MAHASIN  IBN  TAGHBI  BIRDl’s  ANNALS  1121 


whole  work  consists  of  six  volumes.  Juynboll  brought 
out  the  first  volume  and  the  first  half  of  the  second 
volume  (Leyden,  1852-7),  being  aided  in  the  first  volume 
by  Matthes.  Mr.  Popper  now  completes  the  second  volume 
in  tliree  fascicles. 

Particulars  with  regard  to  Abu  el  Mahasin’s  life  and 
his  other  books  will  be  found  in  duynboil’s  introduction 
and  the  Encyclopmclia  o/ Jsium,  and  it  will  be  sufficient 
to  mention  here  that  he  lived  in  Egypt  in  the  fifteenth 
century  of  our  era.  His  aim  in  En  N'^ljum,  as  stated  by 
liimself,  is  to  afford  a comprehensive  history  of  the  rulers 
of  Egypt  in  Muhammadan  times  up  to  his  own  day,  to 
deal  with  certain  special  points  of  Egyptian  history,  and 
to  include  also  obituary  notices  of  men  of  mark  in  Islam, 
and  some  account  of  events  in  other  countries.  His 
arriingement  is  chronological.  A section  is  allotted  to 
each  ruler,  or  to  each  term  of  oflSce  where  the  same 
‘’person  governed  for  separate  terms.  The  ruler  is  first 
treated  of  in  a general  way ; the  events  and  the  notices 
of  deceased  persons  are  then  given  under  their  years. 
The  special  sections,  which  relate  to  matters  like  the 
conquest  of  Egypt,  the  virtues  of  Egypt,  the  lineage  of 
the  Fatimites,  are  introduced  in  convenient  places.  The 
result  of  this  plan,  as  it  is  worked  out,  is  to  produce  a 
mixture  between  a history  and  a biographical  dictionary. 

The  portion  edited  by  Mr.  Popper  extends  from  365  to 
524}  A.H.  (975  to  1130  a.d.).  During  this  period  the 
power  of  the  Abbasid  Khalifs  was  little  more  than 
nominal,  and  the  dynasties  of  the  Buwailiids,  Ghaznavids, 
and  Saljiiqs  in  turn  were  in  the  ascendant  in  the  eastern 
part  of  tlie  Muhammadan  world.  In  the  western  regions 
the  Fatimid  Khalifs  had  the  foremost  place.  Egypt  was 
tliroughout  under  their  rule,  and  they  had  made  Cairo  the 
capital  of  their  dominions.  It  was  from  the  Fatimids 
tliat  the  Crusaders  took  Jerusalem  in  1099  a.d.  The 
first  crusade,  wliich  was  thus  brought  to  a successful 
^ ^ JTEAS.  1912.  ' . , 1% 


1122 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


termination^  may  be  singled  out  as  tlie  most  important 
event  of  the  time,  but  Muhammadan  history  is  concerned 
also  with,  several  other  movements  and  developments  of 
consequence.  Some  of  the  men  who  are  most  distinguished 
in  the  various  departments  of  Islamic  literature  and  science 
belong  to  tlie  epoch. 

The  record  furnished  by  the  native  writers  is  far  from 
being  as  complete  as  could  be  wished.  Abu  el  Mahasin's 
account  hardly  rises  above  the  level  of  a compilation 
consisting  of  passages  transferred  bodily  from  the  books 
of  older  historians.  The  biographical  matter  may  be 
spoken  of  first.  The  obituary  notices,  by  which  most*  of 
it  is  supplied,  rarelj"  extend  beyond,  ten  or  twelve  lines, 
and  not  infrequently  they  do  no  more  than  indicate  the 
date  of  the  deatli  of  their  subjects.  Usually,  they  afford 
a few  general  facts,  with  the  addition  perhaps  of  an 
anecdote  or  two  or  a few  verses  of  poetry.  The  number 
of  the  notices  may  average  five  or  six  to  the  year,  so  that 
altogether  they  make  up  a large  collection.  The  principles 
on  which  names  are  selected  for  inclusion  is  not  obvious, 
but  those  connected  with  theological  sciences  predominate. 
The  liistory  relating  to  countries  outside  Egypt  is  neces- 
sarily disjointed  in  consequence  of  the  plan  adopted,  and  the 
substance,  moreover,  does  not  seem  to  be  of  much  value ; 
for  most  of  it  appears  to  be  covered  by  well-known  books, 
sucli  as  the  histories  of  Ibn  Khaldun  and  Ibn  el  Athir. 
The  history  particular  to  Egypt,  which  was  the  compiler's 
main  object,  amounts  to  about  one-third  part  of  the  text. 
It  includes  some  very  interesting  passages  with  regard  to 
the  Fatimid  Klialifs,  summing  up  their  reigns;  and  also 
some  interesting  accounts  of  Egyptian  events  occur  under 
the  years  in  a few  places.  At  the  same  time,  it  must  be 
said  that  Abu  el  Mah4sin  has  not  succeeded  in  bringing 
together  sufficient  to  enable  the  leading  events  in  Egypt 
during  the  Fatimid  time  to  be  followed  up  consecutively, 


ABU'L  MAHASIN  IBN  TAGHBI  BlRDl's  ANNALS  1123 

in  his  pages.  He  gives  a regular  annual  record  of  the 
lieight  of  the  Nile  at  low  river  and  at  flood,  and  this 
useful  feature  seems  to  be  unique.  In  this  j)art  of  the  book 
tlmre  are  no  sections  relating  to  special  points  of  Egyptian 
Instory,  similar  to  the  articles  on  Cairo,  the  lineage  of  the 
Fatimites,  etc.,  which  are  found  in  the  earlier  portion. 

Abu  el  Mahasin  usually  indicates  his  sources.  Three 
writers  are  drawn  on  regularly  for  each  of  the  Fatimid 
Ivhalifs,  and  thus  seem  to  be  entitled  to  be  counted  as  his 
main  autliorities.  These  are  Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi  (d.  654  A.H. 
= 1257  A.D.),  Ibn  Khallikan  (d.  681  A.H.  = 1282  A.n.), 
and  Ed  Dahabi  (d.  748  a.h.  = 1348  a.d.).  The  last-named 
is  only  occasionally  cited  as  the  source  of  the  biographies, 
but  on  examination  it  appears  that  many  for  which  no 
authority  is  given  come  from  his  Tartkh.  el  Islam, 
Among  other  historians  quoted,  one  finds  El  Musabbihi 
(d.  420  A.H.  = 1029  A.D.),  Ibn  es  S4bi’  (d.  448  a.h. 
= 1056  A.D.),  El  Qudafl  (d.  454  a.h.  = 1062  a.d.),  Ibn 
el  Qalanisi  (d.  555  A.H.  = 1160  a.d.),  Ibn  el  Jauzi 
(d.  597  a.h.  = 1200  a..d.),  Ibn  el  Athir  (d.  630  a.h.  = 
1233  A.D.),  El  Qifti  (d.  646  a.h.  = 1249  a.d.);  the  list 
includes  several  others,  but  none  of  them  contributes 
anything  of  much  importance. 

It  would  have  been  useful  if  Mr.  Popper  s notes  could 
have  indicated  in  all  cases  the  passages  that  are  taken 
from  books  which  have  been  printed.  So  far  as  appears 
from  a comparison  of  a fair  number  of  passages,  it  is 
likely  that  all  tlie  quotations  from  Ibn  Khallikan  are 
taken  from  El  Wafaydt,  and  are  covered  by  the  printed 
edition.  Likewise,  the  quotations  from  Ibn  el  Athir  and 
Ibn  el  Qalanisi  will  probably  all  be  found  in  the  printed 
histories  of  these  writers.  As  to  the  authors  whose  works 
exist  only  in  manuscript  and  those  whose  works  Iiave  been 
lost,  Mr.  Amedroz  has  kindly  undertaken  a comparison 
of  a number  of  passages  from  Abu  el  Mahasin  with  the 
British  Museum  ]\ISS.  of  Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi's  Mirdt  ez 


1124 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


Zamdn  doTidi  DahaM’s  el  and  the  result, 

which  is  included  in  the  observations  with  regard  to  tlie 
text  at  the  end  of  this  paper,  is  instructive.  All  that  is 
ascribed  to  El  Quda  i seems  to  liave  been  taken  from 
the  first-named  book,  and  Dahalns  Tartly  el  Islam  is 
evidently  the  origin  of  the  most  important  of  the  four 
passages  taken  from  Ibn  el  Jauzi  and  of  tlie  single 
passage  which  comes  from  El  Qifti.  With  regard  to  Ibn 
es  Sabi',  the  extracts  from  whose  history  amount  altogether 
to  some  fifteen  or  sixteen  pages  and  possess  much  interest 
and  value,  the  case  is  not  so  clear.  The  passages  for  the 
most  part  have  been  traced  in  tlie  Mir  at  es  Zamdn,  but 
one  long  quotation  given  by  Abu  el  Mahasiii  (77, 11-79,  9) 
has  not  been  hunted  down,  and  in  two  otlier  cases  Abu  el 
Mahasin  s quotations  are  fuller  than  the  text  of  the  Mir  at 
in  the  British  Museum  MS.  It  may  be  that  this  version 
is  defective,  for,  taking  the  passages  from  Ibn  es  Silbi’  as 
a whole,  one  can  hardly  doubt  tliat,  except  in  the  cases 
referred  to,  this  writer  is  not  cited  direct,  but  through 
the  Mir  at  as  an  intermediary.  All  that  is  ascribed  to 
El  Musabbihi,  save  perhaps  a line  or  two,  will  be  found 
in  the  printed  edition  of  Ibn  Khallikan  s Wafaydl.  One 
can  say  for  certain  that  Mr.  Popper's  volume  does  not 
preserve  much  relating  to  the  history  of  Egypt  that 
cannot  be  found  elsewhere,  either  in  the  original  or  in 
versions  older  than  those  of  Abu  el  Mahasin,  and  a more 
exhaustive  search  than  that  which  has  been  made  for  this 
review  would  probably  reduce  the  quantity  to  a veiy  small 
amount  and  perhaps  leave  no  residuum.  The  volume  is 
valuable  from  two  points  of  view  : first  as  a liiograpliical 
epitome,  and  then  because  it  brings  together  and  makes 
’ accessible  material  that  otherwise  must  have  remained  out 
of  the  ordinary  reach  for  a long  while,  since  there  is  no 
prospect  of  editions  of  such  histories  as  those  of  Ed  Dahabi 
or  Sibt  Jbn^  el  Jauzi  being  bought  out  at  any  , near  date  in 


ABU’L  MAHASIN  IBN  TAGHRI  BlRDl'S  ANNALS  1125 


Mr.  Popper  s edition  is  based  on  five  MSS.,  and  the  text 
is  provided  witli  the  usual  critical  notes  at  the  foot  of  the 
pages.  Among  those  who  have  read  the  proofs  is  the 
renowned  Professor  aSToldeke;  and  the  mention  of  this 
name  leads  one  to  look  for  a high  standard  of  accuracy  in 
the  text,  an  expectation  which  is  not  disappointed.  The 
printing  and  general  turn-out  of  the  book  is  excellent,  and 
nearly  all  the  few  misprints  that  occur  have  been  corrected 
in  the  erratum.  Mr.  Popper  has  thoughtfully  provided  a 
paging  continuous  with  that  of  Juynboll,  so  that  the 
second  volume  of  Abu  el  Mahasin  may  be  cited  without 
the  need  for  specifying  the  edition.  He  also  furnishes 
separate  indexes  of  names,  authorities,  titles  of  books,  and 
of  places,  winch  give  the  line  as  well  as  the  page,  and  by 
their  fulness  and  careful  planning  much  facilitate  the  use 
of  the  book.  From  a reader’s  point  of  view  it  would  have 
been  more  convenient  for  proper  names  to  liave  been 
vocalized  in  the  text  than  in  the  indexes  ; the  vocalization 
given  there  appears,  moreover,  to  be  somewhat  insufficient, 
and  the  authority  for  it  is  as  a rule  not  stated.  The 
glossary  at  the  end  of  the  book  is  perhaps  a little  over- 
elaborated. It  would  be  out  of  place,  however,  to  dwell 
upon  minor  points  of  criticism.  Altogether,  Mr.  Popper 
presents  a good  edition  of  a book  which  will  be  in- 
dispensable to  the  student  of  the  history  of  Egypt  in 
the  Fatimid  period  and  valuable  to  many  others. 

A.  K G. 

OliSERVATrONS  WITH  REGARD  TO  THE  TeXT 

In  tlie  following  Dababi  = Br.  Mus.  Or.  48,  49,  and 
Sibt  Ibn  ei  Jauzi  =;  Br.  Mus.  Or.  4G10 

1,  14.  This  quotation  from  MusabbiM  occurs  in  Dahabi, 
198a.  2,  5.  This  quotation  from  Eth  WiAalabi  occurs 

also  in  Dahabi. — 15.  Dahabi  reads 

and  his  narrative  continues,  quoting  Ibn  el  Jauzi 
as  in  text  4,  11.  3,  9.  This  quotation  from  El  Qifti 


1126 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


occurs  in  Dahabi.  4,  11.  See  above. — 16.  Dahabi  adds 

and  then  continues  with  the 
quotation  from  Ibn  IHiallikan.  5,  14.  Daliabi  ends. 
12, 4.  For  Aj jJui  read  aj as  in  Ibn  Sjallikan,  ii,  153. — 
5.  Read  kli,  and  omit  10.  Ibn  Khallikan,  instead 

of  idb>-,  has  iUjJ,  which  seems  better.  13,  2.  For 
read  with  Ibn  Khallika^^^^  It  is  suqDrisino' 

to  find  here  seeing  that  Ibn  Khallikan 

gives  on  El  Musabbihi’s  authority  the  completion  of  the 
anecdote.  Appiirently  Abu  el  Mahasin  must  be  quoting 
Ibn  Khallikan  at  second  hand.  26,  13.  For  J;  ^ read 
45,  1.  For  read  as  in  other  passages. 

62,  13.  This  quotation  is  the  same  as  the  text  of 
Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi,  206a.  63,  8.  Eead  as  in  the 

MSS.,  i.e.  the  stars. — 18.  After  Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi 

has  LJLC  j — 20.  The  words 

(AXij  ^ Jauz.i  stand 

between  and  of  the  previous  line. 

64,  1.  This  passage  occurs  in  Dahabi,  756. — 6.  After 
Dahabi  has  j ci-JjJii,  and 

after  ^ ^ contains 

a short  allusion  not  copied  in  the  text. — 14.  Read  • 

— 18.  After  L5U  Dahabi  has  jU' 

66,  8.  This  passage  from  Ibn  es  S^bi*  occurs  in  Sibt 
Ibn  el  Jauzi,  2066.  67,  11.  Read  Uj,-k3h  b-V,  Ik 

— 12.  This  and  the  remainder  of  the  page  are  not  given 
by  Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi.  68,  1~7.  Occurs  in  Sibt  Ibn  el 
Jauzi — 7-17.  This  does  not  appear  in  Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi. 

■ — 18.  Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi  resumes  and  ends*  at  70,  10. — 
11-18.  Occurs  in  Dahabi  — 19.  This  quotation  from 
Ibn  es  Sabi'  is  found  in  Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi,  207a. 
71,  14.  seems  out  of  place.  The  narrative  is 


abu’l  mahasin  ibn  taghri  birbi’s  annals  1127 


uninterrupted  in  the  older  text. — 16.  Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi 
read  Uli.  72,  15.  Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi  reads 


S,  [^^].  75,  11.  Read  ; 

Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi  has  instead  — 17.  This  passage 

froin  El  Qudad  follows  also  in  Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi,  209a, 
76,  18.  Tliis  passage  from  El  QuchVi  is  also  included  in 
Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi,  2095.  79,  10.  This  passage  from 

El  Qiidah  is  included  in  Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi,  2095. — 
22.  This  passage  from  Ibn  es  Sabi’  is  included  in  Sibt 
Ibn  el  Jauzi,  210a.  80,  10.  For  read 

81,  2.  Here  the  narration  of  Ibn  es  Sabi’  ends  in  Sibt 
Ibn  el  Jauzi,  2105.  84,  16.  For  read  ; see 

Islam,  1910,  p.  138.  Ill,  14.  Tlie  part  of  the  life  after 
LT-di  is  also  given  by  Dahabi,  325.  112,  3,  The  whole 

of  this  paragraph  occurs  in  Dahabi,  2a. — 6.  Read 
— 7.  Read  — 18.  For 

read  113,  6.  For  read  7.  For 


read  116,  2.  For  probably  read 


Jy-U^b->~11.  For 


^ Dahabi  reads  131, 10. 


This  quotation  from  Ibn  es  Sabi’  occurs  less  fully  in 
Sibt  Ibn  el  Jauzi,  2115. — 12.  For  read 

132,  6.  For  ^.^[s  read  ^ \ip.  For  read 

— 8.  After  Sibt.  Ibn  el  Jauzi  has 
^-L.2.  ) Woo  tu5lb  43 1)! 

168,  11.  This  quotation  from 
Dahabi  occurs  208a.  320*  12.  For  Jis>  read 

<!f,  text  304,  20,  where  the  date  of  the  capture  of  Jerusalem 
is  gi\Lm  correctly.  329,  19.  Read,  as  in  Ibn  Khallikan, 
ii,  138,  ^ lAd.  332,  8.  ' For  , read  ^ 

451,8.  Del  ete  203,  10:  this  mention  under  437  a.h.  of 


1128 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 

cannot  refer  to  JU,  who  (135,  10) 

was  slain  in  420  a.h.  Presumably  the  person  intended  is 
JUh  521,  3.  For  'read  . 

A.  R.  G. 


The  Tajarib  al-Uaiam,  or  History  of  Ibn  Miskawaih, 
reproduced  in  facsimile  from  the  MS.  at  Constantinople, 
with  a Preface  and  Summary  by  Leone  Caetani, 
Principe  di  Teano.  Printed  for  the  Trustees  of  the 
“ E.  J.  W.  Gibb  Memorial’’.  Vol.  I,  to  A.H.  37. 
Leyden,  E.  J.  Brill ; London,  Luzac  & Co.:  1909. 

De  la  comparaison  du  texte  de  Thistoire  des  rjuatre 
dynasties  anteislamiques  de  la  Perse  dans  Miskawaih 
et  dans  Tabari,  il  resulte  que  Miskawaih  s’est  borne  a 
abreger  le  texte  de  Thistoire  de  Tabari,  en  en  faisant 
disparaitre  tons  les  is7iacZa,  et  en  raccourcissant  le  recit, 
absolument  comme  I’a  fait  Ibn  al-Athir.  II  y a ajoute 
de  loin  en  loin  quelques  details  relatifs  aux  habitudes  des 
rois  dont  il  parle,  et  aux  particularites  de  leur  caractm*e, 
sans  que  ces  additions  aient  une  grande  importance. 
Ce  qui  est  certain,  c’est  que  Miskawaih  n’a  pas  utilise 
de  source  historique  inconnue  a Tabari,  par  exemple,  des 
livres  des  Guebres,  qui  existaient  encore  a son  epoque, 
et  dans  lesquels  il  aurait  pu  puiser  des  renseignements, 
vsinon  importants,  du  moins  diflerents  de  ce  qui  se  trouve 
dans  Tabari.  On  pent  dire,  sans  aucune  exageration,  que 
toute  la  partie  historique  qui  s’etend  jusqu’a  lepoque 
musulrnane,  n’a  coute,  a part  quelques  additions,  a Miska- 
waih, que  la  peine  de  rayer  dans  une  copie  de  Tabari  les 
phrases  qu’il  jugeait  inu tiles ; c’est  ainsi  du  reste  que  se 
sont  faites  toutes  les  chroniques  musulmanes,  €|ui  n’ont 
de  valeur  que  pour  la  partie  contemporaine  de  leur  auteur 
et  pour  les  annees  qui  Tout  imna4diatement  precede.  La 
comparaison _ des"  deux  pas8ig^,'A|ti?ante  de^'I’abari  efe  de* 


THE  TAJAKIB  AL-UMAM 


Miskawaih  montrera  suffisamment  le  procMe  eiir 
cet  historien. 


Miskawaih,  I,  pp.  127-9 


Tabari,  I,  pp.  82 


etymologies  de  Sapour  et  differents 
autres  details 

J W (P-  827,  1.  6) 

y yub  Axjjk,.  cuiyt . Jiip-j  ,.,-i 


^ Toute  cette  phrase  a ete  d^placee  par  Miskavaih  ; le  texte  s’en 
retroDve  un  pen  plus  haut,  identique  dans  Tabari, 


1180 


KOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


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1131 


THE  TAJARIB  AL-UMAM 


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(Test  ce  meme  precede  de  travail  facile  et  rapide  (p,ie 
Ton  retrouve  chez  la  plus  part  des  chroniqneurs  mxisulmans, 
de  toutes  les  epoques,  et  qui  rend  inutile  toute  mie  partie 
de  la  litterature  islarnique  qui  ne  se  compose  quo  de  copies 
Oil  d’abriVes  des  ouvrasres  anciens. 


E.  Blochet. 


1132 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


Aspects  of  Islam.  By  Duncan  Black  Macdonald,  M.A., 
D.D.  pp.  13,  375.  New  York  : Macmillan,  1911. 

Islam,  her  Moral  and  Spiritual  Value.  A rational 
and  psychological  study.  By  Major  Arthur  Glyn 
Leonard  ; with  a Foreword  by  Syed  Ameer  Ali, 


M.A.,  C.LE.  pp.  160,  London  : Luzac  & Co.,  1909. 

Mystics  and  Saints  of  Islam.  By  Claud  Field. 
pp.  viii,  215.  London : Grifiiths,  1910, 

The  first  in  the  list  is  an  interesting  and  instructive 
book,  consisting  of  ten  Hartford -^Lamson  lectures  for 
1909.  As  may  be  gathered  from  tlie  title,  tlie  author 
does  not  endeavour  to  lay  before  the  reader  a complete 
outline  of  the  tenets  of  Isltoi,  nor  any  description,  in 
systematic  form,  of  its  religious  life  and  thought.  It  is 
this  freedom  from  the  trammels  of  a methodical  structure 
which  enables  him  to  discuss  in  ten  lectures  the  highways 
and  byways  of  Islam,  and  its  conception  by,  and  effects 
on,  the  sundry  classes  of  believers.  There  are  few 
subjects  on  winch  opinions  differ  so  much  as  the  first 
steps  and  growth  of  Islam.  The  author  gives  in  fluent 
style  and  conversational  tone  the  results  of  his  studies, 
which  are  chiefly  meant  to  serve  as  a guide  to  missionaries. 
He  had  the  advantage  of  observing  Moslim  life  at  various 
of  its  chief  centres,  and  of  discussing  theological  and 
social  problems  with  enlightened  Mohammedans,  and,  as 
a result,  draws  a living  picture  of  the  religious  life  of  the 
Moslim  East  as  it  presents  itself  to-day.  Books  witli 
a religious  tendency  must  necessarily  be  lacking  in  that 
freedom  of  criticism  which  would  bring  out  its  scientific 
results  regardless  of  consequences,  and  therefore  a few 
grains  of  theological  zeal  are  unavoidably  scattered  here 
and  there  in  our  book.  Nevertheless,  the  author  proves 
himself  a keen  observer  of  men  and  facts,  and  much  of 
the  information  he  conveys  is  really  valuable. 

No ;bookv on , dispense  with ^ a brief 


ISLAM 


1133 


survey  of  the  activity  of  its  founder.  The  chapter  on 
the  person  and  life  of  Mohammed  contains  several 
statements  which  cannot  be  accepted  offliand.  I quite 
agree  with  the  author  that  Mohammed  was  not,  in  the 
beginning  of  his  prophetic  career,  a self-seeking,  insincere 
impostor,  but  I do  not  believe  that  his  revelations  came 
to  him  in  a trance.  The  verse  (Qor.  xcvi,  1)  is 

bodily  taken  from  the  Pentateuch.  The  traditions  on  the 
event  of  the  first  proclamation  are  altogether  fictitious. 
Mohammed’s  enthusiasm  for  monotheism,  pent  up  for 
years  in  his  mind,  burst  eventually  forth  in  w^ords  which 
he  had  carefully  rehearsed  in  solitude.  This,  however, 
does  not  impair  the  loftiness  of  his  motives,  and  at  this 
period  he  was  anything  but  a ‘‘  schemer”,  a politician”, 
etc.  To  say,  further,  that  the  Qoran  is  simply  a collection 
of  fragments  gatliered  up  from  the  trance  utterances  of 
Mohammed  is,  in  my  opinion,  quite  untenable.  Large 
portions  of  the  book  are  the  result  of  deliberate,  though 
imperfect  and  unmethodical,  study.  The  narrative  and 
legislative  revelations  were  uttered  in  full  consciousness 
of  their  purpose.  The  term  book  ” in  the  Qoranic  sense 
does  not  refer  to  bulk,  and  it  would  be  better  not  to 
translate  hitah  by  '^book  ” at  all,  but  by  ''writ”,  because 
any  written  document  may  aspire  to  the  same  title.  The 
unsystematic  arrangement  of  the  Qoran  has  led  to  much 
misconception.  That  no  adequate  traiivslation  exists  is 
quite  correct.  To  show  how  the  book  grew  it  would  be 
best  to  discard  the  official  arrangement  of  the  chapters, 
and  to  attempt  a translation  in  chronological  order  of  the 
speeches,  provided  the  task  of  establishing  such  order  can 
ever  be  achieved.  But  even  approximate  results  of  such 
labours  would  shed  light  on  many  obscurities. 

Likewise  hard  to  believe  is  another  of  Professor 
Macdonald’s  theories,  viz.  that  the  mysticism  which 
subsequently  permeated  Islam  had  its  seeds  in  the  mind 
of  Mohammed.  I fail  to  notice  any  mysticism  in 


1134 


KOTICES  OE  BOOKS 


Mohammed’s  preachings.  Mysticism  entered  Islam  in 
spite  of  him,  just  as  it  entered  Judaism  in  spite  of  the 
teachings  of  the  Rabbis.  However  interesting  Professor 
Macdonald’s  remarks  on  the  Face  of  Allah  ” are,  I can 
see  in  it  no  mystic  element,  except  what  is  due  to  later 
Mohammedan  doctors.  Neither  can  the  opinion  be  upheld 
that  Mohammed  was  an  ascetic.  The  ascetic  exercises 
with  which  tradition  credits  him  are  just  as  unreliable 
as  those  on  his  first  prophetic  utterance,  and  they  do  not 
offer  the  least  guidance  as  to  his  ascetic  practices.  There 
is,  however,  plenty  of  evidence  to  the  contrary. 

Of  great  interest  is  the  chapter  on  the  attitude  of 
Islam,  and  Mohammed’s  in  particular,  to  the  Scriptures. 
He  had,  in  all  probability,  never  scanned  a copy  of  either 
the  Old  or  the  New  Testament,  but  whatever  particle  of 
Jewish  or  Christian  legendary  lore  came  to  his  knowledge 
was  described  by  him  as  coming  from  the  Tora,  or  from 
the  Gospel.  The  authenticity  of  Qor.  Ixi,  6,  is  very 
doubtful  to  me,  and  all  the  conclusions  drawn  from  this 
verse  as  to  the  announcement  of  Mohammed  as  irepLfcXvTO'^ 
or  TrapdfcXrjTo^  are  unjustified.  Really  valuable  are 
Professor  Macdonald’s  remarks  on  Moslim  ideas  about 
education,  and  his  extracts  from  Ibn  Khaldun  very  useful. 
An  interesting  parallel  to  this  chapter  is  offered  by  the 
history  of  the  Jewish  ideas  on  education,  and  here  the 
author  might  be  recommended  to  peruse  the  corresponding 
pages  in  Mr.  Israel  Abraham’s  Jewish  Life  in  the  Middle 
Ages.  For  many  of  his  theories  on  the  earlier  stages 
of  Islam  Professor  Macdonald  might  have  gained  much 
lucidity  if  he  had  given  some  attention  to  the  Rabbinic 
sources  of  the  Qoran  and  Moslim  tradition.  Perhaps  he 
considered  them  a negligible  quantity. 

Major  Leonard’s  little  book  is  a sympathetic  apologia  of 
Islam.  He  impartially  discards  any  previous  contribution 
to  the  subject,  but  confines  himself  to  his  own  study  of 
the  Qoran  and  the  results  of  his  personal  touch  witli 


ISLAM 


1135 


Moslims.  Tins  would,  indeed,  be  an  ideal  way  of  getting 
at  the  heart  of  Islam,  if  the  Qoran  were  an  open  book,, 
containing  nothing  but  Mohammed’s  own  thoughts  and 
a religious  system  absolutely  original,  and  if  the  modern 
i\[os]im  were  a true  mirror  of  Mohammed’s  Islam, 
unaffected  by  foreign  influences  which  through  tlnrteen 
centuries  brought  believers  in  contact  witli  heterogeneous 
elements.  Yet  through  Major  Leonard’s  remark  (p.  24) 
that  Moliammed  had  a powerfully  receptive  mind  and 
a specially  retentive  memory,  that  lie  was  well  versed 
in  all  the  tenets  and  traditions  of  his  own  people  and 
of  the  Jews,  tliere  peeps  the  desirability  of  ascertaining 
the  sources  at  his  disposal.  This  should  enable  us  to 
establish  in  what  measure  Mohammed  was  creative  and 
where  he  bori-owed.  The  words  Qor.  ii,  256  (a  very  late 
passage)  are  not  the  expression  of  awe  and  veneration  ”, 
but  the  adaptation  of  a very  popular  Jewish  phrase  coined 
on  the  base  of  Ps.  cxxi,  3.  Historically  incorrect  is  the 
assertion  that  Mohammed  was  a son  of  the  desert  (p.  51), 
since  he  was  the  son  of  a Meccan  citizen.  One  of  the 
foremost  results  of  modern  researcli  is  to  discredit  many 
of  the  reports  of  the  traditionists.  Yet  the  author  accepts 
the  legend  tlmt  in  his  youth  Mohammed  w^as  called 
al-Amin.  Yilnlst  in  one  passage  (p.  27)  Mohammed  is 
described  as  a thinker,  we  read  in  another  (p.  89)  that 
he  was  not  of  vigorous  intellectuality  nor  in  any  sense  an 
original  thinker.  In  opposition  to  Professor  MacdonalcPs 
\iew,  our  autlmr  points  out  that  Mohammed  was 
diplomatic,  that  on  occasions  he  displayed  artfulness,, 
and  guile — duplicity,  in  fact”.  The  authors  sympathy 
with  his  subject,  in  combination  with  a warm  and  racy 
style,  will,  no  doubt,  be  pleasing  to  many  readers,  and 
might  stimulate  them  to  further  inquiry,  but  a little 
more  liistorical  criticism  woifld  have  made  his  book 
more  valuable  scientiflcally. 

Narrower  in  scope  than  the  two  preceding  works  is 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


Mr.  Claud  Field’s  little  volume.  It  does  not  claim  to 
be  based  on  original  research,  but  in  the  main  consists 
o£  translations  from  the  books  of  foreign  scholars.  Only 
the  essays  on  al-Ghazali  and  Jalaleddhi  Bnmi  are  the 
results  of  liis  own  studies.  In  the  preface  the  author, 
like  Professor  Macdonald,  expresses  the  opinion  that  thv 
roots  of  mysticism  are  to  be  found  in  the  Qoran,  and 
this  opinion  is  based  on  the  passage  Qor.  xxiv,  35.  This 
verse,  however,  contains  the  reminiscence  of  a “perpetual  ’ 
lamp,  seen  alight  somewhere  in  a Jewish  or  Christian 
place  of  worship,  the  flame  of  which  Mohammed  mistook 
for  a symbol  of  the  deity.  If  this  be  mysticism,  every 
emotion  aroused  in  a person  by  an  impressive  siglit  of 
known  meaning,  which  lingers  in  liis  mind,  may  be  so 
termed.  Tliis,  however,  is  scarcely  strong  enough,  to 
influence  such  person's  Weltauschammg  and  to  regulatf* 
his  mode  of  life,  as  was  the  case  with  the  Sufis. 
Mohammedan  mysticism  takes  its  beginning  from  the 
time  when  the  faith  was  blended  with  Neo-Platonian 
ideas,  and  without  them  Sufiism  would  never  have  assumed 
its  pantheistic  character.  Mr.  Field  places  at  the  head 
of  his  book  a translation  of  the  chapter  on  pantheistic 
Sufiism  of  Kremer’s  Geschichte  der  herrschenden  Ideen 
Islam.  Then  follow  short  biographies,  history  mixed  with 
legends,  of  leading  Srifis,  with  expositions  of  their  theories. 
He  also  includes  in  their  number  Ibn  Sina,  translating  his 
little  “mystical  allegory"  known  as  Hayy  ibn  Joqzan,  but 
lie  makes  no  mention  whatever  of  Ibn  TofeiTs  real  I j’ 
mystical  treatise  of  the  same  title,  the  object  of  which  is  to 
show  how  man,  relying  on  his  innate  spiritual  faculties, 
can  rise  up  to  the  highest  pitch  of  mystical  intuition. 
The  book  reads  well,  and  can  be  recommended  to  sucli 
readers  who  are  satisfied  with  a general  and  second-hand 
knowledge  of  the  subject.  „ 

H.  HpscHFum 


mm 

THE  TOMB  OF  DARIUS  HYSTASPIS  1137 

Die  Keilinschriftent  am  Grabe  des  Darius  ETystaspis, 
von  F.  H.  Weissbach.  11  by  7 inches.  Leipzig  : 
Tenbner,  1911. 

This  work,  which  is  from  the  29th  volume  of  the 
AhhandVmigen  der  2^J^ilologisch-historischen  Klasse  dev 
konigl.  sdchsischen  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschgften,  is  one 
of  the  neat  and  most  scientific  little  monographs  for  wliich 
Dr,  Weissbach  is  renowned.  Beginning  with  tlie  history 
oE  the  place,  he  quotes  from  Ktesias  the  story  of  Darius’ 
command,  that  a grave  should  be  constructed  for  him  ''  in 
the  twofold  mountain  Wishing  later  on  to  inspect  it, 
he  was  restrained  by  the  Chaldeans  and  by  his  parents. 
The  latter,  however,  desiring  to  see  the  place,  got  the 
priests  to  hoist  them  up.  This  was  done,  but  the  priests, 
terrified  by  the  appearance  of  serpents,  let  the  ropes  go 
from  their  hands,  and  Darius’  parents,  precipitated  to  the 
ground,  were  killed.  Darius  greatly  lamented  his  parents’ 
loss,  and  had  the  careless  people  who  were  the  cause  of 
the  misfortune  executed. 

Dr.  Weissbach  then  goes  on  to  describe  how  this  accident 
was  possible,  and  the  fii'st  of  the  eight  plates  at  the  end 
gives  a view  of  the  place.  There,  in  the  rocky  wall  of 
Naqsh-i-Rustem,  is  the  tomb  in  question.  The  entrance 
is  high  up,  a tall  rectangular  door  in  the  middle  of  four 
columns  supporting  an  entablature,  upon  which  rests  a 
double  platform  supported  by  two  rows  of  captives  of 
various  nationalities.  Upon  this  platform  stands  the  great 
king,  holding  his  bow,  faced  by  the  divine  figure  arising 
out  of  the  winged  disc.  This  sculptured  rock-tomb  was 
described  by  the  Venetian  Qeosapa  Barbaro  (end  of  the 
fifteenth  century),  Pietro  della  Valle  (1622),  H.  v.  Poser 
u.  Gross-Nedlitz  (1624),  Sir  Thomas  Herbert  (1627),  and 
many  others  of  less  note,  until  the  visit  of  Sir  W.  Ouseley 
(1811),  Buckingham, and  Ker  Porter*  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson 
obtained  copies  of  the  inscription  from  the  Kazanian 
PiDfesaor,  W.  F.  Dittel,  whom  he  met  at  Bagdad  in 

, .lEAS. 


1138 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


1843-4  Rawlinsoii,  however,  did  iiofc  publisli  it.  More 
complete  copie>s  were  made  by  Mr.  Tasker  in  1848,  and 
were  received  by  Rawlinson  in  1850  and  1851,  after  this 
new  explorer’s  death  by  fever  (Journal  of  the  Royal 
Asiatic  Society,  Yol.  XII).  The  Elamite  text  w-as 
published  by  Norris  in  1855  (YoL  XIY,  Pt.  I). 

The  upper  inscription,  Persian,  Elamite,  and  Babylonian, 
is  fairly  perfect,  but  the  lower  one  (all  three  versions)  is 
considerably  mutilated.  In  the  former  Darius  gives 
praise  to  Ahuramazda  (Hormuzd) ; recounts  his  comjuests, 
emphasizes  his  greatness  and  tine  power  of  the  Persian 
arms,  and  announces  all  that  had  happened  according  to 
the  will  of  Ahuramazda.  The  last  paragraph  reads  as 
follows  : — 

Man,  the  will  of  Ahuramazda,  let  not  tliis  seem 
contrary  to  thee.  Leave  not  tlie  right  way.  Do  no 
harm.” 


The  figures  are  tliirty  in  number,  and  are  indicated  by 
short  inscriptions,  from  which  we  learn  that  they  represent 
Gaubarwa,  Darius’s  lancebearer ; Aspakana,  liis  mace(?)- 
bearer  ; and  the  representatives  of  tlie  various  nations  who 
are  shown  supporting  his  throne — a Persian,  a Median, 
a Parthian,  a Sakian,  a Babylonian,  a Makian,  etc. 

Such  a working-up  of  old  material  as  this  is  always 
welcome. 

T.  G.  Pinches. 


Akamaische  Papyrus  aus  Elephantine  : kleine  Ausgabe 
UNTER  ZuGRaNDELEGUNO  von  Eduard  Sacliau  s Erst- 
ausgabe  bearbeitet  yon  Arthur  Ungnad,  8vo, 
(Hilfsbiicher  ziir  Kunde  des  alten  Orients,  4.  Band.) 
Leipzig:  Hinrichs,  1911. 

For  all  who  cannot  afford  the  great  edition  of  these 
papyri  from  the  pen  of  Sachau  (noticed  by  Prof.  Plirschfeld 
in  the  Journal  of  tliis  Society  fOr  July  last,  pp.  817  ff.), 


AEAMAISCHE  PAPYRUS  AUS  ELEPHANTINE  1139 


this  publication  will  be  most  welcome.  It  is  a modest 
volume  of  119  pages,  containing  the  text  of  the  papyri  in 
square  Hebrew  (with  an  introductory  paragraph  in  each 
case),  a commentary  in  the  form  of  numerous  footnotes, 
and  a glossary  of  about  160  words  at  the  end. 

From  the  Assyriological  point  of  view  certain  of  the 
names  in  these  inscriptions  are  noteworthy.  Thus  we  have 
not  only  CsViN'JD  Sinuballit,  the  correct  form  of  the 
Biblical  Sanhallat,  but  also  such  names  as  Iddin-NaMi, 
“ Nebo  has  given Nahii-htidtirri,  Nebo  (protect)  my 
landmark,”  or  the  like  (if  for  Nabii-kudurri-usur,  this 
would  be  the  same  name  as  Nebuchadrezzar) ; Shin-iddina, 
Sin  (the  moon-god)  has  given  ” ; Nahiv-ttsJiaLliiv  (for 
-iiskallim),  ''  Nebo  has  accepted,”  etc. 

Egypt  being  under  Persian  rule,  Iranian  words  occur,  as 
■well  as  some  Semitic  Babylonian  expressions — dr  ad  ekal, 
servant  of  the  palace,”  an  official  whose  duties  are 
uncertain  ; and  Ungnad  quotes  also  KnJD,  the  Babylonian 
mdtu,  “country,”  and  alhih,  which  he  compares  with 
dllrd'd  (palace  ?). 

Especially  gratifying  to  the  writer  of  this  shoi't  notice 
is  the  opinion  of  Prof.  Ungnad  (likewise  of  Prof,  Eduard 
Meyer),  that  the  divine  name  ought  to  be  read  Yahtva 
(the  n supporting  the  vocalic  ending  being  omitted),  and 
compared  with  the  termination  -ya-a-iva  or  -ya-'woj  of 
several  Hebrew  names  occurring  in  contracts  and  similar 
documents  of  the  later  Babylonian  period  found  at  Sippar, 
Babylon,  and  Nippur.  Attention  was  called  to  these  in 
the  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Arclueology  for 
Novemlier,  1892,  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the 
Babylonian  full  form  presupposes  the  pronunciation 
Yaluuva,  the  rarer  and  more  defective  Yaiva  standing  for 
Yahira,  witli  omission  of  the  second  vowel. 


T.  G.  Pinches. 


mil;,!-  ■' 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


Mesopotamian  AncHJSOLOGr.  An  Introduction  to  tlie 
Archaeology  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  By  Percy 
S.  P.  Handcock,  M.A.  With  numerous  illustrations 
and  two  majes.  London  ; Macmillan,  1912. 

For  such  an  important  subject  as  Assyriology,  some 
sucli  book  as  tliat  now  before  us  was  needed,  so  that  the 
author  has  supplied  what  most  would  regard  as  a real 
want.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  the  title  is  not  a little 
too  wide  for  the  subject,  but  that  is  a mere  detail,  except 
from  the  point  of  view  of  attractiveness. 

The  book  is  a successful  monograph  dealing  with  tlie 
land  of  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians.  It  treats  of  the 
excavations  and  their  results,  the  people,  the  literature,  art, 
architecture,  manners,  customs,  dress,  etc.  Mr.  Handcock 
is  of  opinion  that  the  originators  of  Babylonian  civilization, 
the  Sumerians,  migrated  from  the  Elamite  plateau  on  the 
east  of  the  Tigris  to  the  low^-lying  plain  of  Shinar ; and 
he  finds  a convincing  argument  in  favour  of  this  vieAV  in 
certain  of  the  primitive  seal-cylinders  which  they  ha\'e 
left,  which  show  trees  and  animals  whose  home  is  in  the 
mountains — the  cypress  and  the  cedar;  the  mountain  bull, 
Bison  bonasus,  and  the  gazelle.  As  Hayes  Ward  points 
out,  the  composite  creature  generally  identified  (probably 
wrongly)  with  Ea-bani  (Enki-du),  the  companion  of  the 
hero  Gilgames,  always  has  the  lower  part  of  his  body  like 
that  of  a bison,  never  that  of  a buffalo.  With  regard  to 
the  ethnic  position  of  tlie  Sumerians,  much  might  be  said. 
The  Rev.  G.  J.  Ball  has  seen  in  the  Sumerian  language  and 
writing  old  forms  of  the  Chinese  idiom  and  script,  thus 
developing  what  had  been  foreshadowed  by  the  late  Terrieu 
de  la  Couperie,  and  this  is  somewhat  supported  by  the 
sporadic  Mongolian  types  found  in  a small  number  of 
early  Sumerian  sculptures.  It  is  naturally  an  open 
question,  however,  whether  these  peculiarities  be  accidental 
or  intentional — in  the  majqlity,  of  the  more  carefully 
sculptur’ecj  head?,  that  of  thb' 


MESOPOTAMIAN  ABCH^OLOGY  1141 

Christians  of  Bagdad  to-day.  Relationship  between  the 
ecirly  Sumerians  and  the  Chinese,  on  the  other  hand,  may 
be  correct,  notwithstanding  many  indications  to  the 
contrary.  It  is  not  every  Mongolian  who  has  oblique 
eyes— there  are  many  exceptions,  and  the  scantiness  of 
tlieir  beards  is  not  a strong  argument  against  the  theory. 

The  sketch  of  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  history  given 
by  Mr.  Handcock  is  short,  but  very  serviceable.  Referring 
to  the  reign  of  Me-si-lim  of  Kish  (Oheimer,  about  18  miles 
north  of  Babylon),  he  speaks  of  his  restoration  of  the 
temples,  but  for  the  modern  world  his  principal  claim  to 
fame  will  lie  (if  Thureau-Dangin’s  rendering  of  the 
inscription  be  correct)  in  the  fact  that  he  is  the  earliest 
known  arbitrator  in  history.  Whether  this  ruler  was 
a Semite  or  a Sumerian  is  regarded  as  uncertain,  but 
concerning  Sargon  of  Agade — he  wlio  was  placed  in 
a kind  of  ark  of  reeds  on  the  Euphrates  by  his  mother — 
there  would  seem  to  be  no  doubt — he  was  a Semite.  The 
empire  of  this  king,  and  of  Naram-Sin,  his  son,  was 
destined,  as  Mr.  Handcock  says,  to  entirely  eclipse  that  of 
their  forerunners,  for  it  not  only  embraced  Mesopotamia 
north  and  south,  but  also  S3?'ria  and  Palestine,  and  was, 
in  fact,  the  first  Babylonian  empire  worthy  of  the  name. 
Unfortunately,  the  information  did  not  come  in  time  for 
him  to  make  use  of  it,  but  Scheibs  researches  show  that 
Sarru-ukin  or  Sargon  of  Agad(S  and  Sargani-&rri  were 
not  one,  but  two  different  rulers.  It  is  doubtful  how  far 
Semitic  influence  prevailed  in  the  other  states  of  Baby- 
lonia after  tlie  reign  of  the  last,  but  it  probably  continued 
to  increase,  and  in  the  time  of  Hammurabi  the  Sumerians 
had  lost  all  their. ancient  predominance. 

Interesting  to  the  British  reader  is  the  account  of  the 
explorations  and  excavations,  beginning  with  the  name  of 
Claudius  J.  Rich,  born  127  years  ago  at  Dijon,  and  ending 
with  that  of  Capt,  Gaston  Cx'OS,  de  Sarzec’s  successor  at 
Tel-loh.  It  is  a brilliant  assemblage  of  names,  and  includes 


1142 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


Botta,  Place,  Layard,  Raasam,  Rawlinson,  Oppert,  LoftuB, 
G.  Smith,  de  Sarzec,  Peters,  Hilpreclit,  Koldewey,  and 
Andrae.  Scheil,  the  f5.rst  ti*anslator  of  Hammurabi’s  laws, 
can  hardly  be  dissociated  from  de  Morgan,  the  director  of 
the  excavations  at  Susa.  The  history  of  the  decipherment 
is  also  noteworthy,  though  its  very  special  nature  will 
possibly  cause  tlie  less  vserious  reader  to  pass  it  over  rather 
lightly. 

The  author  has  tried  to  give  a comprehensive  account 
of  the  flora  and  fauna  of  the  two  countries  treated  of,  and 
has  filled  with  information  the  chapters  on  arcliitecture, 
sculpture,  and  metals.  The  section  on  the  temple-towers 
is  good,  Fisher’s  restoration  of  that  at  Nippur  being  given, 
as  well  as  a half-tone  reproduction  of  this  structure  as  it 
exists  at  present.  Fisher’s  picture  of  the  excavations  in 
the  temple-court  is  probably  one  of  the  most  picturesque 
things  in  bricks  and  mortar  qDossible. 

Other  points  worthy  of  notice  are  the  references  to 
cremation  on  p.  62,  the  use  of  the  bow  and  arrow  on 
pp.  340,  341,.  the  curved  mace  or  throwing-stick  (pp.  341, 
342),  and  the  leaden  gate-socket  (p.  267).  It  is  impovssible 
to  touch  on  every  section  of  the  work,  but  it  may  Ik‘ 
regarded  as  one  of  the  best  monograplis  of  its  kind. 
The  illustrations  consist  of  33  half-tone  blocks  and  116 
line-blocks  (some  of  them  containing  several  figures)  in 
the  text.  Text  and  pictures  give  a large  amount  of 
information  in  a small  space. 

T.  G.  PlXGHlvS, 


L’Astrologie  CHALofeNNE.  Le  livre  intitule  “enunui 
(Anu)'^  Bel  ”,  public,  transcrit,  tradiiit,  et  commente 
par  Ch.  VmoLLEAUD.  Letterpress,  12x8  inches  : 
plates,  Ilf  X 7-|  inches.  Paris:  Geuthner,  1912. 

The  publication  of  this  useful  book  continues,  the 
sections  treated  of  being  Sih,:  .^ama4  (planets  and 


l’astrologie  chaldeexne 


ii4:j 


ntars),  and  Adad  (the  atmosphere),  with  supplements,  to 
the  number  o£  fourteen  parts.  Four  more  parts  are  in 
preparation,  and  will  be  looked  for  with  considerable 
interest,  their  titles  being  Commentaire  epigrapliique 
Traduction  et  commentaire  philologique ’’  (two  parts), 
Introduction  et  Index.” 

Though  we  liave  not  yet  M.  Virolleaud’s  translation,  the 
transcription  enables  us  to  see,  to  a certain  extent,  how 
far  he  has  been  able  to  make  out  tlie  sense  of  tliese 
diificult  texts,  and  we  have  to  admit  that,  notwithstanding 
the  progress  which  he  has  undoubtedly  made,  there  is 
still  mucli  to  be  found  out  concerning  tliesc  inscriptions. 
The  publication  of  such  a large  number  of  fnrgments, 
liowever,  cannot  but  aid  largely  in  the  decipherment  of 
tlic  more  or  less  ideographically  wnitten  texts  in  general, 
and  enable  their  interpretation  to  become  more  sure. 

It  is  this,  in  all  probability,  which  forms  their  great 
value.  Whether  they  will  ever  furnish  us  with  trust- 
worth}^  historical  facts Aseems  doubtful,  but  they  will  at 
least  give  a clue  to  the  many  forecasts  they  con  tain — some 
of  them  doubtless  based  upon  historical  events — as  well 
as  the  system  adopted.  One  or  two  examples  of  these 
will  indicate  the  nature  of  the  work,  and  will  probably  be 
not  without  interest : — 

‘'[If  at  a certain  period  of  the  moon]  the  star  Anunitum 
is  dim,  it  is  a decision  of  the  Tigris  and  of  Agadts  and 
a decision  of  the  land  of  the  sea,  the  land  of  . . . 

“ [If  at  a certain  period  of  the  moon]  the  Labourer  ( = 
the  Ram)  is  dim,  it  is  a decision  of  Erech  and  of  Kullaba.” 

“ If  tlie  moon  at  its  appearance  is  constantly  surrounded 
by  a crown,  tlie  harvest  of  the  land  will  be  prosperous,  the 
land  will  i-emain  in  content,  the  king  it  will  honour. 

“ If  the  moon  at  its  appearance  is  surrounded  l)y  a crown, 
in  that  month  the  kings  of  all  the  lands  wdll  be  embi'oiled 
and  liostile,” 

“ If  Deiebat  (Venus)  in  the  month  Nisan  show  a beard, 


1144 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS 


the  people  of  the  land  will  bring  forth  males.  Within 
that  year  tariff  will  be  low/’  etc. 

To  show  a beard,”  literally,  “ to  beard  a beard,”  siq-nct 
zaqanu,  is  an  expression  used  also  of  the  moon,  and  in 
this  case  is,  perhaps,  an  additional  proof  that  the  phases 
of  Venus  were  not  merely  known  to  the  Babylonians,  but 
that  they  were  likewise  in  the  habit  of  observing  them. 

The  omens  from  the  blowing  of  the  wind  are  of  special 
interest,  as  they  were  probably  based  upon  atmospheric 
phenomena  which  the  Babylonians  had  themselves  observed. 

Criticism  of  an  incomplete  book  is  naturally  impossible, 
especially  as,  in  this  case,  the  author  is  certain  to  know 
more  than  the  critic.  All  scholars  interested  in  Babylonian 
astrology  or  astronomy  will  be  glad  to  have  the  text  of 
the  work  entitled  Emmicc  Ami-B^ly  iiow  made  available 
in  as  complete  a form  as  is  possible. 


T.  G.  Pinches. 


NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 

(July,  August,  September,  1912.) 


General  Meetings  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 
Jime  18,  1912 

PkesentxViton  of  Public  School  Medal  to  H.  F.  A. 

Keating,  of  Eton  College,  by  the  Right  Hon. 
Lord  Harris,  G.C.S.L,  G.C.I.E. 

Lord  Reay,  who  presided,  said : The  presentation  o£ 
the  Public  School  Medal  for  the  study  of  Indian  History 
is  always  a pleasant  event.  Lord  Harris  will  be  able  to 
tell  us  presently  what  was  the  attention  paid  to  Indian 
liistory  and  to  English  history  when  he  was  at  Eton. 
Certainly  in  tlie  curriculum  of  schools,  botli  elementary 
and  secondary  scliools,  we  have  not  assigned  to  history — 
I am  thinking  specially  both  of  British  history  and  of 
Indian  history — the  place  which  it  should  occupy.  I have 
always  wondered  that  should  be  so ; because  it  seemed 
to  me  that  the  study  of  history  would  provide  a very 
pleasant  alternative  to  the  more  serious  studies  of  the 
classics  and  mathematics.  I may  mention  that  we  in 
Scotland  have  recently  laid  much  greater  stress  on  the 
history  of  Scotland. 

Xow  we  have  given  this  medal  since  the  year  1904, 
In  1904  it  went  to  Merchant  Taylors,  and  the  subject  was 
Akbar  ; in  1905  it  went  to  Eton,  the  subject  being  the 
Sikhs;  in  1900  to  Rugby,  the  subject  being  Hyder  Ali  ; 
in  1907  to  Westminster,  the  subject  being  Warren  Blastings  ; 
in  1908  to  PlaiTow,  tlie  subject  being  Clive  ; in  1909  it 
went  for  the  second  time  to  Eton,  subject  Wellesley ; in 
1910  to  Merchant  Taylors  for  the  second  time,  subject 
Alexander  the  Great;'  in  1911  to  Marlborough,  with 


1146  NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 

Dalhousie  for  the  subject ; and  now  Eton  for  the  third  time 
stands  first ; and  I think  we  may  congratulate  Eton  on 
that  fact.  I may  mention  that  the  school  which  came  next 
to  that  winch  gains  the  gold  medal  was  Harrow  ; therefore, 
to  a certain  extent,  Harrow  majr  also  be  congratulated. 
Tlie  other  schools  which  sent  essays  were  Marlborougli, 
Perse,  and  Rugby.  I wish  that  more  schools  had  competed, 
but  otherwise  the  number  of  essays  sent  in,  and  the 
merits  of  those  essays,  are  very  satisfactory.  I admit  that 
no  subject  could  have  been  selected  which,  would  have 
been  more  fascinating  to  anybody  to  deal  with  tluin  that 
of  Lord  Lawrence,  Lord  Lawrence  certainly  occupies  in 
the  annals  of  India  an  entirely  exceptional  position.  We 
know  what  we  owe  to  Lord  Lawrence  for  the  way  in  which 
he  dealt  with  the  first  stages  of  the  great  uprising  in  India, 
the  way  in  which  he  undertook  the  full  responsibility  oi* 
those  measures  which  had  to  be  taken  immediately,  and 
the  fruit  he  reaped  pn  that  occasion  from  Ids  judicious 
government  of  the  Punjab,  because,  as  you  remember,  the* 
Pxnijab  remained  perfectly  loyal,  and  that  xvas  due  to  the 
fact  that  Lord  Lawrence  had  made  friends  specially  with 
the  Chiefs  in  tlie  Province. 

There  is  a curious  coincidence  to  which.  I might  refer. 
You  will  remember  that  after  Lord  Lawrence  left  India 
they  elected  him  first  Chairman  of  tlie  London  Sclioul 
Board;  and  here  I am  as  the  last  Chairman  of  that 
extinct  bodj?” ; and  I am  also  very  pleased  to-day  to  speak 
in  the  presence  of  tlie  very  distinguished  daugiiter  (.>f 
Lord  Lawrence,  the  Hon.  Maud  Lawrence,  who  was  my 
colleague,  a most  distinguished . and  efficient  colleague,  on 
the  London  School  Board,  and  who  has  still  got  a link 
with  the  cause  of  education,  being  the  Head  of  the  Women 
Inspectors  at  the  Board  of  Education. 

Now  we  have  been  fortunate  enough  on  this  occasion 
to  have  been  able  to  secure  iny  noble  friend  Lord  Harris, 
himself  a most  distinguis|i#';.Etofitiau,; in  order  to, give  the 


PRESENTATION  OF  PUBLIC  SCHOOL  MEDAL  1147 


medal  to  the  boy  who  has  obtained  it,  and  deservedly 
obtained  it,  and  whom  I congratulate  on  his  essay.  If  he 
intends  to  join  the  Civil  Service  in  India  I hope  that  he 
will  continue  his  studies  in  Indian  history  ; for  I think, 
he  will  find  tlmt  those  studies  will  add  to  tlie  interest  of 
his  career  if  he  pursues  it  in  India.  With  these  few 
words,  I now  call  upon  Lord  Harris. 

Lord  Harris  : This  is  a most  pleasant  honour  to  have 
paid  me,  to  ])e  asked  to  present  this  medal  to  H,  F.  A. 
Keating  to-day,  because  as  an  old  Etonian  I am  naturalh" 
very  proud  of  any  distinction  that  my  old  College  wins. 

It  seems  to  us  who  are  old  Etonians,  only  right  that 
Eton  should  distinguish  itself  in  this  particular  competition, 
because  Etonians  have  had  so  much  to  do  with  the 
administration  of  India,  going  back  to  the  days  of  the 
I\Iarquess  Wellesley  and  of  his  still  more  distinguished 
brotlier.  Coming  down  to  the  Eton  of  later  days,  in 
my  time  two  Presidencies  and  the  Government  of  India 
and  the  administration  of  the  Arnij^  were  all  administered 
at  the  same  time  by  four  Etonians,  so  that  we  have  some 
right  to  hope  that  the  present  generation  at  Eton  will 
regard  it  as  one  of  their  many  duties  to  fit  themselvcvs 
for  high  posts  in  connexion  with  the  administration 
of  India.  As  regards  precedence  in  competition,  I may 
earnestly  express  tlie  hope  that  the  same  precedence  that 
has  happened  in  this  competition,  Eton  being  first  and 
Harrow  second,  will  repeat  itself  a month  hence  in 
another  pcirt  of  London. 

Well,  my  Lord  President,  you  ask  me  whether  the 
study  of,  or  opportunity  for  the  stud}"  of,  Indian  subjects 
or  of  Indian  history  was  given  or  undertaken  at  Eton 
in  my  time.  I cannot  say  that  it  was,  and  I must 
confess  that  it  would  be  more  interesting  to  read  of  the 
progress  of  Sticunda  Beg  than  to  read  the  productions 
of  Xenophon.  But,  passing  to  later  times,  I confess  that 
I do  not  tliink  that  anything  much  earlier  than  Akbar 


3148 


NOTES  OE  THE  QUARTER 


would  be  of  very  great  interest  to  the  young  student. 
It  has  always  seemed  to  me  that  there  was  such 
a melange  of  contest  going  on  in  India  preceding  that 
time  that  it  is  very  difficult  to  grasp  smy  particular 
incidents  that  are  even  important,  much  less  interesting. 
But  certainly  the  history  of  the  British  conquest  of 
India,  of  its  administration  gradually  extending  from 
Peshawar  to  Cape  Comorin,  or  rather  the  other  way, 
from  Cape  Comorin  toward  Peshawar,  would  have  been, 
I should  think,  as  of  great  interest  to  young  students 
as  any  other  of  the  historical  subjects  that  are  given  them 
to  get  up ; and  I must  say  I regret  that  more  attention 
is  not  paid  to  these  subjects  in  our  Public  Schools.  In 
dealing  with  a subject  of  this  kind  I think  it  is  legitimate 


to  look  at  the  object  and  at  the  subject  and  at  the 
treatment  of  the  subject.  We  are  all  most  appreciative 
of  the  object  which  those  distinguished  gentlemen,  some 
of  them  princes  of  ancient  lineage,  had  in  view  in 
founding  the  fund  with  which  you  are  able  to  present 
this  medal,  for  young  England  should  study  the  salient 
points  in  the  history  of  India  in  order  that,  if  fate  threw 
them  into  that  part  of  the  world,  they  might  be  able 
the  better  to  grasp  the  extraordinary  difficulties  whicli 
face  the  administrator  in  India,  the  necessity  for  great 
syxnpathy,  but  at  the  same  time  of  an  overpowering 
sense  of  justice.  It  was  a noble  idea  that  these  princes 
and  gentlemen  had  in  view  when  they  founded  this 
Fund ; and  I hope  they  are  well  repaid  by  the  amount 
of  interest  taken  in  the  donation  of  this  medal  Five 
schools  competed  for  it  this  year  ; and  I think  there  was 
something  like  seven  papers  presented  by  the  winning 
College.  That  shows  that  in  each  of  these  schools, 
even  if  it  is  only  a beginning,  there  is  a decided 
inclination  to  study  the  history  of  the  great  men  who 
have  been  taken  as  the  subjects  for  these  competitive 
essays. . . j r ^ ■ 


PRESENTATION  OP  PUBLIC  SCHOOL  MEDAL  1149 


Passing  to  the  subject  of  this  years  essay,  I think 
I agree  with  you  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  in  all 
the  history  of  what  we  have  done  in  India  a more 
notable  or  a,  more  admirable  figure  than  Lord  Lawrence. 
One  can  pick  out  in  Lord  Lawrence’s  career  many 
incidents  that  were  striking.  Of  course,  you  may  saj^ 
lie  had  the  opportunity.  The  occasion  of  the  Mutiny 
was  unprecedented.  Still,  he  rose  to  those  opportunities, 
and  therefore  one  finds  in  his  career  more  incidents 
of  a remarkably  striking  character  than  in  the  careers 
of  most  other  great  men  whose  lives  in  India  are  full  of 
such  profound  interest  to  us  who  are  devoted  to  that 
country.  I agree  with  your  Lordship  that  probably  in 
all  the  history  of  what  we  have  done  in  India,  of  what 
great  men  have  done  in  India,  there  is  perhaps  nothing 
so  striking  as  tlie  dominant  courage  of  the  man  when  he 
was  almost  ivsolated  up  there  in  the  Punjab,  his  dominant 
courage  and  confidence  that  England  must  win  through. 

Men  in  the  Punjab  came  out  in  such  a remarkable  way 
in  the  days  of  the  Alutiny.  Unquestionably  they  were 
men  of  great  merit;  unquestionably  they  had  on  the 
frontier  opportunities  which  induced  those  elements  of 
courage  and  determination  and  of  speedy  resolution  which 
they  so  eminently  showed;  but  I think  too  those  dis- 
tinguishing features  in  their  character  were  brought  out 
to  a great  extent  by  the  example  of  Lord  Lawrence ; and 
it  is  attempting  to  refine  silver  to  dwell  at  any  length 
upon  such  a career  as  his  was  during  those  troublous  days. 
One  rises  from  the  study  of  the  history  of  the  Mutiny 
witli  tlie  most  profound  admiration  for  the  man,  and  one 
feels  that  one  can  realize  what  his  subordinates  felt 
towards  hiiu  and  the  confidence  they  had  in  him,  not  onl}^ 
his  own  countrymen,  but  the  natives  of  the  country — the 
confidence  they  liad  in  him  that  he  would  pull  England 
through  that  most  serious  crisis. 

^ ; To  pass  to  his  great  career  m Viceroy,  I fancy  it  is 


1150  NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 

generally  thought  that  Lord  Lawrence's  official  career  as 
Governor- General  was  not  so  successful  as  might  have 
been  expected.  Personally  I disagree  with  that.  It  seems 
to  me  that  after  the  serious  crisis  of  the  Mutiny  India  was 
in  a. state  of  collapse;  to  a great  extent  it  had  been 
exhausted  ; and  there  may  not  have  been  tlie  opportunities 
during  his  Viceroyalty,  not  the  same  opportunities  for 
those  heroic  actions  and  movements  which  had  been 
possible  for  him  in  his  earlier  days.  But  it  seems  to  me 
unquestionable  that  in  those  years  of  his  Viceroyalty  lie 
effected  reforms  innumerable  of  the  most  important 
character,  laid  the  foundation  for  reforms  that  have  since 
taken  place,  which  practically  have  made  India  another 
country,  a new  country  according  to  tlie  ideas  wliich  its 
rulers  entertained  of  what  India  might  by  degrees  become, 
reforms  of  a kind  which  were  extremely  beneficial  to  the 
health  and  the  prosperity  of  his  own  countrymen  there, 
both  military  and  civil,  and  also  of  the  natives:  the 
extension  of  railways,  the  extension  of  canals,  the  better 
housing  of  the  soldier,  the  better  draining  of  the  cities, 
many  things  which  do  not  show^  up  as  great  movements, 
which  attract  little  public  attention  at  the  time,  but  never- 
theless are  of  the  most  profound  importance  to  the 
inhabitants  of  the  country.  And  if  you  consider  Sir  John 
Strachey’s  story  of  what  he  considers  Lord  Lawrence  did 
during  his  Governor-Generalship  you  have  no  hesitation 
in  coming,  to  the  conclusion  that  the  years  of  Lord 
Lawrence's  Viceroyalty  were  of  immense  importance  to  the 
whole  of  India,  and  that  it  is  ludicrous  to  suggest  that  he 
was  not  in  any  way  as  successful  during  his  Viceroyalty 
as  he  had  been  in  his  command  of  the  Punjab,  or  in  his 
promptitude  at  the  great  crisis  of  the  Mutiny,  promptitude 
which  is  specially  marked  in  the  case  of  the  advice  which 
he  gave  that  the  utmost  trust  should  be  put  in  the  tliree 
Phaltan  Chiefs,  which  resulted  in  our  communications  witli 
the  Punjab  being  kept  up.  , 


PRESENTATION  OF  PUBLIC  SCHOOL  MEDAL  1151 


I congratulate  Mr,  Keating  heartily  on  the  compendious 
and  sympathetic  way  lie  has  treated  his  subject,  and  I should 
liope  that  lie  feels  himself  repaid  for  the  amount  of  time 
and  study  that  he  has  given  to  the  subject,  because  I am 
sure  . of  this,  that  when  in  later  days  if  he  has  the  oppor- 
tunity of  giving  service  to  India — and  I do  not  know  of 
any  more  honourable  or  desirable  aim  for  any  man  than 
to  hope  he  mehj  some  day  do  some  service  there — if  he  does 
he  will  find  himself  all  the  better  able  to  undertake  that 
service  ; or  if  he  goes  there  merely  as  a traveller  he  will 
find  himself  all  the  better  able  to  enjoy  and  to  understand 
India  in  consequence  of  the  study  he  has  given  to  the 
x’arious  books  that  have  been  written  on  the  deeds  of 
Lord  Lawrence.  I happened  to  have  the  opportunity  of 
visiting  India  recently  after  sixteen  years,  and  I was 
more  delighted  than  I can  express  at  the  progress  that 
I was  able  to  notice  there,  progress  in  important  directions 
for  the  greater  comfort  of  everyone  resident  there,  for  the 
greater  convenience  of  those  masses  of  the  people,  for  the 
greater  tendency  towards  friendship  between  various  races 
resident  there.  I found  that  there  was  far  greater  oppor- 
tunity given  for  the  interchange  of  social  relations  between 
Europeans  and  Asiatics  than  in  my  time.  I found  those 
opportunities  taken  advantage  of  ; and  I could  tell  from 
conversation  with  distinguished  Indian  gentlemen  that 
they  recognized  that  great  progress  has  been  made,  they 
were  confident  that  progress  was  going  on,  and  that  by 
degrees  the  relations  between  the  two  races  were  going  to 
improve.  That  is  a most  interesting  thing  to  have  seen ; 
and  it  is  a most  satisfactory  thing  for  those  who  live  in 
India  to  know ; because  the  protection  of  India  from 
disturbances  either  from  abroad  or  internally  is  almost 
entirely  dcqiendent  upon  the  greater  confidence  that  ought 
to  exist  I'Mitween  tlie  two  races. 

In  conclusion,  M’r,  Keating,  I congratulate  you  most 
lieartily  on  the  success  of  your  studies,  and  I sincerely 


1152 


NOTES  OF  THE  QaABTEB 


hope  you  may  have  opportunities  at  some  time  or  other 
o£  doing  some  service  to  India.  I have  great  pleasure  in 
presenting  you  with  this  medal 

Mr.  Conybeare,  of  Eton  College : I will  not  detain  you 
more  than  a very  few  minutes ; but  I must  at  the  outset 
convey  to  you  and  to  this  distinguished  assembly  the  deep 
regret  of  the  Head  Master  of  Eton  tliat  he  has  not  been 
able  to  be  present.  The  date  for  the  confeiTing  of  degrees 
at  Cambridge  was  fixed  before  the  date  of  this  meeting 
was  arranged ; and  it  was  quite  impossible  for  him  to  l-)e 
at  Cambridge  at  three  o’clock  this  afternoon  and  here 
again  at  five.  Nothing  else,  however,  would  have  pre- 
vented him  from  appearing.  But  I can  say  this,  that  at 
Eton  we  are  all  of  us  very  appreciative  and  very  proud  of 
the  honour  that  has  fallen  upon  us.  We  are,  I need  hardly 
assure  you,  delighted  to  find  that  we  still  retain  our 
supremacy  in  the  list  of  those  who  have  won  tins  prize  in 
the  years  gone  by  ; and  I very  much  hope  that  in  tlie 
future  that  superiority  will  grow  to  be  even  more  marked 


than  it  is  at  present. 

The  study  of  history  at  Eton,  of  course,  has  been 
entirely  changed  in  the  last  comparatively  few  years. 
Even  when  I was  a boy  there  myself  there  were  no 
special  arrangements  made  for  the  study,  and  now  there 
is  a large  and  flourishing  school  where  history  is  taught 
as  one  of  the  principal,  I might  almost  say  as  the 
, : principal,  subject  of  their  study.  At  the  same  time,  lest 
any  should  go  away  with  the  impression  that  an  undue 
, amount  of  time  is  being  devoted  to  history  studies,  I think 
it  is  only  fair  to  Eton,  and  even  more  so  to  Keating, 
to  say  that  he  does  not  devote  his  main  work  to  the  study 
of  history.  He  combines^  perhaps  a rare  combination, 
the  labours  of  mathematician  and  historian ; and  certainly 
the  more  exacting  portion,  of  his  work  is  devoted  to  the 
study  of  mathematics. ^tflink,  he,  really  • 
carry  out  the'  id*^®-!  ’ 


Referred  to,  ol 


PRESENTATION  OF  PUBLIC  SCHOOL  MEDAL  1153 

liistoiy  being  regarded  as  a recreation ; and  there  is  no 
reason  why  the  recreation  should  not  be  a serious  subject 
of  studjL  I can  only  say  that  a great  deal  of  interest 
is  taken  in  this  competition  at  Eton. 

Of  course,  the  connexion  between  Eton  and  India  has 
been  and  is  a very  close  one  ; and  if  we  have  any  regrets 
at  the  present  moment  that  the  Viceroj^  happens  to  be  an 
Harrovian,  I hope  in  the  course  of  time  that  will  be 
reversed. 

Lord  Rfay  : I would  now  move  a hearty  vote  of 
thanks  to  Lord  Harris.  It  is  to  me  personally  a great 
pleasure  that  we  have  been  able  to  secure  Lord  Harris  on 
this  occasion,  for,  as  will  be  gathered  from  what  has  been 
said,  we  have  many  recollections  of  the  same  kind. 
I entirely  agree  with  what  Lord  Harris  has  said  in  his 
very  interesting  remarks  on  the  influence  exercised  by 
Lord  Lawrence  as  Governor-General.  If,  as  some  critics 
would  say,  what  I would  call  the  decorative  and  histrionic 
element  was  absent,  far  from  making  that  a grievance 
against  him,  I would  admit — perhaps  you  will  call  it 
paradoxical  — that  I rather  admire  that  defect  which 
proceeded  from  the  strong  sense  of  duty  and  earnestness 
with  which  he  undertook  the  duties  he  had  to  undertake. 
That,  after  all,  is  the  dominant  note  of  Lord  Lawrence's 
career  throughout — duty — duty  to  his  God,  to  his  King, 
and  to  his  country. 

Now  the  most  remarkable  feature  to  my  mind  in  the 
career  of  Lord  Lawrence  is  the  attitude  he  took  after 
the  Mutiny  in  repudiating  everytliing  which  could  look 
like  a spirit  of  revenge.  There  his  Christian  character  to 
my  njind  comes  out  as  finely  as  did  that  of  Canning.  That 
always  will  remain  in  the  history  of  the  British  Empire, 
to  my  mind,  the  most  glorious  page  in  our  history  tliere, 
the  attitude  we  immediately  assumed  after  the  Mutiny. 

The  proceedings  terminated  "with  a vote  of  thanks  to, 
Lord  Harris. 

: , JEAS.  1912, 


74 


1154 


NOTES  OF  THE  QUARTER 


SiE  Raymond  West,  K.C.I.E. 

We  regret  to  announce  the  death  of  Sir  Raymond 
West,  K.C.I.E.,  Hon.  Vice-President  and  late  D^e^toi 
of  the  Society,  which  took  place  on  September  8 ui  his 

80th  year.  , 

A full  obituary  notice  will  appear  in  the  next  number 

of  the  Journal. 


ADDITIONS  TO  THE  LIBRARY 


Eabu-U,  Memoirs  of.  j^Tew  Translation  by  A.  S.  Beveridge.  Ease.  i. 
8 VO.  London^  1912.  JPurchased^ 

Calcutta.  Indian  Masenm.  Supplementary  Collection  of  the 
Archaeological  Collection  by  T,  Bloch.  8to.  Calmtia,  1912. 

Froyn  the  Inditm  Museum. 

Clay,  A.  T,  Business  Documents  of  Murashu  Sons  of  iNippur. 
Dated  Darius  II.  Publications  of  the  Babylonian  Section, 
Diiivei'sity  of  Pennsvlvania.  Yol.  ii,  ITo.  1.  4to.  Philadelphia^ 
1912.  From  the  TJniversity  of  Pennsylvania. 

Documents  from  the  Temple  Archives  of  [Nippur,  dated 

Cassite  llulers.  Publications  of  the  Babylonian  Section, 
Univeivity  of  Pennsylvania.  ' Yol.  ii,  Ho.  2.  4to.  Phila- 
delphia^ 1912.  From  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

Cordier,  H,  Bibliotheca  Indosinica.  Yol.  i.  8vo.  Paris,  \WZ. 

Prom  P Fcole  frangaise  d' Extreme  Orient. 

Haliburton,  li.  G.  How  a Pace  of  Pygmies  was  found  in  Horth 
Africa  and  Spain.  8vo.  Toronto,  1897. 

From  N.  Parnell  Pavis,  Esq.,  C.M.G. 

Jataka.  Ed.  by  E.  B.  Cowell.  Yol.  iii,  Tianslated  by  H.  T 
Francis  and  E.  A.  Heil.  8vo.  Camlridge,  1897. 

From  St.  G.  L.  Fox  Pitt,  Esq. 

de  Lajonq[uiere,  E.  Lunet.  Inventaire  descriptif  des  Monuments 
du  Caiubodge.  Tome  iii.  Avec  cartes.  8vo.  Paris,  1911. 

Prom  PEcole  frangaise  d^ Extreme  Orient. 

Macdonald,  D.  B,  Arabic  and  Turkish  MSS.  in  the  Hewberry 
Library.  8vo.  Chicago,  1912.  From  the  Ffewhe'rry  Lilrary. 

Mahavamsa.  Translated  by  W.  Geiger  and  Mabel  IL  Bode.  (Pali 
Text  Society,  1912.)  8vo.  London,  1912. 

From  the  Pali  Text  Society. 

Mazumdar,  B.  C.  Sonpiir  in  the  Sambalpur  Tract.  8vo. 

191 1 ?)  P'rom  the  Author. 


1156 


ADDITION’S  TO  THE  LIBKARY 


Mehemed  Emin  Effendi,  Dr.  The  Struggle  over  Tripoli. 
Translated  from  the  German  by  Mrs.  Ellen  Scott.  Svo. 
London,  From  the  Puhlisher, 

Mookerji,  E.  Indian  Shipping.  4to.  London,  1912.  Purchased, 

Muhammad,  Eiza  ]Srau‘i.  Suz-u-gndaz,  Burning  and  Melting. 
Translated  by  Mirza  Y.  Dawnd  and  A.  K.  Cooniaraswamy. 

From  Dr.  A.  IP.  Coomarasivam// . 

MaifiCH.  Catalogus  Cod.  Mann  Scriptoruni  Bibliothocm  Eegiie. 
Torni  i,  pars  yi.  Cod.  Sanslmticos  complectens.  8v<>. 
Monaehu,  1912. 

Fro7n  the  K.  Bmjer.  Hof-  iind  StaatsUbliotheh,  Munehoi. 

Munro,  J.  I.  Eesearch  into  the  Origin  of  the  Third  Personal 
Pronoun  in  Semitic  Languages.  8yo.  London, 

From  the  Publuher. 

Munshirama  and  Rama  Deva.  The  Ary  a Samaj  and  its 
. Detractors.  8vo.  Gunihda,  . 

From  Professor  Patna'  Deva, 

Ojha,  Gaurishankar  H.  Bharatanarsha  Ke  Prachina  Itihasa  Xl 
Samagri.  8yo.  s.L,  1911.  From  the  Author, 

Sirohi  Eujya  Ka  Itihasa.  4to.  s.L,  1911. 

Frotn  the  Author. 

Palestiis’e  ExPLORATiOisr  Fran.  Annual,  1911.  I.  4to.  London 
(1912  ?).  From  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund, 

Peri,  X.  A Propos  de  la  Date  de  Yasiibandlm,  8yo.  Hanoi,  1911. 

From  the  Author, 

Rama  Deva,  Sriman  Professor.  Bharatavarsa  ka  Itihasa.  8vo. 
Giiruhda,  1911.  From  the  Author, 

Rama  Deva,  Professor.  The  Arya  Samaj.  8yo.  Gurukula,  l%\\, 

Thurston,  E.  Castes  and  Superstitions  of  Southern  India.  Svo. 
London,  1912.  Purchased, 

Yetts,  "W.  Perceval.  Symbolism  in  Chinese  Art.  8yo,  London, 
1912.  From  the  Author. 


INDEX  FOR  1912 


A 

Abliiuavagapta,  origin  of  his 
Paraniarthasrira,,  257-61 . 

‘Abkl  of  Asad,  133. 

Adliura-kfirikah , 475. 

‘Adiid-ad-l)awlah,  Biiyid,  5,  14, 
316-lS,  3*21,  329,  870,  876,  883, 
889. 

Age  criteria  in  the  Rigveda,  726-9. 

Age  of  the  Pnraiuis,  254. 

Akhyfuiaand  the  origin  of  tragedy, 
411-38, 

Alikii,  inscription  of  Hiivishka  at, 
673. 

Almanacs,  KasraTri,  717-21. 

Amedroz,  H.  F.,  Some  Sufi  Lives, 
551-86. 

Notes  on  some  Sufi  Lives, 

1087-9. 

Andersox,  J.  1). , Notes  on  Bengali, 
1074-8. 

Annivei'sary  meeting,  840-54. 

Aniishirwan,  Chosroes,  865,  887. 

Arabian  poetry,  748  ; pictorial 
aspects  of,  133-5*2. 

Arch feologi cal  exploration  in  India, 
19 1 0-1 1,  113-32. 

Ardashir,  King,  3*24. 

Ardashir-Khurah  district,  315. 

Aryal>hata's  values  for  dimensions 
of  earth,  464-7. 

.\rya-Hiddhrinta(seeoDd)  and  Kapi- 
paya<ii  notation,  459-62. 

Asfal  cl  Ar(i~  liower  Egypt,  945, 

al-Atsha,  the  pearl-diver,  499-502. 

.\soka,  Ufipnath  and  Sarnath 
edicts  of,  1053  9, 

Anoka's  Hilpnath  edict,  477-81. 

Aspassins,  sect  of,  339,  865. 

Astrology,  Hindu,  1039  46. 

Astronomy,  Hindu,  1039-46 ; in 
Funlfias,  1047  et  seqq. 

Atmiiegs  of  Fte,  6. 


B 

Babylonian  civilization,  989. 

Balir  Abi  el  Munajja,  943. 

Balir  Muwais,  943. 

Brdcrdijar  or  Bakfdinjar,  Bti3n‘d 
prince,  7,  15,  16,  19,  317. 

Band  Amir,  860,  883. 

Bao  = Vihara,  261. 

Barnett,  L.  1).,  Paramartha-sara, 

■■  474.  ■, 

Bengali,  notes  on,  1074-8. 

Beveridge,  H.,  Meaning  of  the 
words  Hoji  Tash,  507-8. 

Bliarata,  stanzas  of,  1070-3. 

Bharaut,  Jatakas  at,  399-410. 

Bishr  al-Hrifi,  Sfifi,  560. 

Bistanii,  Silfi,  557  et  seqq. 

Blagden,  C.  O.j  Bao  — Vihara, 
261. 

Two  Corrected  Readings  in 

the  M^’azedi  Inscription,  486. 

Shan  Buddhism,  495. 

Talai  ng  Inscriptions  on  Glazed 

Tiles,  689-98. 

Boghaz  Keui,  Cuneiform  tablet 
with  docket  in  tiittite  hiero- 
glyphs, 1029-38. 

Bones,  inscribed,  1021-8. 

Brahmagupta  on  dimensions  of 
tlie  earth,  465-8. 

Brahmi  inscriptions  in  Lucknow 
Provincial  Museum,  153-79. 

Brihasvatiniita  of  MOra  inscription 
identified  as  Bahasatimita,  1*20. 

Brown, Ii.GRANT,KonianCharacter 
for  Oriental  Laiiguages,  647-63. 

Buddha,  date  of  the  death  of, 
239-41. 

Buddhism  of  the  Shans,  487-99. 

Buddhist  monastic  terms  sama- 
tittiha^  BCipadana^  utUiri-hhiiiga^ 
736-42. 

Bur^ah  the  engineer,  324,  325. 


1158 


INDEX 


Burial  and  cremation  in  the 
Rgreda,  470-4. 

Bushel!  Bowl,  1091-3;  and  its 
inscription,  439-57 ; genuineness 
of,  440  et  seq. 

C 

Castles  in  Ears,  876. 

Chaldaian  civilization,  989. 

Chang-khen,  arrival  in  Bactria 
128  i^.a,  668. 

Characene,  maritime  commercial 
state,  990. 

Chauli,  Atabeg,  2,  6,  29,  312,  319, 
870,  878, 

Chief  Justices  of  Fcirs,  14,  318. 

Chinese  bone  inscriptions,  funeral 
elegy,  1021-8. 

Chinese  bronze  known  as  the 
Bushell  Bowl,  437-57. 

Cita,  the  ya^'ana,  380-1  ; Gothic 
origin,  381. 

Clauson,  G.  L.  M.,  Catalogue  of 
the  Stein  Collection  of  Sanskrit 
MSS.  from  Kashmir,  587-627. 

Cochrane,  W.  W.  , Shans  and 
Buddhism  in  the  Northern 
Canon,  487-95. 

Coinage,  of  Kanishka,  981-1012  ; 
gold,  994 ; relation  to  that  of 
Julius  Caesar,  1001;  gold,  imperial 
privilege,  1002. 

Copper- plate  grant  from  East 
Bengal,  alleged  spurious,  710. 

Coronation  chronogram,  262. 

Cremation  and  burial  in  the 
Rgveda,  470-4. 

Culikapaiiacika  Prakrit,  711-14. 

Cuneiform  tablet  from  Boghaz 
Keui  with  docket  in  Hittite 
hieroglyphs,  1029-38. 


Delta  in  the  Middle  Ages,  941-80. 

Dewhuest,  R.  P.,  Ramayana  of 
Tulasi  Das,  1079. 

Dhalla,  M.  N.,  Iranian  MSS.  in 
India  Office  Library,  387-98. 

Dharmatrata,  fragments  de  la 
Udanavarga,  355-77. 

Dhu-r-Rummah,  ode  by  Gluiilan. 
142. 

Dimensions  of  the  earth,  Hindu 
values,  463-70. 

Documents  Sanscrits  de  la  seconde 
collection  Stein,  355-77. 

Drama  (early)  in  India,  423. 

Dreams,  the  appearance  of  the 
Prophet  in,  503-6. 

Dualism,  Yasiia  XXX  as  the  docu- 
ment of,  81-109. 

E 

El  Hauf  el  Garbhi,  945. 

El  Hauf  esh  Sharqi,  945. 

Er  Rif  = Lower  Egypt,  945. 

Ethiopic  Senkessar,  261. 

F 

Fadluyah  or  Fadlun,  Amir,  8,  9, 
lb,  314,  317. 

Family  tree  (Chinese)  inscribed 
on  bone,  1021-8. 

Fan  Ye,  author  of  Later  Han  ” 
annals,  675, 

Fars,  description  of  the  province 
of,  1-30,  311-39,  865-89. 

Fars  Namab-i-Nasiri,  16. 

Fars  Province,  17 ; its  five  districts, 
19. 

Fleet,  J.  F., Imaginative  Ybjanas, 
229-39. 

— ^ Date  of  the  Death  of  Buddfia , 

, 239-41. 


D 


— Mahishamandala,  245-8. 

— — Kaffipayadi  Notation  of  the 
i^pwond  ATya-Siddhihta,  459^-62.: 
frir  'Ihe  Yojana  ahd  theParas^hg^, 

41.  4 f ^ i *1 ' -ri . i ' 

,Da;fs,  oChhA:'W:Wk/use  Earth's 


Dalai  Lama's  seal,  746. 

Damietta  branch  of  Nile,  942. 

Date  of  the  death  of,  Buddha,  239^ 


timensions,  463- 

lit 


INDEX 


1169 


Fleet,  J.  F.,  Seals  from  Harappa, 
G99-701. 

Note  OD  Sarnath  Inscription, 

703-7. 

Ancient  Territorial  Divisions 

of  India,  707-10. 

Use  of  Planetary  NamCvS  of 

Days  of  the  Week  in  India, 
1039~4(>. 

Note  on  the  Puranas,  1046-53. 

Fondation  de  Goeje,  202. 

Fkancke,  a.  H.,  Another  Version 
of  the  Dalai  Lama’s  Seal,  746. 

Funeral  elegy  and  a family  tree 
inscribed  on  bone,  1021-8. 


U 

Ganishra,  netir  Mathura,  mounds 
excavated  at,  121. 

Gaba  in  »7  unnar  inscri  ptions  equiva- 
lent to  = Goths,  383-4. 

Gaitthiot,  R.,  A propos  de  la 
datation  en  Sogdien,  341-53. 

Genei’al  meetings  of  the  Society, 
541-2,  837,  840-54,  1145-53. 

Ghantasala,  Buddhist  bas-reliefs 
from,  409. 

Ginger,  475,  1093. 

Gnu’ERicH,  H.,  The  Bushell  Bowl, 
1091. 

Gnosticism,  home  in  Babylonia, 
1005. 

Gold  Medal,  Triennial,  545,  837-9  ; 
School,  1 1 45-53. 

<l0Li>ZiHKH,  I,,  The  Appearance  of 
the  Prophet  in  Dreams,  503-6. 

Gondophernes,  680  ; conquered 
Kfihul,  684. 

Goths  in  Ancient  India,  379-85 ; 
e{|uivalent  to  in  Junnar 

inscriptions,  383"-4. 

Govinpacjaeva  SvAivnx,  Birthplace' 
of  Bhakti,  481-3. 

— Note  on  word  Bhagavan, 

r— Tehgalai  and  Vadagalai, 

,714-17. 

Gpil«|tsoxb  G.  A,,  Ivambojas,  255, 


Grierson,  G.  A.,  Tehgalai  and 
Vadagalai,  714-17. 

Kasmiri  Almanacs,  717- 21. 

Progress  Report  of  the 

Linguistic  Survey  for  1911, 
1079-85. 

Guest,  A.  R.,  Delta  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  941-80. 

Guidi,  I.,  The  Ethiopic  Senkessar, 
261. 

H 

Hallaj,  Sufi,  570. 

Harappa,  seals  from,  699-701. 

Hasuyah,  Amir,  11,  29,  30,  313, 
314,  878. 

Hazar  Asp,  Amir,  19. 

Herakles  only  Greek  deity  on  coins 
of  Huvishka,  1004. 

Hindu  dimensions  of  the  earth, 
463-70. 

Hibtite  hieroglyphs,  Cuneiform 
tablet  from  Boghaz  Keui  with 
docket  in,  1029-38. 

Hiung-iiu  overloi’ds  of  Central  Asia, 
984. 

Hoernle,  a.  F-  R.,  Buddhist 
Monastic  terms  samaHttika, 
mpadana^  nttari-hhanga^  736-42. 

Hoji  Tash,  meaning  of,  507-8. 

Honan,  inscribed  bones  from, 
1021-8. 

Hopkins,  L.  G.,  Chinese  Bronze 
known  as  the  Bushell  Bowl, 
439-57,  753,  1093. 

Funeral  Elegy  and  a Family 

Tree  inscribed  on  Bone,  1021-8. 

Hultzsch,  E.,  Jatakas  at  Bharaut, 
399-410. 

— — - Ginger  ” <lerived  from 
Dravidian  word,  475. 

Verses  relating  to  Gifts  of 

Land,  476. 

Notes  on  the  iSleghadCita, 

734-6. 

— ^ — RCIpnfith  and  S&rnith  Edicts 
of  Ai^Oka,  1053-9. 

Httvishka,  Kushan  king,  672;  his 
coinage,  987,  1004. 


1160 


mmt.- 


Ibn  al-Balkhi,  2. 

Ibu  Kliafif,  Sufi,  o5tB60. 

Ibi)  Suraij,  556. 

Imaginative  yojanas,  229-39. 

Imra’ai-Qais,  poem  of,  148-50. 

India  Office,  collection  of  Iranian 
MSS.,  387-98. 

Inscribed  bones,  funeral  elegy  and 
family  tree,  1021-S. 

Inscriptions,  Vannic,  107  - 12  ; 
Sanskrit,  at  ‘Isapur,  LI  8-1 9 ; at 
Mora,  120;  at  Ganislira,  12L; 
Brahml,  in  Lucknow  Museum, 
153-79  ; Besnagar,  379  ; Nasik, 
379;  Junixgadh,  379;  Junnar, 
380  ; Myazedi,  486  ; at  Alika, 
673;  on  Wardak  vase,  673, 
1060-3  ; Taking,  on  glazed 
tiles,  689-98  ; on  Harappa  seals, 
701 ; Sarnatli  of  Asvagliosha, 
701-7. 

Iranian  MSS.  in  India  Office 
Library,.  387-98. 

Irila,  the  yavana,  380 ; Gothic 
origin,  380. 

‘Isapur,  near  Mathurii,  sacrificial 
dated  post  discovered  at,,  1 18. 

Istakhr  city  (Persepolis  and  castle), 
25-7,  880,  882,  886  ; district,  19, 

Itineraries  in  Pars,  881. 

Iyengar,  P.  T.  S.  , Visistadvaitam, 
1073. 

J 

Jacob,  G.  A.,  Note  on  the  Sub- 
hagabhikshukanyaya,  742. 

A misunderstood  Simile,  744. 

Jaf  tribe  of  Kurdistan,  983. 

Jaisinghpura,  near  Mathura,  ex- 
cavations at,  123. 

Jatakas  at  Bharaut,  399-410. 

K 

Kabul  conquered  in  6o  a.d.  by 
Kozoulo  Kadphises,  679-81. 

KMidasa  and  the  authenticity  of 
the  Ktusamhara,  1066-70. 

Kambojas,  255-7.  ■ L 


Kanishka,  theories  regarding  his 
date,  666  ; secret  found  in  his 
coinage,  667  ; lived  in  58  b.c., 
668  ; as  an  Indian  king,  66S-8S  ; 
a Kushan,  670;  inscriptions  of, 
671 ; supporter  of  Budd  hism,  67 3 ; 
assigned  to  fi  rst  century  b.  c.  , 685 ; 
Viki’ama  era  originated  with, 
686;  converted  to  Buddhism, 
687  ; coinage  of,  981  - 1012  ; 
derived  his  pantheon  from 
Babylonia,  1003 ; his  pantheon 
Sabican  and  a.stral,  1006  ; 
contains  goddess  Nanaia,  1007. 

Kanishka’s  Chaitya  at  Peshawair 
excavated,  114-17. 

Karzuvi  Kurds,  11. 

. Kashf  al-Mahjiil),  551-86  ; treatise 
on  Sufiism,  555.  t, 

Kashmir,  catalogue  of  Sanskrit 
MSS.  from,  587-627. 

Kasia,  excavations  at,  123-7. 

Katapayadi  notation  of  the  second 
Arya- Sidd hail  t a,  457-62. 

Keith,  A.  B.,  Origin  of  Tragedy 
and  the  Akhyana,  411-  38. 

Cremation  and  Burial  in  the 

Rgveda,  470-4. 

~ — Vedic  Syntax,  721-6. 

Age  Criteria  in  the  Rigveda, 

726-9. 

The  Suffix  S(1L  729-34. 

— — Authenticity  of  the  Rtusaiu- 
hara,  1066-70. 

Kennedy,  J.,  The  Secret  of 
Kanishka,  665-88,  981-1019. 

Khair  aLNassaJ,  Sufi,  560. 

Khalij  Misr,  944. 

I^ahj  Saradus,  branch  of  Nik, 
944. 

Khatib,  the  Tankh-Baghdad  of  the, 
31-79. 

Khefoe,  Hittite  god,  1031. 

Khecl  (Rajputana),  Brahmauical 

, temple  found  at,  1 28~  9. 

Khumartagin  Atabeg,  2,  6,  317, 

Khurah  or  Hiurrab,  19. 

; aLLuffia*  1087-91. 


INDEX 


1161 


K^:owl3^s,  Rev.  J.,  Romanic  Letters 
for  Indian  Languages,  751. 

Konow,  Sten',  Goths  in  Ancient 
India,  379-85. 

Kozoiilo  Kadphises,  Kushan  king, 
(>70;  called  K‘ieou  tsieou-k‘io  by 
Chinese,  675  ; conquers  Kfibul, 
679-81  ; coins,  087. 

Krenkow,  F.,  The  Tarikh- Baghdad 
of  the  Khatib,  31-79. 

Kurahs  of  Lower  Eg^’pt,  941-80. 

Kurdish  dialect,  Sulaiiuania, 
891-932. 

Kushan  gold  stater,  1001  ; coinage 
based  on  Macedonian,  1001  ; 
coinage,  history  of,  1002  ; 
pantheon,  lOOG-S  ; uses  Dorian 
alpliabet  on  coins,  1011. 

Kiishans,  one  of  Toehari  princi- 
palities, ()67  - 70  ; established 
two  kingdoms,  670  ; ruled  over 
Panjfib,  673  ; struck  gold  coin- 
age, 684,  981  ; coins  have  Greek 
legends,  982. 

L'. 

La  bid  of  ‘Amir,  ])oems  of,  137. 

fjakes  in  Ffirs,  872. 

Land  grants,  verses  relating  to 
Indian  gifts  of,  248-54. 

LAUFEii,  B.,  The  Stanzas  of 
Bharatri,  1070-3. 

Lawalijan  Kurds,  13. 

Le  Stranoe,  (L,  Description  of 
the  Proviiiee  of  Pars  in  Persia 
at  the  beginning  of  tbe  Twelfth 
Century,  i -3(k  311-  39,  865  89. 

Levi,  H.,  Nilakanthadhamni, 
!(«)3  6, 

Linguistic  Survey  of  India,  Report 
for  1911,  1079-85. 

fiiTDEKS,  IL,  Some  Brfihmi  In- 
scriptions in  Lucknow  Provincial 
Muscuin.  153 -79. 

Lyale,  Sir  C.,  Pictorial  As^>ects  of 
Ancient  Arabia, n Poetry,  133-524 
The  pearl-diver  of  al-A*sh^, 
499-592. 

Silmwaihi  or  Sibtiyah,  749, 


Macdonalt),  D.  B.,  Arabian  Poetry , 
748. 

Mahabodhi-jataka  at  Bbaraut,  399. 

Mahajanaka- jataka  at  Bharaut, 464. 

Mahakapi-jataka  at  Bharaut,  402. 

Mahishamandala,  24 1 -8 . 

Maimun  al-A‘sha,  Arabian  poet, 
146-7. 

Makki,  Sufi,  562. 

Maku,  new  Vannic  inscription  at, 
107-12. 

MSS.,  Iranian,  in  India  Office 
Library,  387-98. 

MSS.  Stein  from  Miran  and  Tun- 
Huang  in  Turkish  Runic  script, 
181-227. 

MSS.,  Sanskrit,  from  Kashmir, 
Catalogue  of  Stein,  587-627. 

Mara's  daughters  on  Tabling 
glazed  tiles,  689-98. 

Masbidi  Kurds,  12,  320,  879. 

Mathura,  excavations  at,  118-23. 

Meadow  lands  in  Fars,  873. 

Meg'haduta,  notes  on,  734-6. 

Mesene,  maritime  commercial 
state,  090  et  seqq.  ; trade  with 
India,  990 ; trade  with  China, 
998. 

Mesenian,  early  traders,  980  et 
seqq.  ; carriers  of  gold,  100-2. 

Mills,  L.,  Vasna  XXX  as  the 
Document  of  Dualism,  81-109. 

Mirdasi  chiefs,  15. 

MOra,  excavations  at,  120. 

Mu  fizz  canal,  943. 

Mukri  language,  892. 

Munich  arelueological  collection, 
1085.  . 

Myazedi  ins<3ription,  corrected 
readings,  486, 

N 

Nanaia,  ISlesenian  goddess,  1007. 

Nariman,  G.  K.,  Kambojas,  255-7. 

Nicholson,  R.  A.,  The  MSS.  of 
the  KiUih  al-Luma%  1090-1. 

Nilakauthadlulranl  fragment  final, 

' 629-45, 


1162 


INDEX 


Nile,  branches  of,  941-80. 

Nizam  al-Mulk,  Wazir,  10,  314. 

Nosal  (Kishaiigarh),  Brahmanical 

temple  found  at,  128. 

Notices  of  Books — 

Ball,  eJ.  Dyer,  The  Chinese  at 
Home,  529. 

Barnett,  L.  D.,  Catalogue  of 
Tamil  Books  in  British  Museum, 
790 ; Catalogue  of  Kannada, 
Badaga,  and  Kurg  Books  in 
British  Museum, 800 ; Catalogue 
of  Telugu  Books  in  British 
Museum,  801. 

Bibliotheca  Buddhica,  XIII, 
Mahavyutpatti,  509. 

Bolling,  G.  M.  & J.  v.  Negelein, 
Parisis^s  of  the  Atharvaveda, 
vol.  1,  755. 

Brandstetter,  R.,  Monographien 
zur  Indonesischen  Sprachfor- 
schung,  808. 

Caetani,  L. , Tajarib-al-Umam  on 
History  of  Ibn  Miskawaih, 
1128. 

Corpus  Inscriptiouum  Semiti- 
carum,  pt,  i,  526. 

Cros,  G.,  Nouvelles  Fouilles  de 
Tello,  829. 

David,  A,,  Modernisme  Boudd- 
histe,  285. 

De,  R.  P.,  Bengali — Literary  and 
Colloquial,  806. 

Dvivedi,  M.  S.,  Ganit  ka  Itihas, 
1103. 

Field,  H.,  Mystics  and  Saints  of 
Islam,  1132. 

Geiger,  W,,  Mahavamsa,  1110. 

Genouillac,  H.  de,  Tablettes  de 
Drehem,  834 ; La  Trouvaille 
de  Drehem,  834. 

Gteentree,  , R.  & E.  W.  B. 
Nicholson,  Catalogue  of  Malay 
MBS'.  , . in  the  Bodleian 
Library,  287.* 

Grierson,  G.  A.,  Manual  of 
Kashmiri,  1105. 

Gubbins,  J.  H.,  Progress  of 
Japan,  1853-71,  276- 


Handcock,  P.  S.  P.,  Mesopo- 
tamian Archajolog3%  1140. 

Harder,  E.,  Arabic  Chresto- 
mathy,  267. 

Hinke,  W.  J.,  Babylonian 
Kiidurru  Inscriptions,  826. 

Hirth,  F.,  and  W,  W.  Rockliill, 
Chau  Ju-kua,  1114. 

Holma,  H.,  Namen  der  Korper- 
teile  im  Assy  risch- Baby  Ion - 
ischen,  831. 

Iyengar,  V,  T.  S.,  Shiva-siibra- 
vimarsinl  of  Ksemaraja,  1107. 

Langdon,  S. , Sumerian  Grain  mar, 
269;  Tablets  from  the  Archives 
of  Drehem,  273. 

Leonard,  A,  Glyn,  Islam,  her 
Moral  and  SpirituaiValue,  1 132. 

Macdonald,  D.  B.,  Aspects  of 
Islam,  1132. 

Macgowan,  Rev.  J. , Beauty  : a 
Chinese  Drama,  525. 

Margoliouth,  D.  S.,  Irshad  al- 
Arib  ila  Mah-ifat  al-Adib,  812. 

M ay  urabhan  ja,  Arclueologicai 

Survey  by  N.  Vasu,  802. 

Narasimhiengar,  M.  T.,  Brah- 
manaic  Systems  of  Religions 
and  Philosophy,  287. 

Qlmstead,  A,  T.,  etc.,  Travels 
and  Studies  in  the  Nearer 
East,  272. 

Oriens  Christianus,  Neue  Serie, 
Bd.,  Heft  i,  290. 

Pillai,  L.  D.  S.,  Indian  Chrono- 
logy, 776. 

Platts,  J.  T.  & G.  S.  Hanking, 
Persian  Grammar,  519. 

Popper,  W.,  Abul  Mahasin  ibn 
Taghri  Birdies  Annals,  1120. 

Porter,  W.  N.,  Year  of  Japanese 
. Epigrams,  278.  , : 

Sachau,  E.,  AramSische  Papyrus 
und  Ostraka,  817. 

Barda,  H.  B.,  A|mer,  804.- 
: Behoft  W.‘Hm  The  Periplus  of 
the  Erythraean  Sea,  783, 

Schroeder,  L.  v.,  Kathaka  Sain- 
hifea,  bookiii,  109.5M103. 


INDEX 


1163 


Schulemann,  G .,  G-esclnchfce  der 
Dalailamas,  517, 

Seidel,  A.,  Worterbiich  der 
deutsch-japanischen  Umgang- 
sprache,  277 ; Deutsche  Gram- 
matik  fiir  Japaner,  277. 

Sen,  D.  C.,  History  of  the 
Bengali  Language,  etc.,  279. 

Sewell,  R. , Indian  Chronography, 
780. 

Smith,  V.  A.,  History  of  Fine 
Art  in  India  and  Ceylon,  531. 

Spat,  0.,  Maleische  Taal,  1117. 

Tessiteri,  L.  P.,  11  Ramacarita- 
milnasa  e ii  Ramayana,  794. 

TrivandrumSanskritSeries,  1 109. 

U ngnad,  A. , Aramiiische  Papy rUvS 
aus  Elephantine,  kleine  iVus- 
gabe,  1138’. 

Vasu,  N.,  Modern  Buddhism  and 
its  Followers  in  Orissa,  80. 

Virolieaud,  Ch,,  L’Astrologie 
Ghaldeenne,  1142. 

Weissbach,  F.  H.  ,Keilinschriften 
der  Achameniden,  271;  Keiiin- 
schriften  amGrabedes  Darius 
Hystaspis,  1142. 

Wiet,  G,,  ‘El-M.awa‘iz  wa’l- 
1‘tibar  h dhikr  el-Khitat  wa’l- 
Athar,  203. 

O 

■Origin  of  Tragedy  and  the  Akhyana, 

411-38. 

P 

Paisac'i  Prakrit,  711. 

Palms  grown  in  Irahistan,  328. 

Painku,  084, 

Paradises,  the  four  earthly,  338. 

Paniinarthasara,  474.  . 

Paramartliasara,  origin  of,  257-61. 

Parasang  and  yOjana,  462-3. 

Paruitku,  F,  E,,  Verses  relating 

to  Gifts  of  Lanil  In  Indian  Land 

Grants,  248-54. 

Age  of  ttio  Puraniis,  254. 

Copfwr- plate  from  East 

, '^Bengal  alleged  spurious,  710. 


pARGiTEK,  F.  E.,  Culikapaisacika 
Prakrit,  711-14. 

Inscription  on  the  Wardak 

Vase,  1060-3. 

Pearl-diver  of  al-A*sha,  499-502. 
Pelusian  arm  of  Nile,  945. 
Persepolis,  25-7,  880,  882,  886. 
Persian  Gulf  trade  route,  989. 
Perungalam  rock  - cut  caves 
explored,  129. 

Peshawar,  recent  explorations  near, 
113-17. 

Phonetic  writing  for  Oriental 
languages,  647-63,  741. 

Pictorial  aspects  of  ancient 
Arabian  poetry,  133-52. 

Pisacas,  711-14. 

Planetary  names  of  days  of  week 
in  India,  1039-46. 

Poussin,  L.  de  la  Vallee,  Docu- 
ments Sanscrits  de  la  Seconde 
Collection  Stein , 355 -77 . 

& R.  Gauthiot,  Fragment 

final  de  la  NilakanGiadharani, 
629-45. 

Pnranas,  age  of,  254 ; note  on, 
1040-53. 

Puranic  system  of  universe,  1050. 

Q 

Qavurd,  Amir,  5,  IS,  317. 

Qubad  Khurah  district,  865. 

R 

Ramani  Kurds,  9. 

Ramatirtham,  Buddhist  monastery 
excavated  at,  129. 

Ramayana  of  Tiilasi  Das,  1078. 
Bamms,  Kurdish,  13. 

Rakriko,  G.,  Coronation  Chroncv 
gram,  262. 

Egveda,  age  criteria  in,  726-9. 
Bgveda,  cremation  aiid  burial  in, 
' 470-4. 

Roman  character  for  Oriental 
languages,  647-63,  741. 
Romanic  letters  for  IndtAft 
languages,  647-63,  741. 


1164  INDEX 

Rosetta  bi'aiich  of  Nile,  942.  Sibawaibi  or  Sibu^yah,  749. 

Rtusainhara,  authenticity  of,  1066-  Silk  trade  from  Kabul  to  Syria, 
' 70.  984-5,  987. 

Rupnath  edict  of  Asoka,  477-81.  Simile,  a misunderstood,  744. 

Rupna-tli  and  Sarnath  edicts  of  Sitahati  (Burdwan),  copper-plate 


Asoka,  1053-9. 


;;  s-' 

Saliib  ‘Adil,  Wazir,  8,  9,  326. 

Salimi  sect  of  Subs,  573  et  seqq. 

SamatktiJca^  Buddhist  monastic 
term,  736-42. 

Sarnyukt-agama,  Buddliist  work, 
683. 

Sanskrit  MSS.  from  Kashmir  Cata- 
logue of  Stein  Collection,  587- 
627. 

Sapadana,  Buddhist  monastic 
term,  736-42. 

Sarnath  inscription  of  Asvaghosha, 
701-7. 

Sarnath  and  Rupnath  edicts  of 
Asoka,  1053-9. 

Sat  as  suffix,  729-34. 

Sayce,  Rev.  A.  H,,  A New  Vannic 
Inscription,  107-12. 

Cuneiform  Tablet  from  Boghaz 

Keui  with  Docket  in  Hittite 
Hieroglyphs,  1029-38. 

School  Medal  Presentation,  1145-53. 

Scott,  Sir  J.  G.,  Shan  Buddhism, 
496-9. 

Sea  trade  of  Indian  Ocean  (early), 
985  ; of  Persian  Gulf,  989. 

Seal  of  the  Dalai  Lama,  746. 

Seals  from  Harappa,  699-701. 

Secret  of  Kanishka,  665-88,  981- 
1019. 

Seleucia,  history  of,  1013-16. 

Shabankarah,  Kurds,  9,  13,  312 ; 
province,  311  ; modern,  321. 

Shah-ji-ki-dheri,  monastery  mound 
excavated  at,  114-17. 

Shan  Buddhism,  487-99. 

ash-Shanfara  of  Azd,  poem  by,  144. 

Shapfir  Khiirah  district,  330. 

Shiraz,  315-18,  873,  888,889  ; roads 
from,  881. 

' ' " . 1. 


grant  found  at,  127. 

Smith,  V.  A.,  corrections  in  review 
of  Mr.  Haveirs  book,  508. 

SoAJ^^E,  E.  B.,  Kurdish  Dialect, 
Sulaimania,  891-932. 

Sogdian,  Nilakanthadharani,  629- 

. 45.  ■ • ■ 

Sogdian  datation,  341-53,  631. 

Southern  India,  archeological  worlc 
in,  1910-11,  129-32. 

SovANi,  V.  V.,  Origin  of  Abhinava- 
gupta's  Paramarfchasara,  257-61. 

Stein  MSS.  in  Turkish  Runic 
Script  from  Miraii  and  Tun- 
Hiiang,  181-227;  Documents 
Sanserifs  de  la  seconde  collection, 
355-77';  collection  of  Sanskrit 
MSS.  from  Kashmir,  587-627. 

Subhagribhikshukanyaya,  742, 

Suffix  fitit,  729-34. 

Sufi  lives,  551-86  ; notes  on, 

* 1087-91. 

Sufiism,  551-86. 

Sulaimania,  Kurdish  dialect, 
891-932. 

Sulami,  his  Tahahit  al-'Sujiyya, 
555. 

Sunni  tribes  of  Kurds,  892. 

Surya-Siddhanta  on  the  dimensions 
of  the  earth,  464-8. 


T 

Tahakdt  al~SftJiyya  of  Sulami,  555. 

Tahir  b.  al- Husain  al-Jassas,  Sufi, 
559. 

Talaing  inscriptions  on  glazed 
tiles,  689-98. 

Tanitic  arm  of  Nile,  043. 

Tarlkh'Baghdad  of  the  Kliatib, 
ai-79.  ^ y 

Tawadeintha  Pagoda,  clay  votive 
tablets  found  at,  132. 

--  and  Vadagalai,  714-18. 


INDEX 


1165 


Territorial  divisions  of  Ancient 
India,  707- 10. 

Thomas,  P.  W.,  Riipnath  Edict 
of  Asoka,  477-81. 

Ginger,  1093. 

Thomsen,  V.,  I)r.  Stein’s  MSS.  in 
Turkish  Rixnic  Script  from  Miran 
and  Tun-Huang,  181-227. 

Tochari  or  Yue-che,  60S  ; divided 
Bactria  in  bo  five  pri  neipali  ties,  069. 

Trade  routes  across  the  Himalayas, 
984 ; to  Kashgar  and  Bactria, 
984  ; sea  (early),  985  ; Persian 
Gulf,  989. 

Tragedy  and  the  Akhyana,  411-38. 

Transliteration  of  Oriental  lan- 
guages, 647-63,  741. 

Triennial  Gold  Medal  awarded  to 
Mr.  PUiet,  545,  837-9. 

Tur‘at  el  Pirhiuniyali,  943. 

Turkish  Kurdistan  dialect,  Sulai- 
mania,  891-932. 

Turkish  ‘ " Runic  ” M SS.  from  Miran 
and  Tun-Huang,  181-227. 

Tusaspha,  governor  of  Kathiavad, 
379. 

U 

Udanavarga  de  Dharmatrata, 
fragments  de,  355-77. 

Lltari-bhaitf/a.  Buddhist  monastic 
term,  736-42. 

Y 

Yadagalai  and  Tengahii,  714-38. 

Yannic  inscription,  307-12. 

Yarfihanuhira's  values  for  dimen- 
sions of  the  earth,  -lOS. 

Yasishka,  Kushan  king,  672. 

Yasishka.  newly  eiiscovered  Ma- 
thura ruler,  H8. 


Yasudeva,  Kushan  king,  673. 

Veda  and  cremation,  471. 

Yedic  Akhyana,  430-8, 

Yedic  syntax,  721-6. 

Venis,  a.,  Sarnath  Inscription  of 
Asvaghosha,  701-3. 

Verses  relating  to  gifts  of  land, 
476  ; in  Indian  land  grants, 
248-54, 

Vikrama  era,  originated  with 
Kanishka,  686  ; a religious  one, 
687  ; marks  Kanishka’s  con- 
version, 687. 

Visions,  the  appearance  of  the 
prophet  in,  503-6. 

Yisishldvaitam,  1073. 

VoGEE,  J.  Pii. , Arehaiological 
Exploration  in  India,  1910-11, 
113-32. 

\Y 

Wardak,  vase  inscription  from, 
673,  1060-3. 

Week-days,  use  of  planetary  names 
for,  in  India,  101^3-46. 

Wema  Kadphises,  675  ; conquered 
India,  681  ; coinage,  987. 

Wu-ti,  Hun  emperor,  984. 

Y 

Y’asna  XXX  as  the  document  of 
dualism,  81-109, 

Yavana,  379  ; not  restricted  to 
Greeks,  379. 

Yavanas,  665-88,  981-1019. 

Yojana  and  parasang,  462-3. 

Yojanas,  imaginative,  229-39. 

Z 

Zand  Avesta,  28. 


STEI'HKN  AUSTIN  ANB  SONS,  LIMIOTB,  IIEETFOEB 


For  facility  of  reference  this  Appendix  mil  he  puhluhed  u'ith 
the  April  and  October  Numbers  of  the  Journal. 


TRANSL ITE  RATION 

OF  .THE'  ■ 

SANSKRIT,  ARABIC, 

AKD  ALLIED  ALPHABETS. 

The  ^system  of  Transliteration  shown  in  the  Tables  given 
overleaf  is  almost  identical  wdth  that  approved  of  by  the 
International  Oriental  Congress  of  1894;  and,  in  a 
Resolution,  dated  October,  1896,  the  Council  of  the  Royal 
xVsiA'iTG  Society  earnestly  recommended  its  adoption  (so 
far  as  possible)  by  all  in  this  country  engaged  in  Oriental 
studies,  that  the  very  great  benefit  of  a uniform  system 
may  be  gradually  obtained. 


I, 


SANSKRIT  AND  ALLIED  ALPHABETS. 


. . * . a 

. . 

. . 0 

z . . • 

t 

^ . 

b 

. * . . d 

. ■ 

. . (lU 

z • • . 

fli 

^ . 

bh 

X 

. ■■ i 

^ . 

. . k 

^ . * • 

4 

7n 

....  1 

M . - 

. . kh 

^ . . . . 

tjh 

^ . 

y 

.... 

;ir  . . 

• • // 

w . . . . 

n 

• 

r 

....  27 

^ . . 

• • gh 

<T  . . . . 

t 

1 

. . » • V 

^ . - 

• • h 

^ .... 

th 

r 

....  r 

^ . . 

. . c 

^ • 

d 

W ■ 

s 

% 

w • • 

. . ch 

^ . . . . 

! ■ 

dh 

^ . 

s 

. . . . / 

w . . 

• • ./ 

^ . 

n 

^ . 

s 

n 

. . . . 

w • • 

. 

T|  . . . . 

P 

1 • 

h 

4IK.. 

. . . . r// 

^ . . 

* • n\ 

ph 

i 35  . 

■ ‘ 

1 

{A7imvdra)  . . 

. i 

1 

[Avagi'aJia) 

? 

{A^mnddlca)  . 

. m 

Udatta  . 

• • 

: (Visdrga)  . . . 

■ h \ 

Svarita  . 

. . 

-L 

X {Jihvdmulvja) 

■ ^ 

Aniiddtta 

» . 

, 

\ 

^ ( Upadhrnamya) h 


II. 


ARABIC  AND  ALLIED  ALPHABETS. 


' at  begiiiniBg  of  word  omit ; 
elsewhere  , . . j:i  or  ^ 


. , . , t 
. t or  ^ 

TT  • 4^' 

...  h 

h or  Ml 
. . , d 
d or  dh 


J 

'"J 


Fee8iaNj  Hindi,. 
AND  Pakshtu.  : 

....  /I 

7-  • e or  eh 


....  s 

\J^  . s or  sh 
^ • s or  z 

!b  ....  t 
Is  ...  . t 

t • • • -^ 
^ • .f  or 

— * ...../■ 


J 

r 


. . , k 

. . . I 

. . . m 

. . :n 
• . . u'  or  V 

't  ...  . h 

y 

Vowels. 
a 

r ....  I 
- . . tl 


\ ....  a 

. I 

*'  .... 

■V 

Diphthongs, 
o'"  ....  r// 

....  an 
wmla  . . . I_ 
^ or  ^ 
dlent  t . , h 

letter  not  2>ro- 
nounced . . 


Additional  Letters. 


Turkish  only. 

lLS  when  pro- 
nounced as 
g ...  . k 


. n 


Hindi  and 
Pakshtu, 

or  ^ 

3 or  ^ . . d 


J 


or 


r 


Pakshtu  only. 

f'  ' " * {f 

>'  ■■■  9 

. . . ksh 


LIST  OF  THE  MEMBERS 


OF  THE 

ROYAL  ASIATIC  SOCIETY 

OF. 

GEEAT  BRITAIN  AND  IRELAND 


FOUNDED  MARCH,  182S 


COEEECTED  TO  .TAXUARY  20,  1912 


‘22  ALBEMA]{LE  STKEEl' 


ROYAL  ASIATIC  SOCIETY 


PATRON, 

{{iS  MOST  EXCliLLENT  MAJESTY 


VICE-PATRON, 

SECRETARY  OF  STATE  FOR  INDIA. 

HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

SIR  ROBERT  DOUGLAS. 

T.  H.  THORNTON,  Esq.,  C.S.I.,  D.C.I, 
SIR  RAYMOND  WEST,  K.C.I.E. 


COUNCIL  OF  MANAGEMENT  FOR  1911-12 

PRESIDENT. 

THE  RIGHT  HON.  THELORD  REAY,  K.T..  P.C,  G.C.S.I. , LL.D. 


DIRECTOR. 

THE  RIGHT  HON.  SIR  H.  MORTIMER  DURAND 
G.C.M.G.,  K.C.S.I. 


VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

THE  RIGHT  HON.  SYED  AMEER  ALI,  P.C.,  C.I.E 
G.  A.  GRIERSON,  Esq.,  C.I.E.,  Ph.D.,  LC.S.  ret. 
SIR  CHARLES  J.  LYALL,  K.C.S.I.,  C.I.E.,  LL.D. 


HONORARY  OFFICERS. 

191X  CODRINGTON,  O.,  EsQ.,  M.D.,  F.S.A.  {L//^ran\u!) 
1911  FLEET,  |.  F.,  C.I.E,,  Ph.D,,  LC.S.  ret.  {Secretary), 
xgii  KENNEDY,  J.,  Esq.,  LC.S.  ret.  (Treasurer). 


ORDINARY  MEMBERS  OF  COUNCIL. 

1910  BARNETT,  PROFESSOR  L.  D.,  Litt.D, 

1910  BLAGDEN,  C.  OTTO.  EsQ. 

igoS  BROWNE,  PROFESSOR  E.  G,,  F.B.A. 

1908  DAMES,  M.  LONG  WORTH,  Esq.,  LC.S.  ret. 

1910  ELLIS,  A,  G.,  Esq. 

1909  GUEST.  A.  RHUVON,  Esq. 

1911  HOERNLE,  A.  F.  RUDOLF,  Esq.,  C.I.E.,  Ph.D. 

1909  MACDONELL,  PROFESSOR  A.  A. 

1910  MARGOLIOUTH,  PROFESSOR  D.  S. 

1911  MARSHALL,  J.  H.,  E.sq.,  C.I.E. 

1911  SATOW,  THE  RIGHT  HON.  SIR  ERNEST.  G.C.M.G. 
1911  SCOTT,  SIR  J.  GEORGE,  K.C.I.E, 

1909  SEWELL,  R.,  Esq.,  LC.S.  ret. 

1911  STEIN,  M.  AUREL,  Esd,  C.I.E.,  Ph.D.,  D.I.rrr.,  D.Sc; 
1908  THOMAS,  F.  W.,  Esq.,  Ph.D. 


SECRETARY  AND  LIBRARIAN, 
190.S  MISS  HUGHES. 


ASSISTANT  SECRETARY  AND  LIBRARIAN. 
1905  H.  A.  GOOD. 

HONORARY  SOLICITOR. 

ALEXANDER  H A YMAN  WILSON,,  ESQ., 
Westminster  Gh^,mbers,  Street,  ;S*W 


(■'U)MMITTEES 


FINANCE. 

SIR  C.  J.  LYALL. 

DR.  M.  GASTER. 

A.  BERRIEDALE  KEITH,  Esq. 


LIBRARY. 

DR.  M.  GASTER. 

T.  H.  TI-IORNTON,  Esq. 


ORIENTAL  TRANSLATION  FUND. 

PROF.  MACDONELL. 

DR.  M.  GASTER. 

A.  G.  ELLLS,  Esq. 


INDIAN  TEXTS  SERIES, 

DR.  G.  A.  GRIERSON. 
R.  W.  FRAZER,  Esq. 


MEDAL. 

SIR  ARTHUR  WOLLASTON. 
DR.  M.  GASTER. 

T.  H.  THORNTON,  Esq. 


HONORARY  ADDITORS,  1911-X2. 

WH.SON  CREWDSON,  Esq.  (for  the  Society). 
R,  SEWPILL,  Esq.  (for  the  Council). 


77ie  Prifs/ik^i  qf  f/se  Society  and  tke  Honorary  Officers  of  ike 
Society  an  ex-officio  members  of  ait  Commiiiees. 


ilDembcrs 

RESIDENT  AND  NON-RESIDENT 


JS'.B.  The  marks  prefixed  to  the  names  signii'y — 

* Non-resident  Members, 

t Members  who  have  compounded  for  their  subscriptions. 

I Library  Members, 

§ Members  who  have  served  on  the  Council. 

1902  His  Most  Excellent  Majesty  tue  King,  K.G. 

1882  Field-Mahshal  His  Hoyal  Highness  the  Duke  oi 
Connaught,  K.G. 

i909  "^Abu-Ali,  Saiyed,  A^ra,  ZT.P.,  India ; ejo  Messrs. 

Thomas  Cooh  and  Son,  Ludgaie  Circus,  E,  0. 

1902  ’^'Adeks,  Dr.  AValter  Mansfield,  3 Hail  Road,  N.  IV. 
1890  Auleh,  Elkaii  Hathan,  M.A.,  15  CojAhall  Avenue,  E.  C. 
1912  "^Afzal,  N a^yabzadaIOl  aja  Muliaminad,  Dacca, E.  B.  k^'A  , , 
India. 

1909  ^‘Agaewala,  Kai  Girdliari  Lai,  Vakil  yJVR  High 

Court,  18  Edmofidstone  Road,  Allahahad,  U.R,, 
India. 

1910  "^'Ahmad  Din  IChan,  Khan  Bahadur,  AttacM,  British 

Consulate  General,  Meshed,  via  Aslcahad,  Trans-' 
cas'pia,  Russia. 

1900  "^Ahmad,  Aziz-uddin,  Khan  Bahadur,  Magistrate, 
Fy%abad,  OudJi,  India. 

10  1909  '^Ahmad,  Mania vi  Kamuliiddin  Shams  nl-IIlama,  M.A,, 
Frovincial  Educational  Service,  E.  B.  A.;  Super- 
infendent,  Government  3Iadrasah,  Chittagong,  Eastern 
Bengal,  India. 

1910  ^'Ahmad,  Moulvi  Sayyid  Makbnl,  Fateligarli,  11. P., 
India. 

1907  ^Ahmad,  Shall  Monirnddin,  Barrister -at- Lmo,  Mahalla- 
ChowJiaUa,  BanMpur,  Palna,  India. 

1912  ^Ainscough,  T.  M.,  Shanghai  CM,  Shanghai,  China. 
1902  Ainslie,  DouglsiB,  Athenmum  CM,  Pall  Mall,  S.W. 


LIS'I'  OK  MKMHKRS 


5 


1903 

1908 

1906 
1911 

1905 
20  1874 

1907 

1911 

1907 

1909 

1908 

1909 

1907 

1911 

1909 
30  1880 

1904 

1901 

1901 

1909 


‘^""AirAiSTGAii,  S.  Krishnaswami,  Clmmarajendrapet, 
Bangalore^  India. 

‘^Miyangau,  S.  Tviippnswami,  Private  Secretary  to  II. II. 
Kerala  Varma,  C.S.L^  Bihshitar  Street^  Fort, 
Trivandrum,  Travancore,  South  India. 

K.  Gr.  Sesha,  Iligli  Court  Vahil,  Trivandrum. 
Travancore,  South  India. 

P.  Subramaaia,  Journalid,  Tutor  to  the 
grandson  of  H.H.  the  late  Raja  of  Tanjore,  West 
Main  Street,  Tamfore,  South  India. 

"^’Aiyae,,  S.  Eaaianatb,  Registrar,  Knnjirapalli,  South 
Travancore,  South  India. 

Ajcamatztt  Pen, 7 0,  Eev.,  Kishi  Moyigwanji,  Kioto, 
Japan. 

‘^'Ali,  a.  F.  M.  Abdul,  M.A.,  Deputy  Magistrate  a7id 
Collector,  Eastern  Bengal  and  Assam,  Rangpur, 
India. 

‘^"Air,  M.  Sakha wat,  Proprietor  An-Nasir and 
Secretary  Ice  and  Flour  Mills,  Luehiow,  Bidia. 

^'Ali,  l^Ialiomed  Azliare,  Provincial  Service,  Khalilahad, 
Basti,  U.P.,  India. 

‘^'Alt,  Aluhammad  Asaf*,  Barrister-at-Law,  Kucha 
Chelan,  Delhi,  India. 

'^'xi  Li,  S.  Ph‘diZi\.,  Assistant  Opium  Agent,  Basti,  U.P..  India. 

Saiyid  Aijaz,  Deputy  Collector,  P.O.,  Nadhai, 
Bharatpur  State,  Rajputana,  India. 

Sjed  Ibiii,  Editor  and  Proprietor  Kuiyiri 
Azamd\  Moradahad,  U.P.,  India. 

JvHATsr,  liuja  FTausbad,  Ihlnhlar,  Feill  Road, 
luchiow,  India. 

Allajt,  J.,  M.A.,  British  Museim,  IF.C. 

Alleit,  H.  J.,  10  The  Norton,  2)mh/,  S.  IVales. 

^‘hALYAEEZ,  Justin  C.  W.,  II.B.3I.  Consul-General, 
Tripoli  of  Barhary,  via  Malta. 

xVaikdkoz,  JI.  F.,  48  Yorh  Terrace,  K.  IF. 

Ali,  The  Eight  Hon.  Syed,  C.LE.,  P.G„  LLd)., 
A^K:E-PKKSiD7!:Nt,  Tlic  ZamMcHS,  Beeuham,  near 
Reading. 

'‘"Amma.  Tliekka}'  Kiunippatb  Knlyani,  Trichur,  Cochin 
State,  Madras,  India. 


Andkksok,  J.  !)♦,  I.C.S.  (ret.),  Mody^i  Ifottse 
Brooldands  Avenue^  Cambridge. 

Anthont,  H.  ^l..,  Mmidry  of  Finance^  Cairo,  Egypt. 
Arnold,  T.AV,,  Professor  of  Arabic,  University  Colhaj>> 
London,  21  Cromwell  Road,  S.TT. 

Ayrton,  E.  R.,  Archmological  Commissioner,  Ceylon. 
Ayyangak,  T.  E.  Srinivasa,  308  Aiyavabjar  Lane. 

West  Main  Street,  Tanjore,  Soidh  India. 

Aziz,  S.  a.,  cjo  3Iessrs.  II.  S.  Kina  Co.,  65  CornJiilf 


1867  fJ3A.BBAGE,  ]^[aj or- General  IL  3A,  3fay field,  Imxnsdowne 
Place,  Cheltenham. 

1903  '*^Bailey,  llev.  T.  Graliame,  M.A.,  H.I).,  Wazlrabad, 

Punjab,  India. 

1883  James  Dyer,  I.S.O.,  Hong-Kong  C.S.  (ret.), 

23  Lancaster  A vemue,  Hadley  Wood,  Afiddlesex. 
1910  "^'Banerjea,  Eabu  Rasbihari,  Santi  Coofir,  JlalJy. 
Bengal,  India, 

1910  ‘^GIanerji,  Eabu  Raklial  India^i  dlaseam,  Calcutta, 
India. 

1907  '^'Eanerji,  Mrs.  Noliny,  cjo  A.  It.  Banerji,  Esq.,  C.I.E.. 
I.G.S.,  Prime  Minister,  Cochin,  South  India. 

1904  §Baiinett,  Lionel  D.,  LittJ).,  Professor  of  Sanslcr if, 

University  College;  British  Museum , W.C. 

1890  ^‘j-BARODA,  His  Highness  Alabaraja  Sayaji  Rao  Eabadur, 
G.C.S.I.,  Gaekwar  of. 

1888.  Hon.  1895.  Barth,  Aiiguste,  10  Rue  Garanciirc, 
Paris,  France. 

Hon.  1906  Basset,  Rene,  Professor  of  AraMe,  Algiers. 

1881  '^IBate,  Rev.  J.  Drew*,  15  St.  John's  Church  Road, 
Folkestone. 

1873  fBAYNEs,  A.  H.,  Fitztoalters,  Nortkwood,  lUddlcsex. 
1885  ’^Baynes,  Herbert,  Albany  3fansiom,  Albert  Bridge 
>'  ' , Road,  5^.  FI , . , _ 

1907  ’^Beazley,  Professor  C,,  R^mond,  D.Litt. , The  U'niversifg. 
Edmund  Street,  Birmingham. 

1905  ^Becher,  ' Robert ’ Conmtf  Goa; 

; ■ IV Jniia. 


JJSST  OF  MKMHFK.S 


7 


1901  Begl,  Miss  Grertrude,  95  Sloane  Street,  S.W.  ; 

Rounton  Grange^  Northallerton^  Yorks. 

1911  H.  C.  P.,  late  Arclmological  Commissioner, 

Ceylon. 

1892  ‘^"Bbvan',  a.,  a.,  M,A.,  Lord  AlmoneCs  Reader  in  Arabic, 

Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

1893  §BEVEiirDGE,  H.,  Fitfold,  Shottermill,  Surrey. 

60  1899  JBeyeeidge,  Mrs.  'K.,  Fitfold,  Shottermill,  Surrey. 

1904  ’^Bevte,  Edward  I.aurence,  2 Rue  Mesangere,  Arenue 
des  Balives,  Valeme-sur-Rhdfie,  France. 

1882  ^'j'BfiAEBA,  Eev.  Sliaj)urje  D.,  M.I).,  8 Frahefell  Road, 
St.  Gather  inch  Fark,  S.F. 

Hoit.  1885  Brandaekar,  Sir  Bamkrislma  Gopal,  K.O.I.E., 
LL.D.,  Sangarnasrama,  Foona,  Bombay,  India. 

1909  "^'BiTATTACiiAEYA,  Babii  Bisiswar,  Assistant  Settlement 
Officer,  Faridpore,  Bengal,  India. 

1911  ’'\13eiattacharya,  Professor  Sarat  Chandra,  M.A., 
St.  Columlah  College,  Haiaribagh,  India. 

1911  '^'Bisitageatna,  Kaviraj  K.  L.,  10  Kashi  GhosFs  Lane, 
Beadon  Square,  Calcutta,  India. 

1911  ^'Blackman,  A.  M.,  M.A.,  St.  FauVs  Vicarage,  Old 
Catton,  Norivich. 

1895  §Blagi)En,  C.  Otto,  Redcourt,  Champion  Ilill,  S.F. 

1897  ^'gBLUMRAEDT,  Profossor  James  Puller,  Woodlands, 
Gerrardh  Cross,  Bucks. 

70  1909  E.  A.  H.,  cjo  Secretariat,  Allahabad, 

U.F.,  India. 

1861  Sir  John  E.,  K.C.M.G.,  C.B.,  Union  CM, 

Halt  a. 

1902  Maharaja  Bhiraja  Sri  Bao  Sir  Yenlcetas- 
v<jtasYetachalapati  Kaiij^a  llao  Bahadur,  G.C.I.E., 
Zamindar  of,  Vhagapatam,  South  India. 

1 895  Bor>E,Mrs*M.IIaynes,Ph  J).,44  Torrington  Square,  W.  C. 
1908  Babii  Charu  Chandra,  35  Knlly  Frasad  Butfs 

Sircct,  Calcutta,  India.  

! 909  Bosk,  Y.  N.,  14  St* MarFs  Crescent,  Itegcnfs  Park, N W. 
1!I03  ’"Bowen,  liev*  John,  St.  Lawrence  Rectory,  Wolffs  Cmtk, 
Pembrokeshire. 

1911  ’^Boyek,  M.  PAbbS  A.  M,,  56  Rue  des  Saints  Perm, 
Path,  VIP,  France. 


8 


LISP  OF  MKMBKKS 

1898  “^"Eiuggs,  Eev.  "W.  A.,  M.I).,  Chieng  .Rai,  Zao>i^  via 
Moulmein  and  Eaheng^  Burma. 

1900  ''"BiiONNLE,  Dr.  P. 

80  1907  '^'PiiowN,  E.  Grant,  I.C.S.,  Bepiity  Oommimoner, 
Kinclat,  Upper  Bzirma. 

l889'^*f§BR0W]srE,  Edward  Granville,  Af.A.,  F.B,A.,  Pemlroke 
College^  Adams  Brofessor  of  Aralic ; Blrwood, 
Trumpington  Road^  Cambridge. 

1907  Chisholm  Dunbar,  Les  Charmilles^  Jo2ie4es- 
Tours,  Indre  et  Loire,  France. 

1908  '^'Buchler,  Dr.  A.,  Jetvs'  College,  Lotidon  ; 27  College 

Crescent,  S.  Hampstead,  JT.  W, 

1906  ’^fBannwAN,  Maharaja  Dhiraj  Sir  Bijay  Chand  Idahtab 
Bahadur  of,  K.C.S.I.,  K.ci.E.,  The  Balaee. 
Burdivan,  Bengal,  India. 

1866  "^fBuRGESS,  James,  C.I.E.,  LL.D.,  22  Seton  Place, 
Edinburgh,  N.B. 

1897  ^Bur7s\  The  Hon.  Air.  Eichard,  I.C.S. , e/o  IIes.v’s. 

Grind  lag,  Groome  ^ Co.,  Bomhag,  India. 

1908  ^‘'Box,  Hafiz  Afahomed,  Member  of  Middle  Temple; 

Downing  College,  Cambridge. 

1881  Eev.  John,  Dumagudam,  8.  India. 

1886  ^‘fCAMA,  Jehangir  K.  E.,  12  Malabar  mil,  Bombag,  India. 
90  lBe7  ^■fCAMA,JL  11.,  3 fount  Mouse,  Victoria  Road,  Mazagone, 

Bombay,  India. 

1887  Campbell,  Eev.  AV.,  Taman,  Formosa.  Japan. 

1890  ^^Carpenteh,  Eev.  J.  Estlin,  D.Litt.,  11  Marsfon  Ferry 
Road,  Oxford. 

1900  ^^Carus,  Dr.  Paul,  Open  Court  Publishing  Co. 
378  Wabash  Avenue,  Chicago,  US. A. 

1888  ^^Casartelli,  The  Eight  Eev.  L.  C.,  Bishop  of  Salford. 

St.  BedPs  College,  Manchester. 

1897  ‘^'Cave,  H.  W.,  5 Sussex  Square,  Brighton. 

1907  ^‘Chabha,  Trijogi  H.,  Downing  College,  Cambridge. 

1911  "^Chakravarti,  Babu  Gopal  Chandra,  72  Rima  Road. 

P.  0.,  Bhowanipore,  Calcutta,  India. 

1899  "^‘Chaeravarti,  Alon  Mohun,  14  PalmeFs  Bazar  Road. 
Worth  Entally  Post  Office,  Calcutta,  India. 


Llfe^r  OF  MKMBKH8 


9 


1.877  "^"CiiAMBEiiLAiN,  Basil  .Hall,  2 Rue  de  V AtMnee^  Geneva^ 
Switzerland. 

100  1895  '^'fOiTANT),  Dewan  Tek,  Sar  Suhah,  Baroda^  India. 

1909  ‘^'Chain'd,  Pandit  IJday,  M.A*,  Settlement  Officer,  lliasi, 

Jammu  and  Kashmir  State,  India. 

1911  ''^Chandea,  Ganes  Chandra,  M.A.,  Professor  of  I Ud any, 
Si.  ColwnhJ s OoUeye,  Ila/zarihagli,  Bengal,  India. 
1911  ‘"CiiATTEiiJEA,  Aboni  Chandra,  Beimty  Magistrate, 
Rangpur,  K.  B.  ^ A.,  India. 

1911  ‘^CnATTEEJKE,  Akhil  Kumar,  Beputy  Magistrate  and 
Collector,  Gomilla,  Kast  Bengal,  India. 

1908  "^'Cno,  Manng  Ba,  20  Merchant  Street, 

Rangoon,  Burma. 

1911  "^"CiiowDHiJEi,  Birbhadi'a  Chandra,  46  Balaram  Bose's 
Lane,  Bhowanipore,  Calcutta,  India. 

1910  '^"CiiowDritniY,  M.  Boy,  Zemindar  and  lion.  Magistrate, 

P.O.,  Shyamjmr,  Rufigpur  District,  Bengal,  India. 
1885  '^I'CuuKcniLL,  Sidney,  II.B.M.  Consul-General,  Maples, 

■ Italy.  . ■ ■ . ■ 

1904  ‘^Clementi,  C.,  Hong -Kong,  China. 

110  1911  ^'Cnii'TON,  Rev.  Edward  James,  14  Ilaiiiaidt  Road, 
Leytonstone. 

1899  "^'CLorjGn,  Mrs.  E.  Rausch enbusch,  40  Shepard  Street, 

Rochester,  Meio  Yoilc,  U.S.A. 

1900  H.H.  Raja  Sir  Rama  Yurma,G.C.S.I.,  G.C.  LE., 
Cochin,  South  India. 

1907  ^'CocHEAE',  Alexander  Smith,  Yo7ihers,  New  York,  TJ.  S.  A . 
1910  "^CocHEAXE,  Rev.  Wilbur  Willis,  Missionary,  Ilsipaw, 

Kortheni  Slia^i  States,  Burma. 

1910  ^'fCoBEiNOTON,  Humphrey  W.,  Ceyhm  Cicil  Serrice, 
ejo  The  Hon.  the  Colonial  Secretary,  Colomho, 
1877  §CoDiuNGTOK,  Oliver,  M.T).,  F.B.A.,  Hon.  Ltbeaeian, 
12  Victoria  Road,  Clapham,  SJV. 

1909  '^'CouEN,  Samuel  J.,  11  Peter  Street,  Manchester. 

1908  Coldstream,  W.,  I.C.S.  (ret.),  69  West  Cromirell 

Road,  S,  W. 

1905  '^Colston,  E.,  Burma  Civil  Service,  The  Secretariat , 

Rangoon,  Burma. 

ISO  1909  ’^‘CoLTox,  Miss  Elizabeth  S.,  23  Park  Sired,  KasC 
hampfon,  Mm.,  U.S.A. 


10 


i.ISr  OF  MEMBERS 


1910  ’^'CoNriJEARK,  Frederick  Cornwallis,  X.A.,  University’ 
College^  Oxford. 

1901  "^'ICooic,  Stanley  A.,  2Q  Le^isfield  Road ^ Camhridge. 

1906  ‘^'fCooMARAswAMy,  Aiianda  K.,  D.Sc.,  F.G.8.,  F.L.8., 
39  Broolifieldj  West  Hilly  Hi g Jig  ate,  ISf. 

Hon.  1893  CoRDrEii,  Prof,  Henri,  18  Rue  de  Siam,  Paris, 
XVH,  France. 

1904  ^‘'CosTA,  Alessandro,  46  Via  Qgiirinale,  Rome,  Italy. 

1888  CousENs,  Henry,  Late  Superintendent,  Arcimohgical 

Survey  of  India^  Western  Circle,  QueenJiithe, 
Monument  Green,  Weyhridge. 

1879  '’^Craig,  ay.,  Brishane,  Queensland,  Australia. 

1882  §Ceawforb  and  E.alcariies,  The  Eight  Hon.  the  Earl 
of,  H.T.,  Haigh,  Wigan. 

1905  "^Ckewdson,  Wilson,  J.P.,  F.S.xl.,  Order  of  the  Eising 

Sun,  Chairman  Japan  Society  of  London,  Southside, 
St.  Leonards-on-Sea,  Sussex. 

130  1893  ^Cunningham,  Sir  A.  F.  D.,  Iv.C.I.E.,  Baynton  House, 
Westhury,  Wilts. 

1909  CuRZON  OP  Xedleston,  The  Eight  Hon.  Earl,  P.C,, 
G.C.S.I.,  Ct.C.EE.,  F.E.S.,  HacJcivood,  near 


B using stolce,  Habits. 


B '^‘'Daiches,  Dr.  Samuel,  Professor,  Jews'"  College,  London  ; 

2 Summerfield  Avenue,  Hilhurn,  iY  W. 

1 ^'j-D’ALTiELLA,  M,  le  Comte  Goblet,  Rue  Faider  10, 
Brussels,  Belgium. 

1 §Damps,  M.  Longworth,  I.C.S.  (ret.),  Veninor, 
Wodeland  Road,  Guildford. 

) ^TIandoy,  Eev.  G.,  S.J.,  St.  Marges,  Hurseong,  India. 

: ^'Daniels,  Mrs.  Coralinn,  Wrenthani,  jUass.,  U.S.A. 

) ^Das,  Eabu  Jogindra  Nath,  Zamindar  and  Rector,. 
Khalipsur  High  School,  Khulna,  Bengal,  India. 
"^^Das,  Hon.  M.  S.,  C.I.E.,  Ouitach,  Orissa,  India. 

) ’^Das,  Eabu  Earn  8aran3ai  Babadur,  M.A.,  Manager. 

Oudh  Commercial  Bank,  Fy%ahad,  India. 

I ^Datae,  ’M.  B.,.  M.A,,,  Pb.D'.j,'.,89  Gilder  Street^  Grmi 
Roai^  Bomiay^^ 




.11 


IJSr  OK  MEMBERS 

1894  '^"fDAYTEs,  liev,  T.  Witton,  B.A.,  Ph.I).,  Frofessor 

of  Semitic  Languages^  Umversltg  College  of  North 
Wales,  Brifn  Haul,  Bangor,  N Wales. 

1910  "^'Dayis,  Lady,  20  Basil  Ilansions,  Knightslrulge, 
S.  W. 

1912  Pulinkrislma,  Calcutta,  India. 

Hox.  1908  Dklixzscii,  Dr.  Eriedrich,  Frofessor  of  Oriental 
Fhilulogy,  TJnwersity  of  Berlin  ; \Zb  Kiirfursten- 
damm,  Ilalensee,  Berlin^  Germany. 

1908  ‘'^'Desiiva  - Chaiu,  T.,  High  Court  Vakil,  Cantonment, 
TrieJnnofoly,  Madras,  South  India. 

1896  ^"Deusskk,  Professor  P.,  39  Beseler  - allee,  Kiel, 

Germany. 

1904  '’‘\Dew HURST,  liobert  Piigt't,  M.A.,  I.C.S.,  Gonda, 

Oudh,  U.F.,  India. 

1908  "^M^haniniyat,  Mom  Chow,  Bangkok,  Siam. 

1882  f§DrcKixs,  E.  Y.,  C.B.,  Seend  Lodge,  Seend,  Helksham, 
JFilts. 

150  1908  "^‘"fDixY,  Bialik  Midiammad, Officer,  Bahawalpur 
State,  Fang  ah,  India. 

1904  Dobrkk,  Alfred,  11  Falace  Street,  Buckingham  Gate, 
S.  W. 

1894  '-“D’ Oldenburg,  Serge,  Ph.D.,  Frofessor  of  Sanskrit,  The 

University,  St.  Fetershurg,  Russia. 

1874  *^’§Douglas,  Sir  E.  K.,  PIon.  Yxce-Pkesident,  Hnieritus 
Frofessor  of  Chinese,  King\s  College,  London  ; 
Acton  lurville,  Chippenham. 

1910  "^‘'Duak e-Brockman,  D.  L.,  I.C.S.,  cjo  Messrs.  T.  Cook  and 
Son,  Ihmhay,  India. 

I H96  Miss  G.  M.  (Mrs.  W.  IL  llickmers),  3 Ifaximilian- 

stras.se,  Imishriiek,  Austria,  Tirol. 

1907  §I)cKAxn,  The  Eight  Hon.  Sir  Henry  Mortimei% 
G.C.M.G.,  H.C.H.I.,  Director,  42  2roniagu 

Square,  ^ W. 

1896  '*I)CTT,  Balm  Kedur  Hath,  Bhakti  Findda ; Satasan 
Bhajankuti,  Furl  F.O.,  Orissa;  SivarupganJ 
F.O.,  Nadia;  IBl  ManihiaU  Street,  Calcutta, 
India. 

1907  '^Dutton,  Mrs,  Blanche'  Eleanor,  Hinton  Ilome^ 
Alresford,  Hants. 


'12, 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


1905  ‘^Edwards,  E.,  Oriental  Booh  and  Jlannson'pts  Depart- 
fnent-i  British  Museum^  W.C, 

160  HoivL  1907  Eggeling,  Professor  Julius,  The  University, 
Edmhurgli,  N.B, 

1905  ^^Elias,  Colonel  Eobert,  late  59th  Regiment,  Rendham 
Barnes,  Saxmundham,  Sufolh. 

1905  Eliot,  Sir  Charles,  K.C.M.G.,  C.B.,  Vice-Chancellor 
Unwersity  of  Sheffield;  Endcltffe  Holt,  EndcUffe 
Crescent,  Sheffield, 

1897  §Ellis,  Alexander  George,  Assistant  Librarian,  India 
Office,  S.  W. 

1907  '^Exthoyex,  E.  E.,  I.C.S.,  Yacht  Club,  Bombay,  India, 
1904  ‘^Ettixgiiausex,  Dr.  Maurice  L.,  Possartsstras.se  2, 
Munich,  Bavaria, 

1911  ^Eaxous,  L.  a.,  Assmit,  Egypt, 

1902  Fakshawe,  Herbert  Charles,  C.S.I.,  72  Fhilheaeh 
Gardens,  EarPs  Court,  S,1V, 

1881  ^'fFARGUES,  J.,  81  Rue  de  Baris,  Montmorency,  Seine  ef 
Oise,  France. 

1 880  '^fFARiDuxji  Jamshedji,  C.S.I.,  C.T.E.,  Bolitical Secretary 

to  II. H.  the  Nizam  of  Haidar abad,  Dehhan,  India. 
170  1909  ^Tazlel-Karoi,  Muhammad,  Subdivisional  Magistrate, 
Baitiahhali,  Baharganj,  Eastern  Bengal,  India, 

1877  ■^fFEBGESOX,  A.  M.,  Frognal  House,  Hampstead,  N.JF. 
1901  ^'Fergussox,  J.  C.,  I.C.S. , ejo  Messrs.  H S.  King  clj’  Co., 
9 Ball  Mall,  S.  W. 

1907  ^Ferraii,  Captain  M.  L.,  Ly allpur,  Banjul,  India, 

1881  "^Fixx,  Alexander,  British  Consulate  General,  Valparaiso, 

Chili. 

1887  Finx,  Mrs.,  The  Elms,  Brook  Green,  IV. 

1893  "^‘Fixot,  Louis,  Directeur  adjoint  d Vecoh  des  Ilautes 
Etudes,  11  Rue  Botmin,  Baris,  XV B,  France, 
1877  §Fleet,  j.  F.,  C.LE.,  Ph.D.,  I.C.S.  (ret.),  Hox. 
Secretary,  8 Leopold  Road,  Ealing,  JF. 

1912  ^Folet,  Miss  Mary  C,,  51  Elm  Bark  Matmons,  Bark 

Walk,  Chelsea,  S.  W. 

1909  Foster,  William,  Registrar  and  Superintendent  of 
Records,  India  Office,  8.  W. 


LIST  OF  MKMHKRS 

180  1910  ■^‘fEEAMUiiz  JuKG,  IS’awab  Bahadur,  Revenue  Com7nmioner, 
ILH.  The  Wham's  Service,  Haidar cibad^  Deccan^ 
India. 

1907  ‘^‘Fiuser,  Charles  I.,  cjo  Messrs.  Howell  Co., 
6 Nahaliamamaclii^  HaJcodate,  Japan. 

1907  Eeaser,  Lovat  George,  The  White  House,  Slough. 

1886  §EiiAZEii,  11.  W.,  LL.B.,  I.C.S.  (ret. ),  London  Institution, 

Finslury  Circus,  E.C. 

1909  ■^‘Eiuend-Peeeira,  J.  E,,  Extra  Assistant  Cofnmissionn- 

and  Subdivisional  Magistrate,  Goalpara,  Assam, 
Lidia. 

1899  "^^"Gait,  Edraiind  Albert,  C.I.E.,  Census  Commissioner 

for  India,  Simla,  India. 

1910  '"Gaxguly,  llai  Bahadur  Priya  Lai,  Deputy  Magistrate 

and  Collector,  Barisal,  East  Bengal,  India. 

1 881  '^GAiaj:^Eti,Christopher  T.,H.B.M.  Consul,  Amoy,  China. 
1890  §Gastek,  M.,  Ph.I).,  193  Maida  Yale,  Jf^. 

1865  tGf-AYxYEE,  C.,  ALB. 

190  1906  *^‘'fGEiL, William  Edgar,  M. A.,  LL.D.,  LittD., Boy kstown, 
Rennsylvania,  U.S.A. 

1895  ^"Geeini,  Colonel  G.  E.,  Alhenga,  Cisano  sul  Weva, 
Italy. 

1908  "^Ghosh,  W opendranath , Beptdy  Collector  and  Magistrate, 

Cuttach,  Orissa,  Bengal,  India. 

1893  Gibson,  Airs.  J.  Youug,  LL.jD.,  Castlebrae,  Cambridge. 
1910  Gillespie,!.,  The  Homestead,  Elsworthy  Road,  South 
Hampstead,  H.  W. 

Hon.  1893  Goldzihee,  Professor  Ignaz,  vii  Holl6-ut%a  i, 
Budapest,  Hungary. 

1900  "^"Gondal,  H.H.  the  Thakur  Sahib,  G.C.I.E.,  Gondal, 

Kathiawar,  India. 

1884  "^fGoEPAESHAD,  Thakur,  TaluMar  of  Baiswar,  Aligarh, 
India. 

1909  ’^'Gotinbachaeya,  Sriman  Alkoiidavilli,  Svami,  1050 

Viceroy  Road,  “ Veda  Griham,^^  Mysore,  India. 

1910  ■^Geahajm,  W.  A.,  Minister  of  Agriculture,  H.Mls 

Siamese  Civil  Service,  Poh  Yome  Road,  Bangkok, 
Siam. 


14 


LIST  OF  MKMBKKS 


200  1893  ^'GiiEEisrup,  Eev.  Albert  "W.,  The  FrincipaV 

Lodge^  St.  Johih  Sally  Highhurg,  S. 

1884  §Giiiekso]S',  George  A.,  C.I.E.,  Ph.D.j  I.C.S.  (ret,), 
Yice-Phesident,  Mathfarnhamf  Camherleyy  Siirreg. 

Ho?r.  1890  GuBEitNAiTS,  Conte  Comm,  Angelo  De,  11  Via 
Sa?i  MartmOy  Homey  Italy. 

1897  §GtrEST,  A.  EliuTon,  Bedford  Bgtiarey  IV,  C. 

If  OK.  1898  Guinr,  Professor  Ignace,  24  Botteghe  Oscure, 
Borne,  Italy. 

1910  "^'GuKAWAiiniTAKA,  W.  F.,  Beimrtment  of  P/ihlfe  las  true- 
tion,  ColombOy  Ceylon. 

1910  ^'Gepta,  Basant  Lai,  Professor  of  Science,  Bckl  Christian 
College y Luchnowy  India. " 

1910  Gupta,  Sir  Krishna  Gobinda,  K.O.S.I.,  India 
OffioCy  8.  W. 

1901  '^'Gupta,  liajani  Kanta  Das,  Assistant  Surgeon,  General 
Hospital y Chittagong y Eastern  Bengal y India. 

1894  '^'Guiidok,  Lieut. -Colonel  Philip  li.  T.,  C.S.I.,  I.S.C., 
Commissioner  Assam  Valley  District,  Gauhafi. 
Assam,  India. 

■^10  1910  ^‘Gyr,  Mau ng  Mating,  Jfgingya/L 

Upper  Burma. 


1883  ^meoAiu),  Sir  W.  H.  B.,  K.CJL,  ILBJI  Minister 
Resident  and  Consul  General  to  the  BepuUic  of  the 
Eguator, 

1 902  '^'Hagopiak,  Professor G., 25  ChesiUon  Road,  Fulham ,8.  IV. 

1910  ^'Hatg,  Eev.  J.  B.,  12  Warrender  Park  Terrace, 

FdMurgh. 

1911  Haig,  Kerest,  Mational  Liberal  Club,  Whitehall 

Place,  S.W. 

1898  -^Haig,  Lieut.-CoL  T.  :"Wolselej,  LS.Ch,  KB. Mis 
Consulate,  Ilerman,  Persia. 

1902  ‘^'PfALiJ),  Halil,  Teacher  of  Tm^kisk,  Cambridge  Unixersiig, 
31  Bateman  Stred,  Cambridge. 

1 909  ’^Halliday,  Eobert,  Christian  Missmi,  PkrapaUm,  Siam . 
1904  ’^Haksok,  Bey,  O.^  Ammmn  Baptist  Mmi&n,  IMarm,  • 
Upper  Burma. 


LI«T  OF  MKMHKRS  15 

1906  ‘^‘'IIarcouet,  Henry,  I.O.S.,  Deputy  Commissioner^ 

Siallcotj  Demjah,  India, 

•220  1902  Haedoastle,  Miss  A.  L.  B.,  Waterloo  Sotel^  Wellington 
College^  Berks, 

1910  Haeley,  a.  H.,  M.A.,  Prmeipal,  Madrasah  College, 

Calcutta, 

1907  '‘'Hasan,  Khan  Bahadur  Sayid  Aiilad,  Inspector  of 

Registration,^  Eastern  Bengal  and  Assam,  Dacca, 
Eastern  Bengal,  India, 

1908  ^'Hassib  Bey,  H.E.  Mahmud,  Editor  and  Proprietor, 

Arabic  Review  of  Reviews,  Cairo,  Egypt, 

^IHeming,  Lieut.-CoL  Dempster. 

1907  Herringham,  Mrs.,  40  Wimpole  Street,  W, 

1911  ‘^Heetel,  Professor  Johannes,  Leisnigerstrasse  24, 

Grosslauchliiz  hei  Dobeln,  Saxony. 

1900  Heetz,  Miss  H.,  20  Avenue  Road,  N,  JJf 

1908  ‘^Hibatullah  Azimababi,  M.,  Lower  Bazar,  Ranchi, 

Bengal,  India. 

1901  Bev.  J.  11,,  S.P.  G,  Missmi,  Banda,  TJ.P.,  India. 
330  19  11  ’^'Hillas,  Harry  G.,  cjo  Ministry  of  Finance,  Cairo, 

Egypt, 

1885  ^fllippisLEY,  Alfred  E.,  late  Commissioner  of  Chinese 
Custo7ns,  8 Ilerhert  Cresce^it,  Ila^is  Place,  S.  W. 
1891  "^'Hihschfeld,  H.,  Ph.D.,  Lecturer  on  Setnitics  at  the 
Jetoish  College,  Tavistock  Square;  14  Ra^idolpli 
Garde^is,  Maida  Vale,  W. 

1909  "^'Hla,  Maung  Po,  A.T.M.,  Extra  Assistant  Com- 

^nissmier,  Bassein,  Burma. 

1907  '"'HPobart,  II.  C.,  I.C.S.,  Aciimg  Joint  Magistrate,  Rai 
Bareli,  Oicdh,  17. P.,  Lidia. 

1897  ‘^'Hodgson,  Mrs.  Brian,  Pasture  Wood  Hotise,  Ahmger, 
Dorking ; Villa  Efimalaya,  Me^itone ; 58  Stanhope 
Gardens,  S.  JV 

1900  ^^§Hoeekle,  Dr.  A.  F.  Budolf,  C.I.E.,  8 Eorthmoor 
Road,  Oxford. 

1881  I IIoEY,  William,  M.  A.,  D.Litt.,  Daneholme,  1 37  Banlmp 
Road,  Oxford. 

1897  ^Hogg,  Hope  Waddell,  Professor  of  Semitic  Jjunguages 
mid  Literature,  Manchester,  30  Brook  Road, 
Fallotvfelcl,  Manchester. 


16 


[;iST  OF  MKMHKRS 


1906  '‘"Holm,  Frits  yon,  Ph.I).,  cjo  Banish  Consulate^  Neio  York 
City^  U.S,A. 

240  1865  IHoleoyi),  Colonel  "W.  E.  II.,  cjo  National  Bank  oj' 
Scotland ^ 37  Nicholas  Lane, YE*  C. 

1911  ^"Horiaxs,  E.  'Waslibiirn,  Professor  of  Sanskrit,  Tale 
University,  299  Later ence  Street,  Newharen, 
Conn.,  U.S.A. 

1 889  Hopkins,  Lionel  Charles,  I. S.O.,  The  Garth,  Uaslemvre 
1908  Hornell,  William  Woodward,  Indian  Educational 
Service,  Carlton  Lodge,  36  Larkhall  Pise,  S.  W. 

1908  ^-"Hosain  Shah,  Sultan  Sayyid  Saadat,  LL.D.,  Barrister- 

aULaw,  Sasaram,  E.I.  Railivay,  Behar,  India. 

1892  "^"Hohg ETON,  Bernard,  Commissioner,  Irra icaddy  Bistrivf, 

Burma. 

Hon.  1902  Houtsma,  Professor,  The  University,  Utrecht, 
IfoUand. 

1870  Houtum-Sciiindler,  General  Sir  Albert,  K.C.I.E.. 

5 Thurleigh  Bead,  Balham,  S.  JY. 

1909  ^"Humphries,  Edgar  de  Montfort,  T.C.S.,  United 

Provimes,  India. 

1911  ‘^"Huq,  Wali  ul,  Sub-Inspector  of  Schools,  Baud  Nagar. 

Bistrict  Gaya,  Bengal,  India. 

260  1907  '^"Hosain,  Qazi  Talaminuz,  M.A.,  Principal,  Arabic 
College,  Lucknow,  India. 

1908  ^IHyde,  James  H.,  11  East  Fortieth  Street,  New  York 
City,  U.S.A. ; Rue  Adolphe  Tvon,  Paris,  France. 

1893  John  E..,  Straits  Ctvil  Service,  Singapore. 

1906  ’^"Jackson,  A.  Y,  Williams,  LL.I),,  Litt.  I).,  Professor  oJ 
Indo-Iranian  Languages,  Columbia  Unirerxlty,  New 
York  City,  U.S.A, 

1901  "^gjACOB,  Colonel  G.  A.,  Oahridge,  Redhill,  Surrey. 

Hon.  1912  Jacobi,  Dr.  Hermann,  Geb,  Eegierungsrat, 
Sanskrit  Professor,  69  Niebuhrstrasse,  Bonn, 
Germany. 

1878  ^Jardine,  Sir  John,  M.P.,  34  Lancaster 

Gate^  W.  ^ ' 


LIST  OF  MKMHLHS 


17 


1901  ‘^^"Jarbine,  W.  E.,  C.T.E.,  NeemiicJi,  Central  India, 

1883  ^""j-JAYAMoriuN,  Thakur  Smgh,  Magistrate  and  TahsUdar 
of  Seort  Maraganj  Bilaspnry  Ce^itral Provinces,  India, 
1906  ''‘'Jayas\yal,  IvasM  Prasad,  Barrister- at-Law Mirzagmr, 
U.P,,  India. 

260  1911  Jhalawar,  H.H.  the  Maharaj  liana  Sir  Bliawaiii 
Singh,  Sahib  Bahadur,  K.C.S.I.  of,  Jhalrapatan, 
Bajpidana^  India. 

1910  '^Jn^LTERr,  Hirachand  L.,  Jain  Commereial  School,^ 

Elephant  Buildings, Italhadevi  Poad^  Bomhay,  India. 
1900  ^'JiN-ARAJADASA,  C.,  cjo  Dr.  Wcllcr  Vanlloolc^  31  JSForth 
State  Street,  Chicago,  U.S.A. 

1882  JiNAVARAVANSA,  liev.  P.  C,,  Biiddliist  BMhshu  { formerly 
Ilis  Excellency  Prince  Prisda^ig),  Eifadutfama 
Ardma,  Kotahena,  Colombo,  Ceylon, 

1909  ‘^'Jonis^sTON,  Edward  Hamilton,  Terlings,  Marlow. 

1904  ^"JoHNSTox,  lieginald  Fleming,  Secretary  to  Government, 
WeiJiai-ioei,  China, 

Hof.  1904  Jolly,  Professor  Julius,  The  University,  Wi\r%hiirg , 
Bavaria. 

1908  Mopp,  Charles  Henry  Keith,  M.A.,  I.C.S.  (ret.), 

Reader  in  Marathi,  16  Lmton  Road,  Oxford. 

1911  ‘^*JowKTT,  liev.  Hardy,  Changsha,  Munan,  China; 

24  Bishopsgate  Street,  E.C. 

1909  ^Kallprasanfa  Yidyasagar,  C.I.E.,  Rai  Bahadur, 

Bandhah-Ktitir,  Dacca,  Eastern  Bengal,  India. 

270  1907  ‘^Kanika,  Rajendra  Harayan  Bhanja  Deo,  liaja  of, 
Kaniha,  Orissa,  Bengal.  India. 

Hof.  1899  Karabacek,  K.  u.  K.  Hofrat,  Professor  J.  liitter 
von,  Fiemia,  Austria. 

1900  "^'KARKARrA,  li.  P.,  Tardeo,  Bombay,  India. 

1909  '^'Keith,  Alan  Davidson,  Professor  of  English,  Rangoon 
College,  Rangoon,  Bunna. 

1900  pvT-UTiT,  Arthur  Berriedale,  M.A.,  D.C.L.,  75  Albert 
Bridge  Road,  S.  W. ; Colonial  Office,  Downing 
Street,  S.  W. 

1891  §Kknnedy,  James,  I.C.S.  (ret.),  Hof.  Trpllsurer, 
51  Palace  Gardens  Terrace,  TF. 


18 


LlS'r  OF  MKMHKItS 


1895  Miss  Louise,  Fairacre,  Concord,  3Iass., 

U.S.A. 

1909  '^Ken^edy,  Pringle,  M.A.,  ^hmtffarpur,  Bengal,  India. 
1890  ^‘'Kiokaea  YAiarA,  His  Highness,  C.8.I.,  Valiga  Koil 
'Itcmpuran,  Trivandrum,  Travancore  Slate,  dlfadra^. 
India. 

Ho.v.  1878  Kerx,  Heinrich,  Profemor  of  Samhnt,  Ulrecltl, 
Holland. 

280  1908  ‘^'Kestevex,  C.  H.,  Bengal  Club,  Calcutta,  India. 

1911  ‘Hvhax,  Habibiir  Kahtnan,  Deputy- Superintendent  of 
. I'clegrapJiS,  Allahabad,  U.P.,  India. 

1911  '^'Khan,  l^lahomed  Hasan,  Saperuitcndent  Financial 
Department,  Government  of  India,  Simla,  India. 

1908  ^'Krx,  Maung  Ba,  (2),  Provincial  Civil  Service.  Paiik. 

Upper  Burma. 

1909  ^^KrxcAii),  C.  A.,  C.V.O.,  Secretary  to  Government 

of  Bombay,  Political,  Special,  and  Judicial  Depart- 
ments; elo  Jlessrs.  Alex.  Fletcher  Co.,  09  Old 
Broad  Street,  F.C. 

1884  Lucas  White,  C.S,L,  LL.3).,  F.8.A.,  LdS, 

(ret.),  Professor  of  Arabic,  Persian,  and  IlindHsiani, 
Dublin  University;  Roehuckllall,  Co. Dublin, Irelanit . 

1 902  ‘^^King,  W.Josepli  Harding,  25  YorJc  House, Kensington,  W. 
1884  '^'j'KiTTS,  Eustace  John,  Fversleigh,  Ileene,  West  Worthing, 
Sussex. 

1908  ^Klippei,,  Ernest,  Ilataria.  near  Cairo,  Egypt. 

1894  Klxjut,  Eev.  A,,  ThorsMll,  II ml  Head,  Haslemere. 

90  1904  ^Kolasjc  EH,  Alan  gosh  W<x\,Barrist0r,J(tga7inath  Bungalmr , 
Gurgaon,  Bombay,  India. 

1910  "^'Koxg,  Tden  Cheng,  WorhPs  Chinese  Students 

Federation,  Ai’562  Burhill  Road,  Shanghai,  China. 

1 90ti  ^Kkenkow,  Fritz,  20  Dulverion  Road,  Zeieester. 

1911  ^‘Krom,  jST.  J.,  Ph.D.,  Director  of  Archmhgy  in  Ktdhcr- 

lands  India,  20  Gang  Chaulau,  Batavia. 

Hox.  1909  IiuHN,  Geheimer  Eat  Professor  Ernst,  Ph,l)., 
Mess-strasse  5,  Munich,  B maria. 

1909  ’^KuEAHnAisw'Aiix,  R.  P,,  Head  Master,  St.  Jomplis 

High  School,  Trivmirum,  Travancore,  South  India. 
1909  ’^Kotoakakfi,  H.  H.y  Bd^mter^alLaw,  Mlm  CoU$ge, 
Smi&lahud, 


LlS'r  OF  MEMBEK« 


19 


1910 

1911 

1904 

300  1904 

1901 

1908 

1910 

1902 


‘'■‘'LABinr,  Pandit  T.K.,  25  Lyndeivoode  Road.^  Camhridge. 

'^'Lal,  Bihari,  B.A.,  Shastri^  Gimjipura,  Jahalpxir^ 
O.P.,  India, 

Hira,  Extra  Amstant  Commissioner,,  and  Assistant 
to  Sitperintendent  Imperial  Ga%eMee}\  Central  Pro- 
vinces, Nagpur,  G,P.,,  India, 

‘^'Lal,  llajaMadlio,  C.S.I.,  Choivhhm.ha,  Benares,  India, 

■^'Lal,  Dr.  Mimna,  Civil  Surgeon,  Bara  Ba7ihi,  Oudh^ 
India,  ■ ■ 

liai  Brij  Beluiri,  Frovmeial  6^^.,  Mmisif  and 
Judge,  Small  Cause  Court,  Kairaria,  M%i%ajffer7iagar 
Bistrict,  U.P.,  India, 

^'Lal,  Sliyam,  M.A.,  LL.B.,  Beputg  Collector,  P,C.S,, 
Agra,  U,P.,  India. 

^'Landberg,  Count  C.,  CJianiherlain  to  JIM.  the  Kmg 
of  Sweden  a7id  Norwag,  Rue  du  Coyigres  6,  Nice, 


1880.  HojS".  1902.  Lanman,  Cliaides  li., 

Ilarvard  Tlniversity , 9 Earrar  Street,  Camhridqe, 
Mass,,  U.S.A, 

1884  ^‘fLANSDELL,  Rev.  H.  H.,  D.I).,  Morden  College, 

Blaclcheath,  S.E. 

1908  "^'Latief,  Quazi  Abdul,  Editor,  Barussalta^iat  and  Urdu 
Guide,  16  Ismail  Madem's  La^ie,  Calcutta,  India, 
1911  ^'Laufeu,  Dr.  Berthold,  Field  Museum,  Chicago,  III., 
U.S.A, 


1874  LAATiiENCE,  P.  N.,  Sillcote,  La^isdoion,  Bath. 

310  1901  "^Leadbeateu,  C.  N ejo  The  TheosopMcal  Society, 
Adyar,  Madras,  India. 

1900  § Lee -‘Warner,  Sir  W.,  G.C.S.I.,  Gle^ieairn,  Bickley, 

Kent. 

1907  Leechman,  George  Barclay,  50  Campden  Mouse  Court, 
Kemmgt07i,  W, 

1899  Legge,  F.,  6 Gray‘d s Inn  Square,  JF.C. 

1896  ‘^^Leigh,  Colonel  H. P.  P.,  0 J.E.,  Grosvetior  Rouse, Bath. 
1878  ’^^fLEFPER,  C.  H.  ' 

1910  "^Xesny,  Dr,  Y.j  Uje%d  595,  Prag^i^,  Bohemia. 

1880  |Le  Strange,  Guy,  Athmmum  Club,  Pall  Mall,  S.W. 
1890  "^'Leveson,  Henry  G.  A,,  LC.S.,  cjo  Messrs.  2\  Coohcend 
Son,  Rayigoon^  Burma. 


20 


LIST  OF  MKMBKRS 


1885  '[-Lewis,  Mrs.  A.  S.,  LL.D.,  Castlehrae,  Cambridge. 

330  1897  ’^'Lindsa.y,  Ilev.  James,  A.,  I). I).,  B.Sc.,  Amuck 
Lodge,  Irvine,  AyrMre,  N.B. 

■^Lockhaet,  Sir  J.  H.  Stewart,  K.C.M.G.,  Gommiss'ioner^ 

IFeiAim-um^OMm, 

^Lowber,  James  William,  Ph.l).,  Litt.I).,  113  Mst 
Eigliteenih  Street,  Austin,  Texas,  U.S.A. 

1895  Lowell,  P.,  53  State  Street,  Boston,  U.S.A. 

‘^‘LtTARi),  Major  C.  Eckford,  M.A..,  Indian  Army, 
Superintendent  of  Gazetteer,  Indore,  Central  Jnim:; 
cjo  Messrs.  Grindlay,  Groome  §f  Co.,  Bombay,  India. 
‘^"LtiBERS,  Professor  Dr,  II.,  20  Syhelstrasse,  ■ClmrhUem  i 
burg,  Berlin,  Germany. 

§Lyall,  Sir  Charles  James,  Iv.C.S.I.,  O.I.E.,  LL,I)., 
Vice-Peesibent,  82  Cornioall  Gardens,  S.W. 


1879 


1906 


1904 


1909 


1899 


1910  ’^'Macahtney,  C.  H.  H.,  Foxhold,  Crookham,  near 
Newbury,  Berks. 

1898  "^Macauliffe,  M,,  I.O.S.  (ret.),  10  Sinclair  Gardens, 
West  Kensmgt07i,  W. 

1906  ^McCAiairsoN,  David  Lawlor,  Madras  Club,  Madras, 
South  India. 

330  1908  ’^MAcCoRMicK,Eev.Eredenck,F.S.A.(Scot.),F.R.B.A.I., 
Wroekwardine  Wood  Rectory,  Wellhgton,  Salop. 

1900  ^Macdoxalb,  Duncan  B.,  Hartford  Theological  Semmary, 

Hartford,  Conn.,  U.S.A. 

1882  ’^§Macbonell,  Arthur  A.,  M,A.,  F.B.A.,  PIi.D.,  Boden 
Professor  of  Sanskrit,  Fellow  of  BalUol ; 107 
Banbury  Road,  Oxford. 

1887  '^McDouall,  William,  British  Co^istilate,  Kermanshah. 
Persia,  via  Russia. 

1910  ^'MacGillivray,  llev,  Donald,  M.A.,  D.D.,  143  Szechtum 
Road  Extension,  Shanghai,  China, 

1901  ^^'MacicexVzie,  Alastair  S.,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  Professor  of 

English  and  Comparaim  Literature,  State  Uni- 
versity of  Kentucky,  Lexington,  U.S.A. 

1894  ^Maclaoak,  The  Hon.  E.  D.,  C.S.I,,  Secretary  to 
Government  of  India,  Revenue  mid  AgrieuUural 
Eepartmmt,  Simla ^ Mdia^ 


1.18T  OF  MKMHEHS 


21 


1909  Macleot),  Eoderick  H.,  I.C,S.  (ret.),  Barrider-aULaw, 
34  Lorigridge  Road^  EarVs  Courts  S,  TF. 

1906  Colonel  Sir  A.  Henry,  G.C.Y.O.,  K.C.I.E., 
C.S.I.,  Foreign  Department^  Government  of  India ^ 
Calcutta, 

1907  Charles  W.,  I.C.S.  (ret.),  Bhim  Tal, 

Kumaon,  India, 

340  1908  ‘^*MAHESHWARr,  Girdhari  Lai,  Barrister- alLatv\  Chief 
Courts  Amritsar,  Banjal^  India. 

1909  '’■'MAnFDz:,  Sjed  Abu  Muhammad,  M.  A.,  Memher  of  Her 
Highness^  Judicial  Committee,  Alt  Manml,  BJw^mI^ 
Central  India, 

1909  ^'Majumdak,  Dr.  Binoy  Lai,  Assistatit  Burgeon  xmder 
the  Government  of  Bengal,  30  Bechii  ChaUerjeds 
Street,  Calcutta,  India, 

1906  ^‘Mann,  Eairman  Eackham,  Staff  Surgeon,  R,N,, 
H.M.S.  AEohis,  West  Indies, 

1889  "^Mauooliouth,  Eev.  B.  S.,  Brofessor  of  Arabic,  88 
TFoodstoelc  Road,  Oxford, 

1902  ’^'MAiiKs,  Rev.  John  E.,  B.B.,  Burma, Ashburton 
Road,  Croydon, 

1904  ^'Mahsden,  E.,  Indian  Educational  Service,  12  Ellerdale 
Road,  Hampstead,  N.  W, 

1901  ^|Maeshall,  J.  H.,  C.I.E.,  Director  - General  of 

Archmlogy,  India, 

1911  ‘^'Maetin,  Br.  E.  E.,  Bia%%a  di  Bellosguardo,  Firenze, 
Italy, 

1896  ^’^Mahzettt,  Charles  J.,  Tandridge,  near  Oxted, 

Surrey, 

350  Hoi^-.  1908  jMaspeeo,  Professor  Gaston,  24  Avenue  de 
r Ohservatoire,  Paris,  France, 

1888  Master,  John  Henry,  Montrose  House,  Petersham, 

1008  "^'Maujs’g,  Maiing  Thein,  6 Winter  sir  ooh  Road, 

Herne  Hill, 


1901  "'f^irAWJEE,  Purshotam  Yishram,  14  Htmmam  Street, 
Fort,  Bombay,  India, 

1898  ^ilAxwELE,  W.  George,  Straits  Civil  Service,  Singapore, 
190d  ^'Mazumdae,  Babu  Bijaya  Chandra,  Pleader,  Samhalpur, 
C.P.,  India. 

1 S94  M EA B,  G.  E.  S, , 1 6 Selwooi  Place,  OjuIoio  Gardens, S,  W, 


LIST  OK  MEMHKRS 


1907  Etiv.  H.  A.iidersoii,  St  Peter  s Pari^onage. 

Stormivay,  WJh 

1910  ^^\^rEuii-UD*-Dijr,  Q,azi  Muliam mad,  Public  Wbrh  Min ister, 

Bahawdpm\  InMa, 

1906  Bliaskarnio  Yitlialdas,  M.A.,  ejo  LaliMai 

Pamaldafi,  Esq.^  99  Apollo  Street,  Bombay,  India. 
360  1899  "^'Meston,  Sir  James  Seorgie,  K.C,S.I.,  Secretary  to  the 
Government  of  India,  Finance  Department,  Calcutta, 
Lidia. 

1898  MiESEfiAp:s,  Herman,  37  Porchester  Terrace,  W. 

1863  '^‘'Miles,  Colonel  Saixiuel  E.,  Charter- 

house, near  Bath,  Somerset. 

1911  A.B.,  Official  Trustee  of  Bengal,  8 Kensington 
Parh  Gardens,  JF. 

1897  Laurence  Heyworth,  M.A.,  B.l).,  Professor 

of  Zend  Philology,  218  Jffiey  Road,  Oxford. 

1909  Mrs.  Leslie,  ejo  Messrs.  Thomas  Cooh  and  Son, 

Rangoon,  Burma. 

1903  Mitra,  8.  IM.,  47  IFarrington  Crescent,  Hlaida 
Vale,  JF. 

1909  Muralidhar,  43  Banchhamm  Olnci^s  Lane, 

Calcutta,  Lidia. 

1905  E.  M.,  B.Sc,,  LL.B*,  B.Litt.,  Metier  Buildings, 

3 Bellasis  Bridge  Road,  Tardeo,  Bombay,  India, 
1882  ^‘[Mohanlal  Yisxueai,  Pandia,  Pandit,  Gorepfml 
Mohalld,  Muttra,  U.P.,  Lidia. 

370  1 908  *^M.onahak,  F.  J.,  I.C.8.,  Commissioner  Assam  FalLy 
Districts,  E.  B.  A.,  ejo  Messrs.  11.  S,  King  Co., 

9 Pall  Mail,  S.TF. 

1901  Mo2?te?ioee,  Claude,  12  Portman  Square,  W. 

1 877  §Moreis,  Henry,  Fasteote  Mouse,  St.  Johds  Park,  Black- 
heath,  S.E. 

1909  ^Moreis,  Thomas  Walter,  I.C.S.,  Bulandshahr,  Z7./7, 
India. 

1 88 1 Moerisok,  Walter,  77  Cromwell  Road,  S.  W. ; Mdham 

Tarn,  Bell  Busk,  Leeds,  Yorks. 

1882  ^fMoEsp},  H.  Ballou,  16  Wudmmeyerstrasse,  Munich. 

Bavaria. 

1907  ^'Moeton,  Captain  In^$oiOT  of  Signalling,  Imperial 

' Servim  Tmps^  | 


LIST  MKMBERS 


2y 


1890  ‘-^'Moss,  11.  Waddy,  Didshury  College^  Manchester, 

1910  ‘^'Moukbanj,  Maharaja  Sriram  Chandra  Ehanj  Beo, 

Baripada^  via  Rupsa^  B.R.R.,  Orissa,,  India, 

1911  ‘^Mceekjea,  Eahii  Maiimatha  iS^atli,  M.A.,  Deputy- 

Magistrate  and  Collector,  Uliilaria,  Iloiorali,  Bengal, 
India, 

380  191  1 '^'Mueeiuka,  Manmatha  Nath,  District.  Building  Sur- 
veyor, Corporation  of  Calcutta,  1 1 Belvedere  Road, 
Alipore,  Calcutta,  India, 

1882  Muke \u i,  Phanibhusaii,  Inspector  of  Schools,  Pres idency 

Division,  Bengal;  57  Jhoivtolah  Road,  Bally gunje, 
Calcutta,  India, 

1895  ‘^"MriLLER-HESs,  Br.  E.,  Professor  of  Sanskrit  at  the 
University,  Berne  ; 47  Pffingerstrasse,  Berne, 

Switzerland, 

1906  -^^Munko,  Neil  Gordon,  M.B.  and  C.M.  (Edin.),  70^ 
Settlement,  Yokohama,  Japan, 

1 908  Murray,  John,  M.  A.,  B.L.,  J.F.,  E.S.  A,  , Albemarle 
Street,  lY. 

1898  '‘'Mysore,  H.H.  tl\e  Maharaja  Sri,  Sir  Kiishnaraja 
AVadiar  Bahadur,  G.C.S.r,,  The  Palace,  Bangalore, 
South  India, 


1910  Nairn,  Rev.  J.  Arbuthnot,  Head  Master,  Merchant 

Taylors'  School,  B.  C, 

1911  ^Namazi,  Mirza  Kazim,  Ckudderghat,  Ilaidaralad, 

Deccan,  India. 

1909  ^Narano,  Gokul  Chand,  M.A. 

1907  ^Narasimiiachar,  11.,  M.A.,  Officer  in  charge  of 

Arehmlogy  in  Mysore;  Mallesvaram,  Bangalore, 
India, 

390  1 906  "^‘Naeasimhiengae,  M.  T,,  East  Park  Road,  Mallesvarcm, 
Bangalore,  India, 

1909  ‘^'Nariman,  G.  K.,  Chief  Interpreter,  Chief  Court, 
Rangoon,  Burma. 

1898  ’^‘'Naktsoff,  Alexis  de,  Tamhov,  Russia. 

- 3?xt*  1910  NAsni-tTL-MuLE,  H-E-  Bir  Abul  Kasim 
1.; Regmt  of  .Persia,  Teheran,  Persia,  , ; 


24 


LIST  OF  MKMBERS 


1911  ‘^'jSTatxiaiY,  J.  E.,  cjo  Secretariat,  Kuala  Lumpur, 
Federated  Malay  States, 

1877.  Koxx.  1895.  jN'aville,  Edouard,  E.C.L.,  Professor  of 
Fgyptology,  Genera  Vniversity ; Malaguy,  near 
Geneva,  Swit%erland, 

1901  iS^EiLL,  J.  W.,  I.G.S.  (ret.),  Professor  of  Indian  Law, 
University  College,  London;  Chartley,  Camberley, 
Surrey, 

1900  ^jN’eyill,  Henry  Kivers,  Joint  Magistrate,  Penare-'i, 
UP,,  India. 

1 895  '^jN’iciioLSOJSL  E.  A . , Litt.l).,  1 2 Harvey  Road,  Ganihridge, 
Hon.  1890  Nolbeke,  Professor  Theodor,  Strasshurg,  Germany. 
400  1 910  OMANI,  Ahmed  Hosein,  Th  A..,  Pepniy- Collector,  P.O. 
Chapra,  Bengal,  India. 

1906  H.  C.,  Professor  of  KngluJi  Literature. 

Queoi^s  College,  Benares,  India. 

1908  "^‘Noyoe,  W.  E.,  K.-i-H.,  Barrisfer-at-Laio,  65  iVr/* 
Road,  Pazundaung,  Rangoon,  Burma. 


1910  O’ Conor,  J.  E.,  G.I.E.,  Francesco,  Church  Road. 
Upper  Norwood,  S.F. 

1906  ni’CoNNOH,  Major  W.  E.,  E.A.,  C.LE.,  II.B.21N 

Consul  General,  Seisian,  cjo  The  Foreign  Office. 
Calcutta,  India. 

1900  ^Oertel,  F.  0.,  Superintending  Fugineer,  Cawnpore, 

UP,,  India. 

1908  Maung  Ba,  xV.T. Hi.,  Judicial  E.A.C.,  67  Crisp 

Street,  Rangoon,  Burma. 

1901  ^'OnTANi,  E.  H.,  Kilcohitei,  Higashi  Rokujo,  Simogio, 

Kioto,  Japan. 

Hon.  1908  OnBENiiERa,  Professor  Hermann,  Nikolausheryer 
Weg  27-29,  Gcjitingen,  Germany. 

1888  Oldham,  Brigade- Surgeon  Charles  Frederick,  The 
Lodge,  Great  Ihalinge,  Woodbridge,  Suffolk. 

410  1900  "^^OsTiiORoo,  Count  Leon,  Mm  d$  Suede,  Comtmdinopic, 
Turkey. 

1907  ’^Obng,  Monng  May,  ,Sgm  Mbmef  1 Pageis 

Rani^oon,  Butpu$.‘  . : .'.j  v.  1' : ^ 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


25 


1907  ^Pagk,  Jlew  W.  Sutton,  E.I).,  Seranipore  College, 
Smwiporej  Bengal^  India. 

1909  ^Taiea-Mall,  M.  D.,  cJo  National  Banh  of  India^ 
Amritsar^  India. 

1902  ^Tarasnip,  Dattatraya  B.,  Nappy  Vale,  Satara,  Bombay 
F residency,  India. 

1893  "^gPARGiTKR,  P.  E.,  I.C.S.  (ret.),  12  Charlhury  Road, 
Oxford. 

1905  "^M^^rker,  Tiie  Hon.  Mr.  Justice  Erederick  Hardyman, 
Roseau,  Bommica,  Leeward  Islands,  V^est  Bidies. 
1900  ^"I'Parla  Kimepi,  The  Raja  of,  Faria  Kimedi,  Ganjam, 
Madras  Fresidency,  India. 

1909  "^Parlktt,  Harold  G.,  H.B.M.  Consul,  Dairen,  Japan. 

1911  "^"-j-PATiALA,  H.H.  Maharaja  Dhiraj  Sir  Biipindar  Singh, 

Mahindra  Bahadur,  K.C.I.E.,  Chief  of  Fatiala 
State,  India. 

420  1 909  Pe:nxy,  R-ev.  Frank,  Madras  Chaplain  (ret.),  3 Fark 
IfiU,  Falimj,  W. 

1912  ^Teters,  a.  P.,  Sitb- Divisional  Magutrate,  Gaibanda 

District,  Rungpur,  East  Bengal,  hidia. 

1905  ’^’Petersen,  F.  G.,  Abbildsgaardsgade,  Copenhagen, 
Denmark. 

1890  ‘'‘Peungst,  Arthur,  Ph.l).,  2 Gdrtnerweg,  Frankfurt, 
Germany. 

1909  ^Philby,  Harry  St.  John  Bridger,  I.C.S. , Fanjab, 
ejo  Messrs.  Grindlay  ^ Co.,  Bombay,  India. 

1 900  "^H^HiLLOTr,  Lieut. “Colonel  D.  C.,  Indian  Army,  Secretary 
to  the  Board  of  Exammers,  Calcutta,  India, 

1H74  "^fPiEYA  Rajanattayais^uiiar,  His  Excellency,  Frivate 
Secretary  to  the  King  of  Siam. 

190B  K.  G.  Gopala,  47  Forrest  Road,  Edinburgh, 

NB. 

1909  Perumana  Harayana,  Kayangulam,  Travancore, 

South  India.  ' 


1909  ‘^'PiLLAi,  llao  Sahib  B.  Bavanandam,  Officer  in  Charge, 
Intelligence  Department,  Madras  City  Folke ; 
Saravana  Vilas,  Chapel  Road,  Vepery,  Madras, 
South  India. 

1909  Luwveme.i  Mandalay,  Upper  Burma ; Common  ,, , 


ilililliliiliii 

" . ^ i ; ■;  :■ 


R(fom,  Middle  Tmnph,  E.C. 


26 


LIST  OF  MKMHKRS 


1911  ^'PiLLAT,  P.  M.  Madooray,  Kai  Bahadur,  Hon,  Magis- 
trate  and  Municifal  Commissioner,  2 Phagre  Street, 
Rangoon,  Btmna, 

1911  Alan  William,  LC.S.,  11  Muir  Road,  Allahahad, 

U.P,,  India, 

1881  gPiuciiES,  Phieophilus  G.,  LL.I).,  Sippara,  10  O.r/h 
Road,  Kilburn,  Pf,  W. 

1895  Pitt,  St.  George  Lane  Fox,  48  Glebe  Place,  Chelsea,  S,  11  \ 

1898  "^'gPLOXKETT,  Lieut.-Colonel  G.  T.,  11. E.,  C.B.,  Belvedere 
Lodge,  St,  Mari/s  Road^  Wimhledon, 

1893  '^Toassrx,  Professor  Louis  de  la  Yallee,  Professeur 
d VUniversiU  de  Gand,  6G  Avenue  Moliere,  Ueele, 
Bruxelles,  Belgitm, 

1907  ''"Pkasad,  IMarsingh,  M.A.,  Vahil  High  Court,  Gorakhpur, 
U.P.,  India. 

1909  ’^G^iusad,  Pandit  Gaiiga,  M.A.,  Beputg  Collector  and 
Magistrate,  Beoria,  Gorakhpur  District,  U,P.,  India. 

1909  "^‘'Prasad,  liai  Lebi,  High  Court  Vakil,  Cawngnir,  U.P., 

India.  ... 

440  1909  ^‘MbiENDERGAST,  W.  rj.,  Professor  of  Oriental  languages, 
Nham's  College,  Haidarabad,  Deccan,  India. 

1905  * Proctor,  Henry,  H.M.  Stationery  Of  lee,  Westminster, 
S.JF. 

1910  Saw  Hla,  Smiitarg  Inspector,  Health  Department, 
Rangoon  Municipality,  Rangoon,  Burma. 

1909  ^'PcRi,  Mukand  Lai,  College,  Oxford. 

1909  "^'Ptarai  Lai,  Zammdar  of  Baroiha,  Viddgasagar  Depdf, 
Aligarh,  U.P.,  Ptidia. 


Hon.  1901  Radloff,  Professor  Dr.  Y.,  The  Unirersiiy, 
St.  Petersburg,  Russia. 

1909  'GiAT,  Mahainahopadhyaya  Pandit  Banke,  jYmrai 
Goswami,  Hatra~Ml,  Delhi,  India. 

1909  'GIaja,  Kodungaliore  Eama  Yarma,  Special  Palwe 
Officer,  Tripptmithura,  Cochin  State,  India. 

1899  Lai  Sita,  F.A.H»,  Deputy  Collector  (ret.),  203 

Muthiganj,  Allahabad,  UP.,,  India. 

1909  ’^EiMANAmAN,  MmomatM,  VUm^  ^ChiniaMpetf 
Madras,  India. 


LIST  OF  MEMHKRS 


27 


450' 


460 


1874  ^'•'fliAMASVAMi,  Iyengar  B.,  Bangalore,  Madras,  India, 

1891  '^'llAFicrxXG,  Lieut.-Colonel  G.  8.  A.,  Beech 

Lawn,  Bark  Toivn,  Oxford. 

1 869  , fllAis'soivr,  Edwin,  24  Ashhurnham  Road,  Bedford. 

1888  piAPSoK-,  E.  J.,  Professor  of  Sanskrit,  8 Mortimer  Road, 
Canibridge. 

1908  'GUshad,  a.  M.,  M.A.,  Defuty  Magistrate,  Baltonganj, 
E.I.  Raikoag,  Bengal,  India. 

1907  ‘^'R.Ar,  Mallinath,  B.Sc.,  Siibordmate  Civil  Serrice,  Suh- 
Beputy  3Iagistrate,  12  ILolwell  Lane,  Calcutta, 
India. 

1 892  §Hlay,  Tlie  Riglit  Hon.  the  Lord,  K.T.,  F.C.,  G.C.S.I., 

G.G.I.E.,  LL.I).,  Pi^EsiBERT,  Carolside,  LJa^dston, 
Berwickshire ; 6 Great  Stanhope  Street,  May- 

fair,  W, 

1897  "^IIehter,  J.  H.,  Ph.D.,  21  Fahriksgatan,  Ilelsingfors, 
Finland. 

I >^.7 9 IviGF,,  Benjamin  Lewis,  C.I.E.,  7 Kenton  Hoad, 
Harrow. 

1910  ''■MArcHAKDs,  F.  J.,  M.A.,  I.C.S.,  Collector  and  Magistrate, 
Civil  and  Military  Station,  Bangalore,  S.  India. 
1910  Rich  MONO,  E.  T.,  31inistry  of  Piihlic  Works,  Cairo, 
Egypt. 

1892  f Bidding,  Miss  G.  Mary,  80  Windsor  Court,  Moscow 

Road,  Baystvater,  W. 

1893  Eev.  W.  Caldecott,  4 Clifton  Terrace, 
Chapel  Ash,  Wolverhampton. 

1902  W.  IT.  11.,  Si.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 

1872  -^piivETT-CARNAC,  ColonelJ.  H.,  G.T.E.,  F.B.A.'  I.C.B. 

(ret.),  ScMoss  Rothhtry,  Rougemont,  Switzerland ; 
40  Green  Street,  Park  Lane,  W. 

1907  'Gtoim,  George,  Egyptian  Civil  Service,  Turf  Club, 
Cairo,  Egypt. 

1910  *^MB>behtson,  Rev.  Alexander,  M.A,,  United  Free  Church 
3fmion,  1 Staveley  Road,  Poona,  India. 

1882  H.E.  the  Hon.  \\\  \\\,  United  Sfaks 

Ambassador,  St.  Petersburg,  Russia. 

1905  *Rose,  H.  a.,  Ludhiana,  Punjab,  India. 

♦lloHH,  E.  D.,  Ph.l)./  Assistant  Seerdary,  Home 
''id  , Department,  Government  of  India. 


28 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


470  1 891  ^'fEousE,  W.  H.  D.,  Litt.D.,  Eeadlfmter  of  Perse  School, 
Camh'idge. 

1910  Parames  Prasanna,  P.C,S.,  Deputy  Magistrate  and 
Collector,  Mymensmgh,  M B.  ^ J..,  India, 

1891  fPvor,  Eobert,  2 Brick  Court,  Temple,  B.C, 

1911  Surendra  l^arayan,  Zemindar,  Nistarmi  Lodge, 
Meherpur  P,  0.,  District  Nadia,  India. 

1900  '‘'EtiFEEii,  M.  K,,  M.D.,  President  of  the 

Sanitary,  Maritime,  and  Quarantine  Board  of 
Egypt,  Minival,  Rmnleh,  Egypt, 

1908  ’^^Eessell,  E.  y.,  T.C,S.,  Superintendent,  Gazetteer  of 
Central  Provinces,  Mandla,  C,P,,  India. 

1906  ''‘MiusTAMJi  rARiDooNJi,  Commmioner,  Nagpur,  V.P., 
India.  ■■  ' 

1872  '^'fEusmM.Tr,  C.,  Jaunpur,  India. 


190t3  jN^awab,  Bahadur,  Barrister-at-Law,  Cieil 

Judge,  Residency  Bazaar,  Haidarahad,  Deccan, 
India. 


Hon.  1887  Sachau,  KgL  Geheinier  Eegierimgsrath,  Professor 
Eduard,  Director  of  the  Seminar  filr  Orientalische 
Sprachem,  Berlm,  Germany, 

480  1909  ^'Saggu,  Muhammad  Khairuddiu,  B.A.,  E.C.L.,  Common 
Room,  Lincohds  Inn,  W.O. 


1904  ^'Said-Eitete,  Eudolph,  39  Bramhmn  Gardens,  South 
Kensington,  S.  W. 

Hon.  1908  SalehaNxN,  Professor  Q.,  Director,  Asiatic  Mmcum, 
St.  Petersburg,  Russia. 

1899  ^'Sanbhukst,  The  Eight  Hon.  Lord,  F.C.,  G.C.B.I., 
G.C.I.Ph,  60  Eaton  Square,  8,  IF, 

1892  '^SANKAttANAEArANA,  P.,  34'  Broadwuy,  Madras,  India* 
1895  ' ^Saeawak,  H.H.  the  Eanee  of,  Grey  Friars,  Aseai. 

1891  ^fSARBA,  'Har  Bilas,  B.A.,  Gmrdim  to  M.M.  the 
Makarmcal  of  Jaisalmer,  Ajmsrs,  India.:  ' 

1908  ’^Saekar,  Suresa  Chandra,  Deputy  Magistrate  and 

Oolhcior,  RamU,  Bengal,  India*. 

1904  ' *8Amm,  Drw  Y4  of  Cairo,  Egypt 

1902  ’^fSASSoot,  India. 

' ; ■ ' ’ i : ' , , ; >;>  '^;r  I f ■ I *’  ^ ’ ig 

'v;; : ^ 


29 


lAS'V  OF  MEMBERS 

490  1907  ’^Sastei,  a.  Mahadeva,  Curator^  Government  Oriental 
Library^  Mysore^  India. 

1910  "^SSastrIj  C.  IN',  Ananta  llatnaiya,  M.A.,  Malay alam 
Fanclit^  M.H.  the  Maharajd s College^  Trivandmni^ 

S.  India. 

1880.  §Hox.  1906.  Satow,  The  Eight  Hon.  Sir  Ernest  M., 
Gr.C.M.G.,  Ph.B.,  Beaumont^  Ottery  St.  Mary, 
Devon. 

1874  fgSAYCEy  Eev.  A.  H.,  Brofessor  of  Amjriology^  Queenh 
College,  Oxford;  8 Chalmers  Crescent,  Edinburgh, 
JSf.B. 

1905  ‘^'ScHRADEKy  Friedrich  Otto,  Ph.D.,  Director,  Adyar 

Library,  Adyar,  Madras,  India. 

1910  Scott,  Edward  J.  L.,  Litt.B.,  24  Terrapin  Road, 

Upper  Tootmg,  S.W. 

1885  I Scott,  Sir  James  Greorge,  K,  C.  I . E . , Late  Sxiperintendent, 
SouUiBrn  Shan  States,  Marlborough  Hill, 
St.  Johi^s  Wood,  N.W. 

1903  ^Seaton,  E.  k.,Z  Northmoor  Road,  Oxford. 

1903  "^'Sebdon,  Charles  Herman,  ejo  Messrs. King,  King 8f  Co., 
Bombay,  India. 

1906  "^Skbgwiciv,  Leonard  John,  I.C.S.,  ejo  Messrs.  Grindlay, 

Groome  Co.,  Bombay,  India. 

§00  1867  Selim,  Paris  Elf endi,  Constantinople,  Tnrhey. 

1887  "^'Sell,  Eev.  Canon  E,,  K.-i-H.,  Church  Mission  House, 
Kgmore,  Madras,  hidia. 

Hox.  1892  Senakt,  Emile,  18  Rue  LVangois  1®^',  Baris, 
France. 

1898  ^Seshaciiahri,  T.  C.,  High  Court  Vakil,  “ Vasanta 
Vilas f Mylapore,  India. 

1911  Seto^%  ^r.  C.,  13  Clarefidon  Road,  Holland  Bark,  W. 
1877  |Sewell,  E.,  I.C.S.  (ret,),  Mansfield  Lodge,  4 Bristol 

Gvo'dens,  Roeham^^ton,  Surrey. 

19011  ’^^SEAai'ASASTBT,  E.,  Librtmmi,  Government  Oriental 
Library,  Mysore,  India. 

1909  ^Shahma,  Pandit  Goswami  Brajanath,  7827  Shitla 
Sirrei,  Agra,  IT.B.,  India. 

1005  "^SiUHrE,  James  William,  Woodroffe,  Bortarh'ngton  Road, 
Iharnmmdh. 

;;1895  ♦Seawk,  F.  li,  The  Colhge,  Buhoph  Siortford,  Herts. 


30 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


510  1910  ^SSiMOR,  Professor  Dr.  Eichard,  Giselastrasse  29^^ 
Munich,  Bavaria. 

1910  Simpson,  Mrs.  Alicia,  14  Cadogan  Court,  8.1V. 

1906  ‘^'SiNOAL,  Tiiakiir  Shiam  Samp,  .Rais;  and  Agent 

to  Messrs.  Ford  ^ Macdonald,  Amritsar,  Paeijah. 
India. 

1911  ''•'fSiRGir,  Hon.  Tikka  Saliib  Eipudanian,  Saliib  Baliadui-, 

Mahha,  Banjad),  India. 

1902  '^'jSiNGH,  Eaja  Pertab  Bahadur  Singh,  CM.E.,  of  Tiraid, 
Bartalgarh,  Oudli,  India. 

1907  ^SiNGEC,  Sardar  Kahan,  Nalha  Btate,  Funjab,  India. 
1911  ^SiNGE,  Sardar  Labh,  Common  Room,  Grag'^s  Inn, 

IF.  C. 

1911  ‘^SiNGH,  Sardar  Mhal,  82  Upper  Tollingion  Park.  M. 

1909  “^SSiNGH,  Sardar  Ddham,  Asa  Mult ani  Lane,  Gujranwala, 

Panjah,  India. 

1908  ^‘SiNHA,  Giir  Prasad,  Barrister  nit- Law,  Partahgnrh. 

U.P.,  India. 

520  1895  ^‘‘fSiNHA,  Kunwar  Eesbal  Pal,  Raio  Kotla,  P.O.  Narki, 
Agra,  U.F.,  India. 

1907  ^SiXHA,  Vishwanath  Sahay,  BarriAer-aRLaw.  Orderlg 
Bazar,  Benares  Cajitonment,  India. 

1900  ^^Skeat,  W.  W.,  Romeland  Cottage,  8l.  Allans. 
Herts.  ■ 

1904  Miss  A.  A.,  22  Harley  Road,  South  Hampstead, 

W.W. 

1883  ^Smith,  Vincent  a.,  M.A.,  116  Banbury  Road. 

Oxford. 

Hon.  1909  Snouck  Hitroeostje,  Professor  C.,  Witie  Singe! 
Ma,  Leiden,  Holland. 

1907  "^SoANE,  E.  B.,  Muhmmerah,  Persian  Gulf;  c!o  Messrs. 
H.  8.  King  Sf  Co.,  9 Pail  Mail,  S.  TIL 

1912  ^Soox),  Babu  Hira  Lai,  Sub-Judge,  Eotah,  Itajpulami, 

India. 

1910  ^SoTAKi,  V.  Y./M.A.,,  Professor  of  Smdrii^,.  Meerui 

College,  XI. P.,  Ihiia^ 

1910  ^ D,  B.,  Pb.D.i  Supermtenien4,  '.4^ekmh§imi 

Survey,  Fmierm^  Oweh,  BanMpur^  Pmgd^  India, 
m 1910  ' ’^SxAin-HoLOTiir,  Tuikma Mdmimya, 

StlPeUr8bw^g,..^Mmm.  ' 


ai 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 

1 907  ^Stapleton,  II.  'E,,  Indian  Educational  Service,  The  CM, 
Dacca,  Eastern  Bengal,  India, 

1909  '''Stakk,  Herbert  a. j Additional  Assista?it  Director  of 
Diihlic  Instruction  in  Bengal,  Writers^  Buildings, 
Calcutta,  India. 

1904  ‘^Steel,  Mrs.,  23  Homer  Street,  Athens,  Greece. 

1887  ^§Stein,  Marc  Aiirel,  C.I.E.,  Ph.D.,  B.Litt.,  I).Sc., 
Supermtendent,  Frontier  Circle,  Arclimological  Survey 
of  India,  Feshatoar,  H.W.F.B.,  India. 

1906  ^'Stephensojt,  Major  Jobii,  l.M.S.,  Jail  Road,  Lahore, 
India. 

1905  ‘^\Stevens,  George  F.  A.,  Talrh,  Persia. 

1901  '^'Stevensok,  Malcolm,  Ceylon  Civil  Service,  Ilannar. 
Ceylon.  ■ 

1906  '‘'Stokes,  H.  G.,  C.I.E.,  I.C.S.,  Deputy  Secretary, 

Financial  Department,  Government  of  India. 

1904  ''SSteong,  Mrs.  S.  A.,  58  Few  Cavendish  Street, 
Portland  Place,  W, 

>40  i 900  "^'Stu  RGE,  P . H . , M.  A. , Principal  and  Professor  of  History, 
Hizamh  College,  Haidarahad,  India. 

1909  ^SuBBAiYA,  K.  Y.,  M.A.,  Lecturer  in  English,  Govern- 
ment College,  Rajamundry,  Madras  Presidency, 
India. 

1909  '^SSuBHAi?’,  Nawabzada  A.K.M.  Abdiis,  Kban  Bahadur, 

Se7iior  Deputy  Magistrate  and  Collector,  Faridpur, 
Eastern  Bengal,  India. 

1911  ■^'SuKoER,  Donald  Herbert  Edmund,  Commissioner  of  the 
Sundarlans,  c/o  Messrs.  Grindlay,  Groome  ^ Co., 
Calcutta,  India. 

1893  ^fSvASTi  SoBHAKA,  H.BJI.  Priuce,  Banghoh,  Siam. 

1895  ^'fSyKEs,  Major  Percy  Molesworth,  C.M.G.,  O.I.E., 
H.B.M.  Consul-General  and  Agent  to  Government 
of  India  in  Hhorasan,  Meshed,  via  Askhalad,  Trans- 
caspia,  Russia. 

1910  ^Tabard,  Bev.  Father  A.  M.,  The  Cathedral,  Shoolay, 

Bangalore,  S.  India. 

1911  ■^Taboe,  F'rancis  Samuel,  I.C.S.,  District  and  Sessions 

Judge,  Hardoi,  U.P.,  India;  Mon  Ahri,  Grange 
Road,  Camlridge* 


32 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


1875  Tagore,  liajah  Bahadur  Sir  Sonrendro  Moliuii,  C.I.E., 
Mus.D.,  Caleuita,  India, 

1896  ’^‘"Takakusu,  Jjan,  Ph.D.,  207  Ifotomachi^  Kale,  Jaj)(xn. 
550  1897  ^‘'Talrot,  "Walter  Staulej,  Srinagar,  Kashmir,  India, 

HojS".  1910  Talluvist,  K.  L.,  Pr<?/m<9r  of  Oriental  Literature, 
Fahrihsgasse  21,  Ilelsingfors,  Finland, 

1909  ^Tancock,  Captain  A.  0.,  Indian  Army,  OLv;?  Fanjahis, 
Koivshera,  Ff,W,F.P.,  India, 

1897  *^'Tate,  George  P.,  Indian  Survey  Department,  Oak 

Cottage,  Mussoorie,  U,P,,  India, 

1893  ^"Taw  SEiJf  Ko,  K.-i-E.,  West  Moat  Road,  Mandalay, 
Burma, 

1883  ■ Tawnet,  C.  H.,  CJ.E;,  Weylridge, 

Surrey, 

1911  "^ITeape,  Eev.  William  Marshall,  M.A.,  South  Ilylion 

Vicarage,  Sunderland, 

1879  "^"gTEMPLE,  Colonel  Sir  R.  C.,  Bart.,  C.I.E.,  The  Nash, 

Worcester, 

1898  ^Thatcher,  G,W.  ,M.  A.,  Camden  College,  Sydney  fs,  S,  W, 
1904  ’^Thein,  Maung  Ba,  Subordinate  Judicial  Service,  A 1 

Z%th  Street,  Rangoon,  Burma, 

560  1905  Thirtle,  James  William,  LL-D.,  23  .Road, 

Stratford,  F, 

1898  §Thomas,  F.  W.,  Ph.D.,  Librarian,  India  Ofiec,  SJV. 

1906  "^Thomas,  Mrs.  E.  W,,  Filston,  Shoreham,  Kent, 

1907  "^Thompsoist,  J.  Perronet,  I.C.S.,  Divisional  Judge, 

Iloshm'pur,  Punjab,  India, 

HoiSr.  1909  Thomskit,  Professor  Er,  Tilhelni,  St,  Knuds 
Vej  36,  Copenhagen,  Denmark. 

1889  f§THOMSO]sr,  JL  Lyon,  E.8.A.,  S4  St.  Jamrds  Street,  S,  U". 

1880  “^fTHORBURjT,  S.  8.,  Brachnell  House,  Rracknell,  Rcrh. 

1881  §Thor]s'Ton,  T.  H.,C.S.I.,B.C.L.,Ilon.  Ticr-Priwipickt, 

116  Brook  StreeL  Bath, 

1912  "^Thornpok,  H.  a.,  Supmniendmi,  M&tiArrM  *Shgn 

States,  Burma, 

1901  Thurf,  Sir  Everard  ira,  .K.C.M.G,,  C.li,  39  LtAurm 

Gardens,  W, 

570  1859  ’^fTiEF,  Rey.  Antm^  DJ).,  Ph.I).,  Pnifmor  tf  -lrii/i#r 
and  IkrUsh,  Kmg*$  Colhgi  {Louion  Unircrsiig"), 

^^25  Mare^fieli  Qmrims,  Hampsimi,  KJI\ 


LIST  Ot  MEMHEIIS  33 

1903  *^'Tilbe,  Rev,  H,  H.,  Ph.D.,  Upper  Alton,  lUinou, 
U.S.A. ; American  Baptist  Misswi,  River  mew, 
Aldone,  Burma, 

1895  "^j-TRAVAKcoKE,  H.H.  Mabaraj  llaja  Sir  Bala  Eaiaa 
Yarma  Bahadur,  G.C.S.I.,  G.C.I.E. 

1884  Trotter,  Lieut.-Coloriel  Sir  Henry,  K.C.M.G.,  C.B., 

1 8 Eaten  Place,  S.  W, 

1 0 T2  ’^'Troup,  James,  Franldin  Villa,  Ballater,  A herdeen,  iY. B, 
1902  ^'Tsaik,  Moling, 

1900  '^TociavELL,  llev.  John,  1 O^islow  Gardeyis,  Mimcell 

mu,  N', 

1909  Maung  Ba,  Township  Judge,  Pa-an,  Thaton  Bisfrict, 
Burma, 

1908  ^'U,  Maung  Mya,  Barrister -at-Lmo,  Bassein,  Burma, 
1882  ^TlnAiPUK,  H.H.  Maharaja  Bhiraj a Maharana  Sir  Eateh 

Singh  Baliadui’,  G.C.S.I.,  G.C.I.E.,  Rajputana, 
India, 

580  1902  ^Yaii),  Harmadashanhar  Popatbhai,  167  Gilmore  Place, 
Edinburgh,  N,B, 

1902  ■^'VAiDrA,  YisMinath  P.,  18  Cathedral  Street,  Fort, 
Bomba g,  India. 

11  ox.  1898  YajiranIxa,  H.ll.H.  Prince,  Pavaranivesa 

Vihdra,  Bangkoh,  Siam, 

1901  Yarma 5 A.  11.  Eajaraja,  M.A.,  Professor  of  Sanskrit 

and  Dravidian  Languages,  BC.JBI,  the  Maharajahs 
College,  2Viva7idr%m,  S.  India, 

1909  Yarma,  Spkadeva  Prasad,  Ihaaffarpur,  Bengal, 

India, 

lOiO  'H'asu,  Babu  Nogendra  Hath,  Prachyavidyamaharnava, 
20  Eaniaimhur  Lane,  Bagh  Banar,  Calcutta,  India. 
IHH4  ^fYAsuDKv,  Mfulhav  Saraarth,  R*  R,  B.A, 

191 2 V RN  K iri’A s w A .M  r , M . N . , "Ike  Retreat,  Ilaidaralad, 

Deccan,  India. 

1H83  Veuxkv,  E.  \Y.,  M.P.,  12  Connaught  Place,  Hyde: 

Park,  JK  , i 

1899  "^^YinYABiiOsANA,  Satis  Chandra.jLchlrya,  M.A., 

Principal,  Sanskrit  College,  College  Sqtiare,  Calcutta, 

: '•  India.  ' ' ' 


34 


LTS'r  OF  MEMBERS 


590  1907  ^'Y iBYA  RATiS'A , Pandit  Krishna  Pada,  Professor  of  Sanshrit, 

Ravenshaw  College^  Cuttack^  Orissa^  Bengal^  India. 
1905  Vogel,  J.  P*,  Ph.D.,  Arekmiogical  Burreyorfor  Panjah 
and  United  Provinces,^  cjo  Indian  Museum^  Calcutta-^ 
India. 

1899  *^^VosT,  Lieut.-G<donel  W.,  T.M.S.,  LucJmoiv,  UP., 
India. 

1908  ^'Wackeiinagel,  .Dr.  Jakob,  Professor  of  Comparative 

Philology,  GoUingen  Universiiy ; Iloher  IVeg  12, 
Gottingen,  Germany. 

1892  Waddell,  Lieut.-Coloned  L.  A.,  C.B.,  O.I.E.,  LL.D., 
I.]\r.S.,  The  Kife\^  Nest,  JUastmgs.  « 

1873  § Walhodse,  J.,  28  Ilamilton  Terrace,^  N W. 

1909  Maiilavi  Abdul,  Suh- Registrar  of  Calcutta, 
23  European  Asylum  Lane,  Cakutth,  Bengal,  India. 

1908  '*'Walleser,  Professor  Dr.  Max,  Mannheim,  6,  7.  14, 
Germany. 

1907  "^Walsh,  E.  H.  C.,  C.S.L,  I.C.S.,  Commissioner,  Bhagal 

pur,  Bengal,  India. 

1908  ^nVAKREN,  William  Eairfield,  131  Davis  Avenue, 

Brookline  Station,  Boston,  Mass,,  US. A. 

600  1907  '^nVATsoN,  H.  D.,  I.C.S.,  Uplands,  Wadhurst,  Sussex. 
1900  Partick IIill  Road,  Glasgotv,  NIL 

1892  §West,  Sir  Kaymond,  K.C.I.E.,  LL.D,,  Hoh.  Vicb- 

Phesident,  Chesterfield,  College  Road,  Norwood,  S.E. 
1882  Whikeield,  E,  H.,  St.  MargareVs,  Beulah  Mill,  SM. 
1906  ^^Whitehead,  E.  B.,  I.C.S.,  Assistant  Commissioner, 
Civil  Lines,  Delhi,  India. 

1893  ‘^Whiteholtse,  E.  Cope.  ' 

1911  ^'WhitticIe,  Ered.  (}.,  Imperial  University  of  Shantung, 
Tsinanfu,  Shantung,  China,  via  Siheria  mi 
Tientsin. 

1905  Whixwoeth,  6.  C.,  Crowhmt,  ColUge  Road,  Noneood 

\ ■'  . S.JS.  " 

1899  *WICEKEMASINGHB,  Don  M.  de  Zilva,  Indian  Institute, 
Oxford. 

1911  Bon  Eidbrf,  cjo  Mssrs/ Miehardsm 

, ■ ' ' md  Co.,  25  Sugolk  Bk^sst,  Rail  MdlRast,  S.W. 

610  1908  J* '3?..G.i  Cdmtta,  Mk. 

„ ' , „ I* I i. . r ' ' ' ' , ' ;; , ’ ' 


LIST  OF  MEM  BEKS 


35 


620 


1909  ’^^Wxisr,  Mauiig  Tub,  E.A.C.  (on  leave),  ejo  Moiwg 
Ban  Ba^  By%  Totmgoo  District^  Burma. 

Hok.  1896  WiNDiscH,  Geh.  Eat  Prof.  IL,  15  Universitats- 
strasse^  Leijgzig,  Germany. 

1876  fgWOLLASTOK,  Sir  ArhTiiir  K.C.I.E.,  Glen  Hill^ 
TTalmer,  Kent. 

1896  ' ‘^’WooD,  J.Pllmsley,  4 Glemsla  Garden.^  Edinhirgh^K.B . 

1907  ^'Woodley,  Eev.  Edward  Carrutliers,  The  JParmiage^ 
Dayiville,  Quelee,  Canada, 

1909  "^WooDS,  Professor  Janies  H.,  Ph.D.,  Harvard  University, 
Cambridge,  Mass.,  US.A.  ; 2 Chestnut  Street, 

Boston,  Mass. 

1906  ‘^'WooLNEE,  A.  0.,  M.A.,  Brinci^al,  Oriental  College  and 
Registrar,  Panjah  University,  Lahore,  India. 

1900  ‘^^'WoLiKMAN,  Mrs.  Bullock,  ejo  Messrs.  Brown,  Shipley, 
Co.,  12'^  Fall  Mall,  S.W. 

1902  WiiENSiiALL,  Mrs.  John  G.,  1037  JTorth  Calvert  Street, 
Baltimore,  Alary  I and,  U.S.A. 

1894  -^^WiirGHT,  Tiie  Hon.  Mr.  H.  Helson,  I.C.S.,  Allahahad, 
Lidia. 


1911  ^^Yazdani  Masudi,  Professor  Ghulam,  Government 
College,  Rajshahi,  Eastern  Bengal ; CJiosri  Walan 
Street,  Delhi,  India. 

1910  Yetts,  ay.  Vc^vQfivA,  Staff  Sui'g eon  R.M.,  Junior  United 
Service  Chib,  Charles  Street,  S.W. 

1899  ^Yule,  Miss  Amy  Prances, House,  Tarradale, 
Ross-shire,  JSF.B. 

1895"  ^Yusue-Ali,  Abdullah  ibn,  I.C.S,,  M.A.,  LL.M., 
ejo  Messrs.  King,  King,  Co.,  Bombay,  India.  ■ 

1 908  "^Zan,  Maung  Aung,  K.  S.M.,  District  Judge,  Myaungmya , 

Burma.  * 

1909  ^Zaw,  Maung  Kyaw,  Drawing  Master,  Government  High 

School  for  Eurojpeans.,  Maymyo^  Upper  Burma. 

627  1910  ^ZicKi  Bey,  Abmed,  Second  Secretary,  Council  of 
Ministers,  Cairo,  Egypt. 


36 


LIST  OF  MEMBEKS 


lfDonorai'8  /iDembers 

1895  Mons,  A.  Barth,  PmHs, 

1906  Professor  llene  Basset,  Algiers. 

1885  Sir  Eamkrishiia  Gopal  Bhandarktir,  K.O.I.E.,  C.S..L, 

Poona^  Bomhay. 

1893  Professor  Henri  Cordier,  Paris. 

5 1908  Professor  Friedrich  Belitzsch,  Berlin. 

1907  Professor  Julius  Eggeling,  BdmlurgJi. 

1893  Professor  Igna2j  Goldziher,  Bndajpest. 

1890  Conte  Comm.  Angelo  De  Gxibernatis,  Rome. 

1898  Professor  Ignace  G nidi,  Rome. 

10  1902  Professor  Houtsnia,  Utrecht. 

1912  Professor  Hermann  Jacohi,  Bomi. 

1904  Professor  Julius  Jolly,  Wnrzhurg. 

1899  Professor  J.  Bitter  von  Karabaeek,  Vienna. 

1878  Professor  H.  Kern,  Leiden. 

15  ,1909  Professor  Ernst  Kuhn,  Munich. 

1902  Professor  Lanrnan,  Cambridge.^  Mass. 

1908  Professor  Gaston  Maspero,  Paris. 

1895  Professor  Ed.  Kaville,  Geneva. 

1890  Professor  T.  Kbldeke,  Strasshurg. 

20  1908  Professor  Hermann  Oldenberg,  Gdttmgen. 

1901  Professor  Dr.  Y.  lladloif,  St.  Petersburg. 

1887  Professor  Eduard  Sachau,  Berlin. 

1908  Professor  Carl  Salemunn,  St.  Petersburg, 

1906  Sir  Ernest  Satovv,  G.C.M.G. 

25  1892  M.  fimile  Senart,  Paris. 

1909  Professor  C- Bnouck  Hurgronje, 

1910  Professor  K.  L.  Tallqvist,  Helsingfors. 

1909  Professor  Yilhelm  Thomsen,  Copenhagm. 

1898  H.B.H.  Prince  Yajiranana,  Bmighoh. 

30  1896  Px’ofessor  Windisch,  Leipug. 

j6£traorbinarg  /iDembec 

1910  KE.SirAbulKaaimKhaij,  0-.aM.S,,  ir««^^^^^ 

jsrole.  The  number  of  Honorary  9 to  thirtjv 


LIST  OF  LIBRARIES  AND  NON-MEMBERS 


SUBSCRIBING  TO  THE 

JOURNAL  OF  THE  ROYAL  ASIATIC  SOCIETY 

Aberdeen.  UNivERSiTr  Library. 

Aberystwith.  UxNiversity  College  of  Wales. 

Adyar  Library,  Adyar,  Madras. 

Aligarh.  Lytton  Library,  M.A.O.  College. 

Astor  Library,  New  York. 

Athenjeum  Club. 

Bangkok.  Yajiran ana  National  Library. 

Benares.  Queen's  College. 

Benares  City.  Sri  Yasho  Vuaya  Jaina  Pathashala. 

10  Berlin.  Royal  Library. 

Birmingham.  Central  Free  Library. 

Bologna.  Royal  University  Library. 

Boston,  Public  Library.  a 

Breslau.  University  Library.  ^ 

Brighton.  Public  Library.  (H,  D.  Roberts,  Cliief  Librarian.) 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society, 

Cairo.  Inspection  Library  of  the  MixNIstry  of  Education. 
Cairo,  Khedivial  Training  College, 

Cairo.  Khedivial  Library. 
go  Calcutta.  Imperial  Library. 

Calcutta.  National  Council  of  Education  in  Bengal. 
Calcutta.  Presidency  College, 

Calcutta.  Sanskrit  College. 

Chester,  Pa.  Bucknell  Library. 

Chicago.  John  Crerar  Library. 

Chicago.  Hibbard  Egyptian  Library,  Western  Theological 
Seminary. 

Chicago.  Newberry  Library. 

Chicago.  University  Library.  ^ ; ■ / ; 

Christiania.  Univeesitx  Library. 
so  Cincinnati.  Public  Librart. 


as 


LlS'r  OF  LIBRARIES  AND  NON-MEMBERS 


Cleveland.  Adelbert  College  Library. 

Cleveland.  Public  Library. 

Columbia  College  Library,  New  York. 

Connemara  Public  Library,  Madras; 

Constitutional  Club. 

Copenhagen.  Poyal  Library. 

Copenhagen.  University  Library. 

Cornell  University,  Itkaca,  New  York. 

Darmstadt.  Hessische  Grossherzogliche  lIoE-BiBLiOTfiEK. 
40  Detroit.  Public  Library,  Michigan. 

East  India  United  Service  Club. 

Edinburgh.  Public  Library. 

Edinburgh.  University  Library. 

Erlangen.  University  Library. 

Elqrence.  Eiblioteca  Nazionale. 

Eouck,  llev.  Dr.,  Iiistituto  Piblico  Poutiticio,  Home. 
Gauhati.  Cotton  College. 

Geden,  Hev.  A.  S.,  Wesleyan  College,  Bichmond. 

Geneva.  Bibliotheque  Publique. 

50  Giessen.  Grossh.  Hess.  Universitats-Bibliothek. 
Glasgow.  Mitchell  Library. 

Glasgow.  University  Library. 

Gottingen.  Univkrsity  Library. 

Government  of  India,  Home  Department. 

Hague.  Eoyal  Library. 

Haidarabad.  State  Library. 

Halle.  University  Library, 

Hamburg.  Stadtbibliothek. 

Harvard  College  Library. 

60  IsHniAMA,  J.,  Esq.,  Osaka, 

Jabalpur.  Government  College. 

Jena.  University  Library. 

John  Bylands  Library,  ^fanchester, 

Johns  Hopeins  University,  Baltimore. 

JuNAGADH  College,  Hathiawad. 

Khartoum.  Director  of  Education,  Sudan  Government. 
Kief.  University  Library, 

Kolhapur.  Hative  Library. 

Kyoto,  Indian  Philosophy.  * . 

70  Lahore.  Ci^ntral  Museum.  \ 

, Lahore.  ^ ^ Dayanand  Codmob. 


;39 


LIST  OF  LIBRARIES  AND  ISTON-MEMBKHS 

Lahore.  Panjab  Public  Library. 

Leipzig.  University  Library. 

London  Library. 

Ldcknow.  Public  Librahy. 

Lund.  University  Library. 

Madras.  A RciiiEOLOGicAL  Survey. 

Madras.  Presidency  College. 

Madrid.  Biblioteca  del  Ateneo. 

80  Manchester.  Free  Beferencr  Library. 

Manila,  Bureau  of  Science. 

Marburg.  University  Library. 

Marielle,  Madame  S.,  Cannes. 

Melbourne.  Public  Library. 

Munich.  University  Library. 

Mysore  ARCH^asoLOGicAL  Office,  Bangalore. 

Mysore.  Maharaja’s  College  Union. 

^Tables.  University  Library. 

JTewcastle-oN“Tyne.  Literary  and  Philosophical  Society. 
90  jJ^ewcastle-on-Tyne.  Public  Library. 

New  York.  State  Library. 

New  York  City.  Ltbr.ary  of  the  Tantrik  Order  in  America. 
Oxford.  The  Indian  Institute. 

Oxford.  Queen’s  College. 

Paris.  Hibliotheque  du  Ministere  de  la  Guerre. 

Paris.  Bibliotheglue  Nattonale. 

Paris.  Institut  de  France. 

Peabody  Institute,  Baltimore. 

Peshawar.  ARCHiEOLOGiCAL  Survey  of  India,  Frontier  Circle. 
100  Philadelphia  Library  Company. 

Pittsburgh.  Carnegie  Library. 

Pittsburgh,  Western  Theological  Seminary. 
pRAG.  Deutsche  Universitat. 

Pratap  Singh  Museum,  Srinagar,  Kaslimir. 

Princeton.  Theological  Seminary. 

Rostock.  University  Library. 

St.  Petersburg.  Imperial  Geographical  Society. 

Seattle.  University  op  Washington  Library. 

Shillong.  Public  Library,  Assam. 

110  Simla.  Director-General  of  Education  in  India. 

South  Kensington.  Science  Museum. 

Stockholm.  Royal  Library. 


40 


LIST  OV  LIBRARIES  AND  NON-MEMBKRS 

Stockholm.  TIniversitt  Libeakt, 

Stiiasborg.  University  Library. 

Sydney.  Public  Library. 

Tokyo.  Imperial  University  College  of  LrjTauTUHK, 
Tokyo.  Shukyo-datgaku  Library,  Oinotocho,  Xoisliikawa. 
Tubingen.  University  Library. 

Varariddri,  H.Ii.H.  Prince  Nares,  Bangkok. 

120  Vj/agapatam.  ^[rs.  a.  V-  Narasinga  Eao  College. 
Washington,  Catholic  Univf>rsity  Library, 

Wurzburg.  University  Library. 

123  Zurich.  Start  Bibliothek. 

yoie.  There  are  many  other  libraries  wliich  .subsorihe  throui*:b  the  bookseller.^. 
The  Secretary  would  be  much  obliged  by  the  Librarians  of  sucit  libraries  sending 
him  their  names  to  be  added  to  the  above  list. 


SUMMARY  OF  MEMHERS  4:1 


Total. 

:ch  " ■ c<t.  .b-  ■ O-  : CD  r-4  Cci, 

■ O ,Csi,:  AO  '..CD  -.CM  Oi  CO. 

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